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HESPERIA 74 (2OO5) THE TEMPLE OF Pages 211-241 AT OLYMPIA, HEROES, AND ATHLETES

ABSTRACT

The two pediments and twelve metopes adorning the Temple of Zeus at ca. Olympia of 470-456 b.c. have been the subject of scholarly inquiry since their discovery in the 19th century. These inquiries tend to treat the sculp or tural elements separately from each other, largely detached from their Olympic context, and to interpret the sculptures as negative admonitions or about and consequent , or about and , as political The examines the as a allegories. present study sculptures programmatic unity intimately connected with Olympia and the activities that occurred there and to the were created argues that, contrary previous interpretations, sculptures serve as to positive models to inspire and exhort Olympic athletes to deeds of honor and glory.

As Olympic competitors entered the site of Olympia in the second half of b.c. a mer the fifth century (Fig. 1), they walked past crowd of onlookers, were chants, Olympic officials, and religious officials, who able to admire the stunning specimens of masculinity filing by.1 As they walked past the see west side of the Temple of Zeus, the athletes could look up to sculp a tures in the pediment that depicted the Centauromachy, instantly recognizable to them (Fig. 2). Rounding the south side of the sanctuary, the athletes entered the Altis and assembled before the Temple of Zeus.

um. 1.Mary Ann Carolan, Eve D'Am Norbert Eschbach shared his Comments and criticism from the two Richard and Corinne of the bra, Garner, photos G?ttingen and anonymous readers sharpened the final Pache offered their answered Discussion as generously exper questions. gener product. And, ever, Greg Barringer tise on various at drafts of this article, ated by audiences Wesleyan Univer offered comments, advice, and support and Hans Goette read and at in I am Rupprecht sity, the AI A/APA meetings San innumerable ways. profoundly on text to commented extensively the and Diego in 2001, Yale University, the grateful all of the above, whose sug at and criticisms have kindly provided additional bibliography. State University of New York New gestions improved Goette also new of the the Classical Association provided photos Paltz, meeting this study and whose friendship and a task made with at Leeds in the of are sculptures, possible 2003, University encouragement deeply appreciated; errors or are the permission and assistance of Klaus Edinburgh, and the Deutsches Arch?o whatever omissions remain the at Institut in Berlin was also Herrmann, Ephorate Olympia, logisches my responsibility. and the at the Muse in this work guards Olympia helpful pushing forward.

? The American School of Classical Studies at

American School of Classical Studies at Athens is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access to Hesperia ® www.jstor.org 212 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

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1. Plan of down from the east were of Figure Olympia, Gazing pediment figures , Oinomaos, ca. B.C. 450 After S?flund 1970, fig. 1; and in the of race Hippodameia?the key players myth Pelops's courtesy Astrom Editions were with Oinomaos (Fig. 3). All around the competitors votive dedica tions from successful athletes and cities, grateful for divine favor in athlet or on ics in battle, respectively. Having taken their oath of fair pieces of sacrificed boar (em xocrcpoo xocTOfivucjocx- xouicov) in front of a statue of Zeus in the Bouleuterion (Paus. 5.24.9), athletes made obligatory offer to ings to Zeus and Pelops at the shrine to Pelops, the Pelopion (Paus. 5.13.8).2 Many would have peered through the colonnade of the Temple see of Zeus, where they could the labors of depicted in metopes crowning the pronaos and opisthodomos of the temple (Figs. 4, 5), and, after ca. 430, catch glimpses of the magnificent, colossal, chryselephantine seated statue of Zeus within the celia.3What did these athletes see when mean they looked at the sculptures adorning the Temple of Zeus? What ing did these and images convey to them? And what meaning did 2. On at the and the patrons of the temple intend? worship Pelopion its to at relationship that of Zeus the The meager architectural remains of the Temple of Zeus make it dif ash altar, see Burkert 1983, pp. 97-103. ficult to imagine this spectacle, but the sculptures from the temple survive Tulunay (1998, p. 453) states that new in condition and have received the intense of dozens of excavations stature to very scrutiny reveal Pelops's scholars since their in 1831 and 1875.4 Scholars have tended to as as discovery have been nearly great that of Zeus at treat the sculptures, the two pediments and twelve metopes, in isolation, Olympia. 3. Sinn (2000, pp. 58, 69) claims both from each other and from the numerous activities at Olympia. The were as a that victorious athletes crowned goal in this paper is to read the sculptures meaningful ensemble within in the pronaos of the context ex temple. the of and its famous Panhellenic athletic games a Olympia by 4. For brief overview of the history not the and its but also their and see amining just temple sculptures physical of the excavations, Pimpinelli 1994, an cultural context, investigation that will entail discussion of three major pp. 350-351. THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 213

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2. of recon Figure Temple Zeus, struction of west A. F. pediment by Stewart. Drawing Candace H. Smith; courtesy Smith and Stewart

L C B K G H I F O M N E

3. of recon Figure Temple Zeus, struction of east pediment by A. F. Candace H. issues: athletics and its to warfare and Stewart. Drawing Smith; relationship military victory, gender courtesy Smith and Stewart use as roles and premarital rites, and the of Olympia display place for deeds can aman of glory that exalt beyond his mortality to everlasting kleos. The a new mean result of this study is interpretation of the sculptures and their ing for the ancient viewer. The marble sculptures that adorned the stuccoed, limestone Temple are some of Zeus, constructed by Libon of (Paus. 5.10.3), of the best seen se known and most often monuments of antiquity.5 The temple is ca. b.c. on ter curely dated to 470-456 the basis of historical events. The minus post quern derives from (5.10.2), who relates that the 5. On the marble, see now Herr was temple erected by the city of Elis from the spoils of its conquest of mann are 2000. All the sculptures of ca. neighboring , which Elis conquered 470. The terminus ante quern Parian marble, save the corner figures is established the evidence of the dedication of a west are by Spartans' gold of the pediment, which of are to on the of Zeus in commemoration of their defeat of Athenians Pentelic marble and thought be Temple Rehak 194. and others The defeat occurred in 457 and repairs. See, e.g., 1998, p. atTanagra (Paus. 5.10.4). b.c., 214 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

QUERSCHNITTMIT ANSICHTDES PRONAOS : 1 *_._!_ - ZEUS TEMPEL

4. of recon Figure Temple Zeus, center struction of east facade of the celia. because the Spartans placed the shield in the of the temples , After Olympia I, pi. X the temple had to have been finished by that time. Although scholars exact cannot pinpoint the date of inception of the construction, the temples to a reno creation followed upon general improvements the site, including vation and enlargement of the stadion in the 470s and the introduction of to a new roster of events and expansion of the athletic games from three seem ca. five days, innovations that to have occurred 472.6 m Twelve sculpted metopes of Parian marble, approximately 1.6 square and carved with the labors of Herakles, graced the entablature of the pronaos and opisthodomos,7 six per side (Figs. 5, 6). The completion of these la was at bors guaranteed Herakles' ; he apotheosized the time of his death and is the only mortal to be honored in this . {01. 6.67-69; 10.24-25,57-59) and Pausanias (5.7.6-10) claim that Herakles so at founded the , and Pindar specifies that he did the site of the Pelopion {0110.24-25), which, according to Pausanias (5.13.2), Her akles founded. Pausanias also that Herakles founded the central reports 6. Sinn (1994, p. 592; 1991, p. 50), ash altar to Zeus at Olympia (5.13.8) and introduced the wild olive into who cites Felix Jacoby; Knell 1990, 79-80. On the motivation for from the land of the Hyperboreans (5.7.7; also Pind. 01. 3.11-18); pp. Pim erecting the temple, see, recently, these olive trees provided the victory for the Olympic victors (Paus. who on pinelli (1994, pp. 402-405), pro 5.7.7; Pind. 01. 3.11-18). Herakles thus has many claims Olympia. vides further bibliography. Both each ca. 26 m wide and 3.3 m at center, pre pediments, high 7. This arrangement is unusual, sented a of seen at level in at dazzling spectacle sculpted figures, today eye found again only the late-fifth west is of at Bassai. the Olympia Museum (Figs. 7,8). The subject of the pediment the century Temple THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 215

2. 3 STYMPHALIDEN

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5. of recon Figure Temple Zeus, struction of the metopes. After OlympiaIII, pi XLV JUDITH M. BARRINGER

6. of of Figure Temple Zeus, Herakles and the . Museum. Photo H. R. Goette Olympia

men Centauromachy, the battle between the Lapith Greek and the Cen taurs at the wedding of Perithoos, king of the (Figs. 2, 7).8 The to , friends of mankind, had been invited the wedding, where to women. they became drunk and tried rape the Lapith A fight broke out as the Lapith men, led by and Perithoos, tried to defend the were women, and the Centaurs soundly defeated. Scholars have argued over the placement of the various intertwined groups of energetic, strug gling figures and have debated the identities of several players, particu now larly the three central males (Fig. 9).9 Most scholars agree that the are as central figure isApollo;10 the flanking figures usually read Theseus and Perithoos.11

Pausanias identifies the subject of the east pediment (5.10.6-8): the race name preparations for the chariot between Pelops, who gave his to the P?loponn?se,12 and Oinomaos, king of Pisa, for the hand of Oinomaos's daughter, Hippodameia (Figs. 3, 8). The basic elements of the myth can

8. On the see LIMC a to myth, VIII, pp. 175-179]), but Herakles and quickly borrowed by other artists s.v. Kentauroi have to 1997, pp. 671-721, youthful Zeus Areios also been signify "heroism" when applied any et Kentaurides as on (M. Leventopoulou proposed?by Kardara (1971), and figure, they were, for example, the et and on al.). earlier byWilhelm D?rpfeld, Fritz friezes of the Hephaisteion re vases. 9.Tersini (1987, pp. 141-145) offers Weege, and Franz Dornseiff (as On the transfer of artistic motifs a recent discussion. from to ported in Lapalus 1947, p. 174). Sinn Athens Olympia, see, e.g., 10. He held a bow and the presumably (1994, pp. 593-594) summarizes Raschke (1988, pp. 46-47), who posits arrow in various and concludes that that the his left hand (Tersini 1987, arguments Eleans appropriated Athenian the when a p. 141). Tulunay (1998, p. 454), how figure isApollo. symbols they adopted democ thinks the bow was a fourth 11. The heroes' are the lines of ever, poses borrowed racy along ofthat post-471 b.c. someone century addition by who from the Athenian statue group of the Athens. the men misunderstood original figure, Tyrannicides, the credited with 12. See Howie 1991, p. 69, for whom he as Anatolian as recognizes having overthrown Athens' tyranny Pelops ruler of the P?loponn?se, and a kentron. Pausanias in 510 b.c. The credit was Herrmann for as a Pelops holding misplaced, 1980, p. 59, Pelops identifies him as but the association (5.10.8) Perithoos, stuck and the poses Peloponnesian hero. See also Lacroix and other scholars have adhered to of the commemorative statues of 477, 1976. an were this suggestion (e.g., Lapalus [1947, replacements for earlier group, 7. of west Photo H. R. Goette Figure Temple Zeus, pediment. Olympia Museum.

8. of east Museum. Photo H. R. Figure Temple Zeus, pediment. Olympia Goette 2l8 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

as Figure 9. Temple of Zeus, west be summarized follows. Oinomaos had invited suitors to vie for central pediment, figures. Olympia dameia by with him in a chariot race. Thirteen had made the competing Museum. Photo H. R. Goette attempt and failed, costing them their heads.13 Pelops was the fourteenth to compete, and he succeeded, winning both the hand of Hippodameia and the kingdom of Oinomaos. accounts won are Differing of how Pelops preserved in written sources,14 from which two distinctive variants emerge. The "divine favor" won version claims that Pelops with help from , his erstwhile ear lover, who provided Pelops with special, infallible, winged horses. The liest written preserved for this version of the myth is Pindar, Olym ca. pian 1, composed 476 B.c.15The "cheating" version maintains that Pelops to wax bribed Oinomaoss charioteer substitute for the metal linchpins of so race Oinomaoss chariot, that, when the began, the chariot fell apart and Pelops won.16 The charioteer subsequently threw himself, or was a as pushed, off cliff and, he fell, he called down a curse on the house of curse one Pelops?the famous of the house of , of Pelops's descen ca. dants. Pherekydes {FGrHist3 F37), floruit 440, provides the first attes tation of this version of the myth, though itmay have existed prior to this date.17 Pelops is often credited with founding the Olympic games, which, to were according legend, instigated by this chariot race (Pind. 01. 1.67 88). But Pindar and others also assign the foundation of the games to

13.A list of victims a connection an killed by Oi Olympia sculptures, made des' invention. Scholars in favor of nomaos is recorded in Hes. fr. 259 an account originally by FranzWinter in 1925. earlier date for involving but the circumstances of their 16. Another account of this the (M-W), version, corruption of Myrtilos include are not deaths preserved. which has Hippodameia bribing the Howie (1991, esp. pp. 57-59, 99-100); 14. For a account of the with complete charioteer Myrtilos sexual favors, Hurwit (1987); and Giovanni Becatti in see not literary sources, Howie 1991; LIMC is attested until the Hellenistic 1939 (reported in S?flund 1970, p. 36). s.v. I V, 1990, p. 435, Hippodameia period, although Howie (1991, pp. 92 Other ancient authors who recount this was to or on (M. Pipili). 104) speculates that it known version variants it: Eur. Or. 988 15. See Howie 1991 for Pindar's Pindar's audience. 1013; Ap. Rhod. 1.752-758 and the account. Bulle (1939, pp. 210-211) and 17. See, e.g., S?flund 1970, p. 119. adloc; and Diod. Sic. 4.73, in Shapiro (1994, pp. 78-83) discuss the Cf. Stewart (1983, p. 134), who thinks which Oinomaos kills himself after Pe between the and the that the version is wins race relationship poem "cheating" Phereky lops the by bribing Myrtilos. THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 219

I

10. of Zeus, east Figure Temple as noted an some have to assert a Herakles, above, attempt, suggested, central pediment, figures. Olympia Dorian claim to the foundation of the since Herakles is a Museum. Photo H. R. Goette clearly games, Dorian hero.18 names east Pausanias several figures depicted in the pediment, in center as cluding those in the who have been identified follows: Pelops (G, on one a the unbearded male) and Hippodameia (K) side of centrally placed on Zeus (H); Oinomaos (I, who is bearded) and his wife (F) the use other (Figs. 3, 10). But Pausanias's of the terms "right" and "left" sees in describing what he is ambiguous, with the result that the origi nal placement of the central figures and of others is in doubt, and he also sex one misidentifies the of figure (O). Thus the contribution of Pausa some niass identification of the subject and of figures is partially out weighed by the accompanying uncertainty about the placement of the fig on over ures, which scholars have seized, producing 70 reconstructions over the last century.19 The rendering of Zeuss neck muscles (see Fig. 10) suggests that he on turned his head toward his right, perhaps bestowing divine favor the protagonist, presumably Pelops, to that side, while his , the symbol of the justice he dispenses, would have been held in his left hand, an perhaps indication that Oinomaos was placed there. But this recon struction is hypothetical, and the argument also has been made that Zeuss

18. See Sinn 1991, pp. 48-49. Zeus pp. 243-244; Howie 1991, p. 75. are is also credited with having founded 19. The arguments summarized over the games in honor of his victory inTrianti 2002; Kyrieleis 1997, pp. 13 the Kronos (Paus. 5.7.10). On founding 14; andTersini 1987, pp. 140-142. See of the Olympic games and the first also Stewart 1983, pp. 135-136; S?f see a event(s), Burkert (1983, pp. 94-96), lund 1970, for summary and another who maintains that the stadion was reconstruction; and Simon 1968. Note "the at that current preeminent Olympia the arrangement of the fig but does not when this ures in the Museum (p. 96) specify Olympia (Figs. 8, was case. numerous the On the eques 10) differs from the reconstruction pre trian elements of the myth of Oino sented in Fig. 3. maos's chariot race, see Ca?ame 1997, 220 JUDITH M. BARRINGER uneasy gesture of gripping his garment with his right hand indicates that we con he looks at the object of his wrath.20 As shall see, the uncertainty cerning who is to the left and to the right of Zeus has influenced scholars' understanding of the pediment. a or On each side of the central group is chariot and seated crouching as figures: Pausanias (5.10.6-7) identifies two of the figures charioteers, adding that Oinomaoss charioteer sits in front of his horses, but it is not clear which crouching figure should be placed in front of which of horses. man on as a seer on An old each side (L, N) is recognizable the basis of his corner pose and appearance, and Pausanias reports that the figures (A, P), are whose placement is certain, personifications of local rivers. we turn to Having completed this survey of the sculptures, may ques on tions of interpretation: Why do these sculptures appear the Temple of was war Zeus, which constructed by the city of Elis from spoils in the ca. at a years 470-456 Olympia, and site of the fa mous we Olympic games? How should understand the sculptures in this political, religious?and, most importantly, here?agonistic context? Al some to on s though of the earliest scholars work this material viewed Pelops as a representation in the east pediment positive one,21 that interpretation was east largely discarded by later scholars, who propose that the pedi ment refers to the cheating version of the myth, often pointing to parallels inAttic tragedy to support this reading.22 According to this later interpre the two sometimes the ad tation, pediments together?and metopes?are or monitory statements about hubris justice evidenced in the recent Per sianWars,23 or declarations about various types of dike, , and arete ex represented by all categories of in the temples sculptures. For ample, the dike imposed by Zeus and Apollo, who display divine ethos, over prevails the hubris and the human and bestial ethos exhibited by Oino maos on women and the Centaurs; the Centaurs' attack the Lapith is read as a recent on mythological metaphor for the Persian attack Greece; and

Stewart draws 20. E.g., Kyrieleis 1997, pp. 21-22; 1970, pp. 11-12,19,21, 31,39,45,119, exceptions, though (1983) now numerous with Simon 1968, p. 155. See the de respectively. See also the views of Franz comparisons tragedy. cur 23. Stewart 192 scription and photographs of the in 1925, reported by Simon E.g., by (1997, pp. rent not the arrangement of figures in the (1968, p. 154). 193), who does accept cheating an version as on the Olympia Museum, together with 22. See, e.g., Hansen 2000, p. 23; influential pediment, account new but does make the case for divine ad of fragments, their posi Osborne 1998, pp. 170-172; Spivey tion, and technical observations, in 1996, p. 33; Shapiro 1994, p. 80; Knell monition; see also Knell 1990, p. 87 to west Trianti 2002; she makes the argu 1990, pp. 93-94; Hurwit 1987;Tersini (in respect the pediment); Bel ment that Zeus looks to his left, where 1987, pp. 147-159; Boardman 1985, loni 1987, p. 270;Tersini 1987, p. 140; she places Pelops (pp. 294-297). This p. 36; Pollitt 1972, p. 34; S?flund (1970, Raschke 1988, p. 47; and Stewart 1983, recon arrangement differs from the pp. 110,119-123,127,144), who iden p. 134. Contra: Sinn (1994, pp. 598 struction where tifies C as and recon notes Erika by Stewart (Fig. 3), figure Myrtilos 599), who also (p. 598) turns to his to see structs him as with the wheel Simon's demonstration that the Cen Zeus his head right fiddling Oinomaos stands on of Oinomaos's not on the south of Pelops, while chariot, though tauromachy metopes the S?f the cannot allude to the Per Zeus's left. necessarily touching linchpin; 21. Gustav Hirschfeld in 1877, lund (1970, pp. 36-37), reporting the sianWars. Simon (1968, pp. 165-166) Georg Loeschke in 1885, and J. Six opinion of Giovanni Becatti in 1939; and Bulle (1939, pp. 217-218) recog nize in west and in re in 1889, followed by Franz Studniczka Lapalus 1947, p. 169. Stewart (1990, the pediment, to o? in 1923, Frederik Poulsen in 1943, p. 143; 1983, p. 134), Lacroix (1976, gard Zeus, the theme hubris and Ludwig Drees in 1967, and Jos? D?rig p. 341), Robertson (1975, pp. 277,279), consequent vengeance, but do not link in 1967; all are reported in S?flund and Holloway (1967, p. 99) are notable the theme to the Persian Wars. THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 221

Herakles' arete exemplifies heroic ethos.24 Such interpretations regard the reestablishment of order in the face of hubris as the chief theme of the as pediments, and usually include Pelops's cheating part of this misbehav as mean ior.The pediments also have been read reflecting other political as a ings; so, for example, the west pediment has been viewed warning as an against internal strife within Greece,25 and the east pediment Olym pian claim to control all the P?loponn?se.26 a In the present article, I propose different reading of the sculptures. as Rather than serving negative paradigms about hubristic behavior and or as the dike administered by the gods, paradigms against political misbe havior, I think that when they were read as a unified ensemble in their original visual and cultural landscape, the pediments and metopes offered positive models of heroism, arete, and glory expressly aimed at the Olym at were pic competitors and others, who urged to emulate these examples.27 This interpretation finds support in the victory odes of Pindar, whose po ems, commissioned to celebrate Panhellenic victors, can be mined com for information about cultural values of the , who largely prised the Olympic and other Panhellenic victors throughout the Archaic and Classical periods.28 Pindar's odes praised the victor in both overt and oblique ways?always naming the victor's hometown and describing his family line, often in mythological allusions, and frequently likening the to victor great mythological heroes?and it is Pindar who provides the source earliest preserved for the divine favor version of the Pelops myth.29

EAST PEDIMENT

In depicting the chariot race, purportedly the founding event of the Olympic on are games, the sculptures the east pediment closely related to the site of Olympia. By the fifth century B.c., the chariot race had become the most renowned event at the Olympic games.30 As noted above, although ca. Pherekydes, of 440, provides the first attested account of the cheating assume version of the myth, many scholars that this version existed earlier,

24. Hurwit a ex 1987, pp. 6-7;Tersini (1997, p. 24) also offers political temple and surrounding athletic statues for choice of in was an 1987; Stewart 1983; 1990, pp. 142-146; planation the Pelops inspired "to emulate idealized 191-195. the 1997, pp. Kardara (1971, temple's decoration, briefly stating arete? the view west that the in an p. 19) advocates that the Eleans promoted Pelops 28. On the issue of athletes' social demonstrates "the effort to and extend their see pediment crushing justify expan status, Pleket 1992; Raschke 1988, of the brutal violence of the early peri sionist policies. Likewise, Raschke p. 47. On the cultural values associated the of moral that the and as see od, predominance princi (1988) argues pediments with athletics revealed by Pindar, ples and the establishment of the Law metopes refer to the democratization Lee 1983. and Order Standing of Zeus," and that of Elis and of the Olympic games. See 29. Robertson (1975, p. 277) and the east an older Zeus as glorifies judge. also Pimpinelli (1994, pp. 406-410), S?flund (1970, pp. 120-121) suggest In on a 25. support of this view, Sinn who, drawing heavily Pindar, views that Pindar invented new, sanitized to the the version (1994, pp. 599-600) points the only sculptures, especially metopes, of the myth. evidence for arbi as of overcome existing Olympia's expressions by 30. See Nagy 1986. On the relation the bronze tablet SEG XXXI culture of and of to tration, (the vo\lo?, Zeus) posits ship the Pelops myth the chariot which describes how a board of a Elis's race at see 358, political reading concerning Olympia, Davidson (2003), arbiters at civil strife claims to who also the Olympia mediated power. surveys literary tradition, between Athens and Boiotia. 27. Cf. visual Raschke (1988, p. 48), who evidence, and the cult of Pelops 26. Sinn 60. states that the viewer of both the at 2000, p. Kyrieleis briefly Olympia. JUDITH M . BARRINGER

MM

11. Attic as a Figure black-figure leky and interpret the Olympia pediment reflection of it.Archaeology of thos by the Sappho , ca. 500 fers no for this for in the material record grounds assumption, nothing 490 B.c. G?ttingen, Georg-August a version of the before account. supports cheating myth Pherekydes' Universit?t J22. Photo Norbert Esch to ca. at According Pausanias, the Kypselos Chest, of 550, dedicated bach; courtesy Norbert Eschbach and a Daniel Olympia, included among its array of mythological decoration represen Graepler race out tation of the chariot of Pelops, inwhich, Pausanias goes of his way to s not say, Pelops horses had wings and Oinomaos's did (5.17.7). The not description suggests that the divine favor version of the Pelops myth, to the cheating version, influenced this depiction. Obvious reference cheat two extant vase to ing is absent, too, from the paintings closest in time the or temple at Olympia that show Pelops preparing for, involved in, the ca. chariot race. These two Attic black-figure lekythoi of 500-490 by the one to Sappho Painter, in G?ttingen and the other in Athens, refer the to winged horses given Pelops by Poseidon.31 On the G?ttingen example, which depicts the competitors racing in , Pelops's horses have wings, and Oinomaos holds two and a shield (Fig. 11). On the Athens an a lekythos, Oinomaos at altar while figure whose identity is a uncertain, most probably Pelops, mounts chariot drawn by winged horses; armor is piled in front of the horses (Fig. 12).32 Both portrayals suggest the divine favor version of the myth. Compositionally, nothing in the east pediment of the temple defini tively refers to the cheating version of the myth either. Scholars have cited

context. The horses Neils for this reference. 31. G?ttingen, Georg-August- Trojan winged Jenifer no. on to 32. For of Oinomaos versit?t J22 {ABV50S, 1): Shapiro both lekythoi, according Lacroix the depiction the at on the Athens cf. 1994, p. 80, figs. 52-54; Lacroix 1976, (1974, p. 82), prompt identifica lekythos, who recounts that p. 336; 1974, p. 82, pi. XIII; Jacobsthal tion of Pelops and Oinomaos although Diodoros (4.73.4), no. he admits that the is Oinomaos the suitors a head start 1912, p. 14, 22, pi. VL21. Athens, interpretation gave a ram. same National Museum 595 (CC968): not certain. I agree with this assess while he sacrificed On the no. s.v. ment. the name label above the IIMC VII, 1994, p. 20, 5, Another example of Pelops's vase, figure no. in vase into the chariot is Oinomaos (I. Trianti); p. 284, 12, winged horses painting appears stepping illegible. s.v. on an of ca. 420 no. Pelops (I. Trianti); Lacroix 1976, Attic red-figure cup Trianti {LIMC VII, 1994, p. 20, 5, b.c. to s.v. in the p. 336; 1974, p. 82, pi. XIV; ABL, p. 98, 410 attributed the Hippacontist Oinomaos) admits ambiguity 23. Painter National Archaeo in one the pi. 33; Sauer 1891, pp. 33-34, fig. (Madrid, reading instance, identifying the as but no Trianti misidentifies Athens leky logicalMuseum 1999/99/85), illus figure "P?lops (?)," displays as trated in thos red-figure. Haspels {ABL, Warden 2004, pp. 120-122, hesitation elsewhere {LIMC VII, 1994, no. no. s.v. S?flund p. 98) doubts that theAthens lekythos 26. Here, both Pelops and Oino p. 284, 12, Pelops). Oinomaos and whose names are are identifies him as depicts Pelops and maos, inscribed, (1970, p. 120) scene charioteer. suggests instead that the shows armed and unbearded, and Oinomaos's Oinomaos's a a horses are without I thank "moment before battle," specifically wings. THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 223

Figure 12. Attic black-figure as as an lekythos by the Sappho Painter, the expression of figure N (Figs. 13, 14), known the Old Seer, ca. 500-490 b.c. National s Athens, indication of Pelops cheating and of the subsequent disaster for Oinomaos Museum 595 (CC968). Courtesy because the seer seems to gaze and gesture with concern at the chariot Deutsches Arch?ologisches Institut, Athens; wheel before him or at omens above him.33 But there are two seers in the photo Haspels, negs. 1969/1119 (left), one on each and the facial of 1969/1116 (center), 1969/1117 (right) pediment (L, N; Fig. 3), side, expressions extant are to figure L (Fig. 15), to judge from the features, similar those of exact figure N. Furthermore, since the placement of Oinomaos and Pelops as on either side of Zeus is unknown, no certainty exists to which chariot next to belongs to each figure, and thus, whose chariot is the Old Seer. were Seers are, in fact, appropriate to the narrative, since they well estab at lished in connection with the Olympia (e.g., Pind. 01. 8.1-17; Xen. Hell. 3.2.21-22,4.7.2; 8.3.30), so their presence here could be a merely local reference,34 like the personifications of the Alpheios and or rivers in the corners of the pediment (A, P),35 they could be as outcome no to depicted foreseeing the of the race.36 But there is need

171 be a on the the seers' links to Zeus. 33. E.g., Osborne 1998, pp. may political gesture part plores to to of the river 172; Spivey 1996, p. 34; Hurwit 1987; of the Eleans link Elis . 35. On the identity see see Pollitt 1972, p. 34; August Frickenhaus For the identities of the seers, gods, Simon 1968, pp. 162-165. observation in 1923 (as cited in S?flund 1970, p. 31). Bulle 1939, p. 213; and Simon (1968, 36. Cf. Kyrieleis's (1997, counts E as mourn 34. Stewart (1997, p. 260) suggests pp. 157-162), who figure pp. 19-20) regarding Sterope's the two seers a third and ex that the prominence of yet seer, , ing gesture. 224 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

13. of east Figure Temple Zeus, pediment, seer (N). Olympia Museum. Photo H. R. Goette

14. of east Figure Temple Zeus, pediment, seer (N). Olympia Museum. Photo H. R. Goette THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES

15. of east Figure Temple Zeus, even posit cheating and disaster from their presence or from their expres pediment, seer (L). Olympia which could be to Oinomaoss defeat.37 Museum. Photos H. R. Goette sions, simply responses seeing at one some The presence of least charioteer has also prompted to as interpret the pediment referring to the cheating version of the myth, as but since uncertainty exists to which figure is the charioteer, whose or seems a charioteer he is, what he is doing, this rash assumption. The on absence of wings any of the horses (D, M; Fig. 3) might also provide see fodder for those who wish to the cheating version here, since Pausanias recounts on that Pelops's horses depicted the Kypselos Chest had wings, two the lekythoi show the same, and Pindar mentions winged horses. But areas on one much of the which would expect the horses' wings to ap pear?their shoulders and the foreparts of their torsos?is unfortunately lost and has been restored.

It is implausible, moreover, that the Eleans would have celebrated their hero and the founder of the games, Pelops, with sculptures that depicted as a him cheat,38 particularly since athletes took their oath of fair play in a front of nearby statue of Zeus (Paus. 5.24.9), whose image dominates the east pediment of his temple (H; Fig. 3). Further evidence of the attitude are toward cheating at the games the Zanes, bronze statues of Zeus paid for with fines levied on cheaters, that lined the entrance to the stadion (Paus. 5.21.2-3).39 As Pausanias piously pronounces (5.21.4), inscriptions

37. several scholars have at which exhibit Indeed, Gustav Hirschfeld, Georg Loeschke, and practices Olympia, that the two seers' nor is suggested visages and J. Six, reported in S?flund 1970, clear disapproval of cheating, of are art to portraits of contemporary priests pp. 12,19, and 21, respectively, and ficial likely have encouraged such descended from Iamos a and Klytios. See Wilamowitz-Moellendorff(1922, multivalent reading of Pelops. n. While it could be 39. the S?flund 1970, p. 41; Bulle 1939, p. 213. p. 414, 1). argued Although earliest Zanes base can to Stewart (1983, pp. 139-140) regards that cheating would be justified in this be dated the early fourth century the as to on seems to assume seers' expressions responses instance grounds of Oinomaos's B.c., it reasonable that their immi or foreseeing of Oinomaos's cruel obstructive behavior, hence al the sentiment against cheating already nent to stat b.c. defeat. Cf. Simon 1968, p. 158. lowing Pelops maintain heroic existed in the fifth century See 38. a ver an is not Mallwitz Others who find cheating ure, such ambiguous reading 1972, pp. 74-75. sion on monuments the pediment incredible include supported by surrounding 226 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

on won the Zanes make it clear that victory is to be not by cheating but by are warn strength and swiftness and that the Zanes intended to against common cheating?specifically bribery, apparently the most offense. Last as a ly, had Pelops been regarded cheat at Olympia, the Achaians would as on hardly have claimed descent from him, they did their prominent next sculptural dedication of the Late Archaic period located just to the Temple of Zeus;40 the inscription, according to Pausanias (5.25.10), read: were "To Zeus, these images dedicated by the , descendants of Pelops, the godlike descendant of T?ntalos" (italics mine). That later viewers may have regarded Pelops in the east pediment at as a Olympia cheat is entirely possible, and it may be that the perception as a was a of Pelops cheat later invention for political purposes. In recount ing the background to the outbreak of the , (1.27.2-30) relates the Eleans' support for Corinth against the Corcyreans in 435, and the consequences suffered by Elis after the Corcyrean vic ca. tory.41As already noted, the Athenian Pherekydes of 440 provides the first written attestation of the cheating version of the Pelops myth. Athens so allied itself with Corcyra, the enemy of Elis and Corinth, in 433, per was haps Pherekydes' account written shortly afterward to discredit Elis and the Eleans' hero, Pelops.42 But this study is concerned with the issue of the original intention of the Eleans, who commissioned the building, the Olympian officials whose was approval undoubtedly required, and the sculptors who designed and executed the work. If it is unlikely that the Eleans and other viewers had see the cheating version inmind in 470, what did viewers when they looked at the east pediment? seen on One thing viewers would have both the east pediment and at was armor. on all around them Olympia hoplite Pelops and Oinomaos wear the east pediment helmets, and both figures originally held spears on a planted the ground (Figs. 3, 10, 16, 17).43 Pelops also held shield, as on once indicated by the shield band remaining his left forearm, and a or as wore bronze metal cuirass, evidenced by the holes for attachment on are a his torso.44 Such hoplite weapons peculiar equipment for chariot

men 40. Robertson (1975, p. 271) origination of the cheating version of of his father, . see n. tions that the bases of the dedicatory the myth, above, 17. Sophokles 44. Kyrieleis (1997, p. 14) believes monument were 409 the cuirass to be a b.c. partially covered by (in 468 b.c.) and (in b.c.) fourth-century wrote about Oinomaos. Eu since the torso is well exe dumped material from the construction both plays addition, of hence the Late used the but one sees on of the Temple Zeus, ripides presumably cheating cuted, finishing por see and tions of not Archaic date. On this dedication, variant, may have been the inspi the sculptures that would a so not seem Kyrieleis 1997, p. 18; Eckstein 1969, ration for number of fourth-century have been visible, this does vases on which a reason to discount a cuirass as pp. 27-32. Apulian Oinomaos's good was Oino of the San 41. Cyllene, Elis's naval arsenal, charioteer Myrtilos appears with part original composition. burned. with this historical al and See dro Stucchi in 1955 in S?f Along maos, Pelops, Hippodameia. (as reported n. liance between Elis and Corinth, a Howie 1991, p. 55, 1, and p. 59. But lund 1970, p. 42) considered the cuirass connection exists between I not a Hellenistic and S?flund mythological think that Sophokles may have addition, two course done so. calls it a addi the cities: the of Pelops's (1970, p. 75) "secondary race on re and Oinomaos's chariot led from 43. Attachment holes Pelops's tion." In 1914, Heinrich Willers (as Pisa, Oinomaos's hometown, to the helmet indicate that metal cheek ported in S?flund 1970, p. 29) judged to the were Simon that the cuirass was of the isthmus of Corinth, specifically pieces separately added. part original a to altar of Poseidon. See Lacroix 1976, (1968, p. 156) speculates that Pelops's composition, prize awarded Pelops to race. pp. 331-332, with references. spear is the scepter given him by after his victory in the chariot on 42. For positions Pherekydes' Zeus, and that Oinomaos holds the THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 227

r

16 of Zeus, east Figure (left). Temple to some sources a race.45 According (e.g., Pind. 01. 1.76), Oinomaos used pediment, Pelops (G). Olympia to kill the unsuccessful and he is the son of but the Museum. Photo H. R. Goette spear suitors, Ares, combination of hoplite weapons, borne by both competitors, and athletic 17 contest in at Figure (right). Temple of Zeus, particular would have resonated with the viewer Olympia, east Oinomaos armor was pediment, (I). Olym where hoplite evident in abundance.46 Armor of all kinds from Museum. Photo H. R. Goette in was at a pia all places Greece dedicated Olympia, showcase for military

45. So much so that Carl in show Robert, though the lekythoi the competi discounted tors 1919, Pausanias's identifica themselves steering the chariots, tion of the of the and armed in subject pediment figures riding chariots suggest maintained that it the a with the in presented depar parallel apobates the Athe ture of two see S?flund nian warriors; 1970, Panathenaia. An Olympic version for a of Robert's views. the contest p. 9, summary of apobates also existed (see But armor also on the two but appears Paus. 5.9.2), whether the competi that race tors were or not lekythoi depict the chariot of armed is unclear. and see Pelops Oinomaos (Figs. 11,12; 46. Howie (1991, p. 114) notes the pp. 12-13 above), and Pindar {01. 1.77) armor, but misses any connection with mentions Oinomaos's bronze Al spear. Olympia. 228 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

was trophies and thank offerings for Zeus.47 The Temple of Zeus itself a was funded from military campaign, and its entablature adorned with Spartan military trophies. an The military dedications at the site of the Olympic games suggest con association of military endeavor and athletic contest.48 This idea finds at expression in the altar of Zeus Areios (Zeus theWarlike) Olym sac pia, which Pausanias cites (5.14.6-7) as the location where Oinomaos rificed before his races against the suitors. The armed race or 07rX1.T08pou.oc, was which added to the roster of athletic events at Olympia ca. 520 to provide military training (Paus. 5.8.10),49 and perhaps in imitation of the Panathenaic event,50 also combines military and athletic agon. More or over, scholars suggest that the foundation reorganization of previously b.c. was a existing in the sixth century response to the development of hoplite warfare and the need for trained bodies.51 Olym a to pia has further connection the military: its oracle, like that at , was on consulted military matters in the sixth and fifth centuries b.c.52 Ancient literature offers ample attestation of the association between athletics and warfare.53 Numerous ancient writers indicate that athletic was as was competition regarded excellent preparation for warfare and ideal to for training young warriors fight.54 describes the Spartan mili a to tary practice of placing Panhellenic athletic victor next the Spartan conv. not as an king in battle {Quaest. 2.5.2; Lye. 22.4), presumably purely as a honor for the athlete but also benefit to the king, and Panhellenic were as victors sometimes chosen military commanders (Hdt. 5.102,8.47; an to Paus. 4.17.9). In effort explain the origin of the various some hellenic games, scholars point to in honor of heroes, as such those for the warrior Patroklos, and posit that Pelops's death pro was vided the aition for the foundation of the Olympic games.55 His tomb was an said to be beneath the Pelopion at Olympia, and his ivory shoulder re honored displayed in Elis (Paus. 5.13.4-6).56 Pelops is not usually

47. the votives at Bonfante 555. Philostr. 19. On military Cf. 1989, p. 639d-e; Gymnasticus See and association its attest 417. Olympia their with 50. Panathenaic Serwint 1993, p. see race was oracle, Sinn (1991, pp. 42-49), who that the armed already part of 55. Golden 1998, pp. 12-14, 91-95, the con as as emphasizes particularly heavy the Panathenaia early the mid with further bibliography; Nagy 1979, monuments b.c. centration of military in sixth century See, e.g., Bentz 1998, p. 117. nos. recent at the southern part of the Altis. The p. 124, 6.011, 6.012. 56. For discoveries the site of armor at 51. Scanlon of the a latest dedications Olympia E.g., 1988, pp. 233 Pelopion, including Mycenaean can are 235. Paus. see that be dated with certainty of Cf. 5.8.10. grave beneath it, Kyrieleis 2002. ca. 440 b.c. (see Siewert 1996, p. 144), 52. See Sinn (1991, pp. 46-49), Antonaccio (1993, p. 62) places the of of in Ar but military dedications, including who dates the inception the oracle foundation the Pelopion the continued in other to the at the but prominent ones, eighth century b.c., latest, chaic period, Kyrieleis (1997, p. 13) as notes new to forms, such the of Paionios of and its prominence for dates it the Late Bronze Age. Herr ca. 424 b.c. west Greek colonists in the seventh mann (1980, pp. 62-66) traces the Pe b.c. 48. Cf. des Bouvrie 1995, pp. 63, 67; century lops myth, the Pelopion, and the Olym to Scanlon 1988. 53. Scanlon (1988) gathers the writ pic competition the Mycenaean ten term is re 49. Des Bouvrie (1995, p. 67) gives evidence. Indeed, the agon period. -Dieter Heilmeyer (as race at the used for both of contest. I thank in the date. The armed began types ported Serwint 1993, p. 405) claims at ca. for me of that the earliest votives are Delphi 480, and Corinne Pache reminding Protogeo from an event at this and therefore dates the may ultimately derive point. metric, instiga or PI. Prt. Mor. tion to b.c. the elsewhere. 54. E.g., 326b-c; Plut. of cult the tenth century THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 229

as a wear armor on east garded conventional warrior, but he does the pedi ment, and the believed that the Achaians had to have possession of to his bones in order take (Apollod. Epit. 5.10; Paus. 5.13.4). In the Homeric poems, athletic contest and battle are frequently combined; ob vious examples include the funeral games for Patroklos in the and the contest in in of the bow, which results deadly combat, the .57 This connection persists: Pindar (Isthm. 1.51-53) declares that victors in war same com and in athletics receive the prize?praise from others58?and he mends athletic victors in Homeric and elegiac language usually reserved for the acclaim of warriors.59 Finally and most tellingly, Pausanias reports were that the olive awarded to the Olympic victors kept in the on a a Temple of table together with images of, among others, per sonification of Agon and Ares, the of warfare and father of Oinomaos crowns (5.20.2),60 and that victors displayed their in the pronaos of the Temple of Zeus (5.12.5). as war In addition, scholars have pointed out, the conduct of hoplite was fare and athletics much the same, sharing the elements of rules, disci was pline, taunting,61 and victory monuments. Indeed, athletic competition as a an regarded kind of warfare, idea that receives confirmation at Olym a orna pia: the labors of the great athlete Herakles, descendant of Pelops, was mented the metopes of the Temple of Zeus, and he honored with numerous one altars within the Altis, including dedicated toHerakles Para or states (Herakles the Defender, Herakles the Right-Hand Man in the Flank) (Paus. 5.14.7). Having examined the link between athletics and warfare, let us return to Pelops and Oinomaos. The late-fifth-century viewer of the east pedi ment would have seen Pelops, the hero of the Eleans, dressed in combat to race was gear (Fig. 16), ready against Oinomaos, the king of Pisa, who was also armed for battle (Fig. 17). The Temple of Zeus constructed from the spoils of Elis's military conquest of Pisa, the raison d'?tre for the temple, as some and it is plausible, have suggested, that Pelops and Oinomaos were understood as allusions to that conquest.62 This of military and athletic valor and arete is reinforced by the sexual associations of Olympia and its games. In the divine favor version of the myth, Pelops received special horses from his former lover, Poseidon. Another mythological p?d?rastie couple also is associated with Olympia: at a Zeus and , represented Olympia by sculptural ca. group of 470 (Fig. 18),63 the time of the inception of the temple, and by numerous near images of the couple dedicated the Pelopion (Paus. 5.24.5).

The earliest votives seem for ca. armor was as intended dates the inception of the games awarded prizes: Pind. not to Zeus; worship of Hera may have 704 but that of the cult the Proto Nem. 10.22-23. See Burkert 1983, until sixth at the begun the century. Serwint geometric period, latest. p. 163, for further references. summarizes chal 57. Scanlon 240. 61. (1993, pp. 405-406) 1988, p. Barringer 2001, pp. 32-46, with to lenges the traditional founding date 58. Noted by Scanlon (1988,p. 243). further bibliography; Golden 1998, b.c. 1990. of 776 for the Olympic games and 59. Perysinakis pp. 23-28; Scanlon 1988, pp. 235-238. notes that recent on the 60. Hera was scholarship, worshiped elsewhere, 62. E.g., Stehle and Day 1996, near at basis of fill from wells the stadium, e.g., , through rituals flavored p. 105;Tersini 1987, p. 140; Stewart in b.c. as places the founding 704 Cf. with military overtones, such mili 1983, p. 134. and contests for which 63. Mallwitz (1988, pp. 96-101), who tary processions Olympia Museum T2. 23? JUDITH M. BARRINGER

18. Zeus and ter Figure Ganymede, racotta ca. 470 b.c. group, Olympia Museum T2. Photo H. R. Goette

are Both p?d?rastie pairs mentioned in Pindar's Olympian 1.40?45, inwhich over Pindar describes Pelops's victory Oinomaos. To explain Poseidon's on intervention behalf of Pelops, Pindar describes Poseidon's love for the boy and his consequent abduction of him toMount Olympos, which he compares to Zeus's love for, and abduction of, Ganymede. a at The mythological theme of had real-life counterpart so 64. 01 9.94; cf. fr. 123.10-12 Olympia, where youthful male competitors raced, boxed, wrestled, and a (ed. F. Nisetich, Baltimore, 1980). on, in the nude, before largely male audience, who enjoyed this display of On this see also Steiner 1998; one a as subject, eromenoi; Pindar says of victor, "What shout he walked on see potential and nudity and Greek athletics, amid the circle of and in as in onlookers, young noble achievement looks!"64 Bonfante 1989; Crowther 1982. The is common in ancient 65. 113-114. combination of athletics and pederasty enough Barringer 2001, pp. 66. Contra: Crowther 1982. Greek cities: Athens, for example, provides ample evidence that the was a 67. Bonfante 1989, pp. 551-554. gymnasion chief locus of p?d?rastie activity, and the Dorian cities, of Scanlon (2002) is that the which is included with athletics as skeptical Olympia one, pederasty together part as an Olympic games served initiation of The a tradition estab males military training.65 Olympic competitors' nudity, for (pp. 38-39), and doubts that lished the Archaic derive from Dorian the a com perhaps by period,66 may ultimately Spartan derives from men to mon Dorian but ac initiation rituals that required young strip off their clothes in order practice (p. 77), the connection ini to attain adult warrior status.67 knowledges among tiation, and athletics 97). the of themes discussed thus far?athletics, pederasty, (p. Considering assemblage He also notes the of and of armed chariot race Spartan practice military activities, a at pederasty?the myth Pelops's encouraging hetero/homosexual with Oinomaos inwhich is aided divine horses to him Pelops by given by traction between athletes and spectators his erstwhile lover Poseidon is particularly apt for this temple to Zeus, (p. 78). THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 231

a at lover of Ganymede and chief Olympia, the site where nude young men an competed before the eyes of admiring male audience. women at A consideration of Hippodameia and of the role of Olym as pia, both athletic competitors and spectators, yields further levels of east race meaning from the pediment. The aim of Pelops's armed chariot was now marriage with Hippodameia, whom scholars identify with the on east at figure the pediment her (K; Figs. 3, 19); this moment in gesture is associated with the anakalypteria, the the Greek wed a to ding ceremony when bride lifts her veil and reveals herself her hus or band.68 In Greek iconography, the gesture signals "bride" "female sexual so contests partner," and is appropriate in this context.69 Because athletic between a male suitor and the father of the bride, or among the suitors themselves, are a common feature inGreek myth, the viewer of the east pediment of the Temple of Zeus would have understood the as an com chariot race myth not only athletic/military agon between male as a to petitors but also pr?nuptial contest for the suitor win the girl. race The mythological pr?nuptial represented by the myth of Pelops one had a real-life counterpart at Olympia with dramatic difference. The was Heraia was an athletic event for girls that probably instituted by the b.c. at early sixth century the latest and is described only by Pausanias was (5.16.2-4).70 He relates that this footrace founded by Hippodameia, to that it took place every four years (a parallel the male games founded by ran one Pelops), and that the girls with breast bare.71 Scholars interpret the as a to to mar Heraia pr?nuptial designed advance girls was riageable status,72 governed by Hera, who honored by this event, and suggest that Sparta, where females exercised and danced naked in initia tion rites, may have been the inspiration for the partial female nudity in the Heraia, as may have been true for the male events.73 Just as a male suitor would compete athletically to win awife, the girls in the Heraia also to to a state. may have competed athletically advance marriageable 19. of east Pausanias does not who the of the Heraia were, Figure Temple Zeus, pedi report spectators but he does relate that the athletic the male were ment, Hippodameia (K). Olympia Olympic games, events, men mar Museum. Photo H. R. Goette viewed not only by but also by virgin women, and that the only woman was ried permitted the priestess of Chamyne (5.6.7,

and others Scanlon 68. E.g., Simon 1968, pp. 148-149, 1998, pp. 129-131; des Bouvrie 1995; fig. 1) (e.g., 2002, 1984. Stadia also associate two statues with discussion of previous scholar Scanlon for girls pp. 101-102,116) to in the Classical of female a bronze ship. On earlier efforts identify existed elsewhere pe runners, Lakonian(?) Serwint statuette this figure and the suggestion that she riod; see, e.g., Dillon 2000; (London, is a that no 417-419. On the see and a Roman marble Sterope, possibility longer 1993, pp. date, 208) copy (Vati holds weight, see S?flund 1970, p. 12 Scanlon 2002, pp. 110-117; Serwint can, Museo Pio-Clementino 2784), summarizes with in the Heraia. and passim. (1993, pp. 405-406) pre participants 72. Scanlon 69. S?flund (1970, p. 42) reports vious scholarship. E.g., 2002, pp. 98-99, in 71. The have worn a mans Dillon that Floriani Squarciapino, 1955, girls may 101,119-120; 2000, p. 460; out that exomis Clark des Bouvrie pointed Hippodameia's ges (Serwint 1993, pp. 416-422; 1998, p. 21; 1995, ture with her veil links her to Hera, followed by Scanlon [2002, p. 108]), pp. 62-63. Cf. Ca?ame 1997, pp. 115 same Scan who is often characterized by the although Scanlon (1984, pp. 79-81) 116; Serwint 1993, pp. 418-422; earlier a lon gesture. had suggested short 1984, pp. 79, 83-85,90. 70. the such as those worn 73. On the parallels between by , Scanlon 2002, pp. 101-107, 111; see in the Bonfante 559. Heraia and the Olympic games, Spartan girls, and participants 1989, p. Scanlon 2002, pp. 111-112; Golden Arkteia. Serwint (1993, pp. 407-408, 232 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

sources 6.20.9).74 Ancient literary suggest, and modern scholars speculate, as that virgin women viewed athletes potential husbands and evaluated men them accordingly.75 Perhaps viewed the female participants in the same Heraia in the way;76 their partial nudity suggests not merely the ath were one letically gifted Amazons, who often portrayed in art with breast were bared,77 but also the male Olympians, who fully nude when they an competed. In other words, the girls' bared breasts in the Heraia may be a instance of token gesture of nudity. If the assessment of potential hus as sources bands took place at Olympia, ancient suggest, then Pelops of fered a model of enviable husband material to the ancient female specta seen tor,who could identify with Hippodameia. Male viewers would have as an Pelops exemplar of heroic and martial prowess.78

WEST PEDIMENT

The west pediment (Figs. 2, 7, 9), with its heroes and nuptial context, is firmly linked to the east pediment and to other themes explored above, seem an but the heroes and location of the Centauromachy odd choice for Olympia, since the myth takes place inThessaly, where Perithoos, king of an men to the Lapiths, and Theseus, Athenian hero, led the Lapith defeat the unruly Centaurs at Perithoos's wedding.79 In order to explain this choice some a of myth, scholars posit that the west pediment offers local variant of the Centauromachy myth, and Joachim Heiden recently has argued a that genealogical link between the Thessalian Lapiths and the Eleans makes this myth particularly apt for the temple.80

74. Both Aelian {NA 5.17) and Phi and dances but does not mention in Athens (see Paus. 1.17.2-3), basing lostratos indicate that Dillon so far as to the claim on similarities {Gymnasticus 17) nudity. Indeed, goes compositional women were were a between Athenian vase of excluded from watching claim that female athletics Do paintings no rian the and the the games, but make exceptions for feature (p. 466). subject Olympia pediment. not unmarried women. Dillon (2000) re 77. As inspired by the Heraia They do consider the possibility to criticism of to Scanlon that the have sponds the accuracy of runners, according (2002, Olympia pediment may source vase Pausanias's text and argues that the p. 108). been the initial for both it is remarkable exclusion of married women derives 78. Stehle andDay (1996, p. 105) and wall paintings; a that the is the from myth concerning Hippodameia maintain that Hippodameia and Pelops Olympia pediment are are heroic first of the to include after her marriage (Paus. 6.20.7). counterparts: both pa depiction myth Burkert (1983, p. 100) rightly points trons of athletics and revered as such women, who thereafter appear in the out a women same context in Athenian vase that the presence of representative by and men, respectively. painting at 79. Perithoos is sometimes n. Even if the of Demeter Olympia unites Pelops, claimed (see below, 88). Olym were as //. 1.263. relies on an Athenian Zeus, and Demeter, who joined Athenian, e.g., pia pediment in for its it the myth of Tantalos's infanticide. 80. Heiden 2003. Lapalus (1947, original composition, clearly on and local references to 75. E.g., Pind. Pyth. 9.97-100; p. 171) accepts the myth depicted adapts appends west as but its context. Raschke Tatius 1.18. Dillon 2000, the pediment Thessalian, Olympian pp. 458,461-462,468; Steiner 1998, cites Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellen (1988, p. 46) raises other connections s between Athens and the pp. 140-143. On the Pindar passage, dorff idea that the pediment portrays Olympia the Centaurs of Mount Pholoe attack but omits an see, e.g., Perysinakis 1990, pp. 43-44; sculptures, important more on the ode and its the of Dexamenos link: is not and, generally ing daughters possible Hippodameia n. 97 Oinomaos's but is also association of wedding and athletics, (p. 171, 2); Holloway (1967, pp. only daughter an of Butes Carson 1982. 98) refutes Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 's named Athenian, daughter Barron in some it should be 76. Men certainly watched Spartan proposal. (1972, pp. 26-33), cases, though noted that this is a late tradition. See girls exercise in the nude. See Dillon Robertson (1975, pp. 280-281), and notes s.v. (2000, pp. 465-466), who also others suggest that the sculptor took his LIMCV, 1990, p. 440, Hippoda attests on meia II that Plut. Mor. 249d suitors inspiration from the Centauromachy (E. Simon). Keos in in the 470s b.c. in the Theseion watching parthenoi engaged painted THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES

'''fe^lSP*'

Figure 20. Temple of Zeus, metope of Herakles cleaning the Augean stables. Museum. Olympia Photo H. R. Goette

An interpretation of the west pediment that stresses local relevance seems is persuasive. Local flavor to have been the inspiration for the in clusion of Herakles' Augean stables labor in the east metopes of the tem never ple (Figs. 4, 5, 20): this Elean story had appeared before in , and its first written attestation is Pindar, Olympian 10.28, composed ca. east 476 b.c.81 Furthermore, the pediment's myth, and its adjacent fig ures seers are of and rivers, closely connected to local concerns. The two chief protagonists of the Thessalian Centauromachy myth, Perithoos and to Theseus (K,M; Fig. 2), also have close ties figures honored at Olympia: ancient authors name Perithoos as the son of Zeus (77. 2.741,14.317-318; as Paus. 5.10.8) and Theseus the great-grandson of Pelops (Plut. Thes. 3.1; Paus.5.10.9).82 as Although the Centauromachy is attested early as the Homeric on poems and appears earlier small objects and Attic vases, such as the ca. on Fran?ois Vase of 570,83 it is noteworthy that its appearance the Olym use as pia pediment is the first instance of its architectural sculpture; on a such large scale, this melee between humans and Centaurs must have to been arresting.84 Elean designers could have chosen depict something

81. Robertson 273-274. 625 b.c. from and at date to 1975, pp. Olympia (Mallwitz horses Olympia back the See also 398 Herrmann no. Pimpinelli (1994, pp. 1980, pp. 77-78, 42). Geometric period. Mallwitz (1988, as a 403), who interprets the myth See also LIMC VIII, 1997, pp. 671 pp. 81-85) notes that all such votives and Geertman s.v. Kentauroi et Kentaurides were which is political statement; 721, damaged, unusual for 76. et 1982, p. (M. Leventopoulou al.). bronzes. It is also remarkable that 82. A further connection be 84. The nature both a at might equine of ped number of honored drawn between Theseus's iments is as is are to means Sikyonian noteworthy, Hippoda Olympia linked horses by and the fact that the meia's name and the of the origin Sikyonians ("horse tamer") suffix -hippios/-hippia (see claimed to some possess Pelops's sword fact that Perithoos's wife is Paus. 5.15.5-6). See also Lacroix times named as too out (Paus. 6.19.6). Hippodameia, (1976, pp. 330?331), who points 83. Museo //. to Florence, Archeologico (e.g., 2.742). The importance of the importance of horses Elis and Etrusco 4209 no. Para horses and at {ABV76, 1; Olympia their connection with Hippodameia's Addenda2 was not to name. lipomena 29; Beazley 21). limited the fifth century; Also on a bronze relief of ca. 650? the numerous bronze dedications of 234 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

Figure 21. Temple of Zeus, west pediment, Lapith (Q). Olympia Museum. Photo H. R. Goette

as different, such the Gigantomachy, which appears repeatedly as archi on tectural sculpture earlier buildings including the Megarian Treasury of ca. at 550 Olympia and the Temple of Apollo at Delphi of ca. 510. But the Gigantomachy emphasizes divine power, not the achievements of heroes? was except for those of Herakles, whose presence required for the gods' victory. The Centauromachy, by contrast, is purely in the human realm, stresses on and human achievement; although Apollo appears the Olym not pia pediment, he only directs action, and does participate in the fight. Compositional elements reinforce the association with the human realm: out Wendy Raschke points that the tangled poses of Centaurs men with Lapith actual wrestling holds that would have been famil to as one iar the Olympic athletes,85 and, Paul Rehak observes, Lapith a ear a common has distinctive cauliflower (Fig. 21), injury in boxing and ears on wrestling, which differs from the normal of the Lapith youths the pediment.86 Such references invited the athletes to see themselves in the heroic Lapiths.87 are Other aspects of this portrayal of the Centauromachy "firsts" that to concerns. women may be adaptations local The Lapith (E, H, O, R; an to are Fig. 2) play unusually prominent role here: my knowledge, they not present in any earlier depictions of the myth. In addition, several of women one an the Lapith (E, H, R) have breast bared (see Figs. 22, 23), innovation that may have been designed to remind the ancient viewer of

85. Raschke 1988, pp. 42-43; their 86. Rehak 1998, p. 199. would most have familiarity likely 87. By contrast, Raschke (1988, come from contemporary works of art. pp. 41-45) takes the view that the stat Raschke views to be ues on the are meant to Apollo acting temple emulate as athletic but this seems to statues judge, go of Olympic victors in the Altis. too far. THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 235

22. west Figure Temple of Zeus, pediment, Lapith woman (H). Photos H. R. Goette Olympia Museum.

23. west Figure Temple of Zeus, pediment, Lapith woman (R). Museum. Photo H. R. Goette Olympia 236 JUDITH M. BARRINGER

the competitors in the Heraia.88 The presence of the Lapith women ap to pealed the ancient viewer, who easily would be reminded of the women at were Olympia who participants in the Heraia and spectators at the male women were to games, who elevated marriageable status in the former venue and were in perhaps seeking husbands the latter. Although the Lapith women not are do seek husbands, they assaulted by the Centaurs at awed and are overseen ding defended by the heroic, athletic Lapiths, by the god Apollo (L;Fig. 2). Apollo's commanding presence in the west pediment is remarkable, at as and although he appears elsewhere Olympia, attested by statues and an altar, and Pausanias (5.7.10) credits him with Olympic victories, he is from all written accounts absent other and visual of the Centauromachy. His a to at presence may well be reference the oracle he established Olym 01. pia (Pind. 6.64-67),89 and here he exhorts the Lapiths to behave hero a ically by behaving athletically, like Olympic athletes, point emphasized the by depiction of recognizable wrestling holds. In sum, the west pedi ment addresses the male spectator, offering examples of courageous and heroic a behavior. Rather than negative exemplum,90 the west pediment, east was an read together with the pediment, intended to be inspiring to exhortation the Olympic athletes: "Successful athletes, who behave like as heroes such Pelops, Theseus, and Perithoos, will win honor, glory, and not wives by violence like the Centaurs but by athletic prowess and martial in honor both types of agones. Win, and win honorably, and all will be not seems more yours." Nike, dike, prominent in the minds of the Eleans, over an victors Pisa, and patrons of this temple, interest also reflected in the gilt Nike (or Victory) and gilt cauldrons that once crowned the roof as akroteria (Paus. 5.10.4)91 and in the Nike held in Zeus's hand within the celia (Paus. 5.11.1).92

METOPES

Like the pediments, the metopes (Figs. 4-6, 20) include local elements a and offered model of heroic behavior to the ancient viewer, especially to are Olympic athletes. Herakles' twelve labors set in both Peloponnesian and distant locales,93 choices suited to a Panhellenic sanctuary, the site of

88. Pausanias that SeeARV2 no. says competitors 541, 1; Paralipomena 385; phasize the opposite of such inversion, in the Heraia had their breasts right Beazley Addenda2 256; LIMC VIII, the institution of marriage. whereas the women of no. s.v. Kentauroi et 91. added see bared, Lapith 1997, p. 685, 171, Probably later; Rob the have their et ertson a sculpted Centauromachy Kentaurides (M. Leventopoulou al.). 1975, pp. 284-290, for discus left breasts Pausani sion of date and exposed. However, The motif of the Lapith women's bared authorship. as's use and left in turns on ambiguous of right breasts up again later the 92. See Lapatin (2001, pp. 84-85), the south of the where who the describing pediments, already noted, metopes Parthenon, briefly discusses importance Even if may explain this discrepancy. sometimes the left breast, sometimes of Nike in the iconography of the the choice of breast bared did the is see Brommer Zeus statue differ, right, bared; 1967, and posits that many of I think the association would have been pis. 150-152,197,198,200,201,209 the myths incorporated in the Pheidian made. One Attic column both breasts are 224-228. at concern red-figure (where bared), image Olympia the punish ca. of 470-460 by the Florence 89. Sinn 1994, pp. 596-598; 1991, ment of hubris. Painter Museo 50-51. 93. On (Florence, Archeologico pp. the geographical distribu also a female 90. des Bouvrie 66 tion of the see 81268/3997) portrays E.g., (1995, pp. labors, Pimpinelli 1994, victim of the with a views the west as an in Centauromachy 67) pediment pp. 379, 405-410, and passim; Geert bared breast. Its reverse carries a komos. version to em man of social order, designed 1982, pp. 74-75. THE TEMPLE OF AND ATHLETES ZEUS, HEROES, 237

Panhellenic games, and visitors and votives from all over Greece.94 Herakles an to was clearly provided athletic model the Olympic athlete; he espe cially famed for his skills in running (Paus. 5.7.7), wrestling, and the pan man kration (Paus. 5.8.4).95 Some of the metopes depict Herakles in the ner ear of contemporary athletes,96 showing, for example, his cauliflower numerous in the metope,97 and metopes portray him physi cally engaged with his opponent in activities that recall Olympic events, as such wrestling?with the Cretan bull and the Keryneian hind?and as slaying the Hydra, whose ever-renewing heads, another popping up soon as one is dispatched, require darting, quick movements that recall or boxing skills the like to cauterize the stumps. Pausanias (6.5.5-6) offers explicit written evidence for the model that Herakles provided the Olym athlete when he states that the athlete victor in pic Polydamas, thepankra was tion and other events, inspired by Herakles' exploit against the Nemean lion, and, like Herakles, also had an adventure with a bull.98 over The hero's aging appearance the series of metopes, moving from unbearded youth to bearded, full-bodied adult, may reflect the Olympic athlete's coming of age. Herakles also offers the promise of immortality to most was his disciplined imitators, for it the successful completion of Hera kles' physically taxing labors that assured his to live among the gods after his death. Of course, mortal athletes could not achieve actual immortality, but sought everlasting k/," and the Olympic victors got it. Victors at the a renown Olympic games enjoyed unmatched in the ancient Greek world: was it the most prestigious of the Panhellenic games (Pind. 01. 1.1-7), most a on the victory coveted, and it had profound effect the rest of the won victors' lives. Panhellenic victors, particularly those who at Olympia, commemorated their victories by erecting statues in the sanctuary, and athletic victors received various extraordinary honors when they returned home, such as free meals for life, a front seat at the games or in the theater, a public praise in the form of commissioned poems, and public statue.100 were Crown victors also singled out to found colonies (see, e.g., Paus. us: rest 3.14.3). Pindar, Olympian 1.97-99, tells "And for the of his life, the victor a so much as can it."101 enjoys -sweet calm, games provide even Some Panhellenic victors enjoyed hero shrines and sacrifice after their deaths,102 and victors and their statues also were thought to possess

94. See 99-101. 99. See 47. Holloway 1967, pp. Raschke 1988, pp. 43, 101. Trans. W. H. Race, Cambridge, mares were 95. Herakles' also victo 100. Evidence for the meals is pre Mass., 1997. rious in the served IG I3 an was true Olympic games, according in, e.g., 131, Athenian 102. This especially of ath to Pausanias decree of ca. 430. the letes (5.8.3). On extraordinary in south Italy and , but is also 96. Rasch stature of athletic see Kurke for Pimpinelli 1994, p. 354; victors, attested others, including Theage ke 43-44. where citations are also nes of 480 1988, pp. 1993, provided. Thasos, Olympic victor of 97. Pimpinelli 1994, p. 353. She points out that both atOlympia and 476 (see Lattimore 1988, p. 250, 98. and in the athletes' for is to won Mackey (2002) has recently hometowns, praise the dates), who said have demonstrated a more identifi and the general metaphorical crowning of the 1,200 or 1,400 athletic victories (Dio cation between Herakles and athletes victor were athletic reiterated and Chrys. 31.95-97; Paus. 6.11). The in Attic vase from on paintings the middle reenacted each time the inscription Olympic victor Philippos of Crot?n of the sixth b.c. which the commemorative statue was was century onward, read (ca. 520) honored by Egesta with portray both Herakles and athletes, aloud. See also Steiner 1998; Lattimore a hero shrine erected on his tomb with the same un for the Raschke where he was his especially wrestlers, 1988; and, statues, worshiped after usual short hair. 1988. death (Hdt. 5.47). 238 JUDITH M. BARRINGER magical properties, including the power to sicken, to heal, and to award athletic victories to their hometowns.103 The victors in the Olympic stadion, in fact, gave their names to the calendar year. The losers, on the other hand, went home to public humiliation.104 comes Some of the best evidence for this quest for everlasting kleos from Pindar's victory odes. In Olympian 6.9-11, for example, he empha a success sizes the necessity of risk for to have any significance: "A deed or done without danger, hand to hand aboard the hollow ships, lacks glory men someone but remember if dares and wins."105 Elsewhere (e.g., 01. warns success conse 2.95-100; Pyth. 1.82-84), the poet that athletic and the or can quent praise may yield envy hubris, which disrupt the community and occlude the victor's achievement.106 As evidence for this concern with was at the envy of others, it decreed Olympia in the second half of the fifth B.c. a or century that only three-time Olympic victor could erect, have a at erected for him, statue Olympia (Plin. HN34.16) and that it could not over can come be life-size?one only imagine what had before!107 One might argue that this decree and Pindar's treatment of envy and hubris as support interpretations of the temple sculptures warnings against hu bristic behavior. a But certainly this is too one-sided view. Both Pindar's epinicians were and the site of Olympia itself celebrations of glory and human achieve on won on ment, both the battlefield and fairly the racing track. If the were one temple truly meant to speak about hubris and dike, would expect see to images and myths illustrative only of hubris and its inevitable, a more inescapable punishment. Instead, the Temple of Zeus offers much nuanced collection of themes, including Herakles' labors; the heroic overseen actions of Perithoos and Theseus by the prime example of youth ful, masculine, nude beauty, Apollo; and the preparations for the event that will lead Pelops to marriage, founding the games, athletic glory, and eternal kleos. To be sure, hubris is present in both the Centaurs' and Oino maos's actions, but this is not all there is and is not the dominant chord. To see to speak only of dike is to only the gods and miss the glory and arete of the heroes. Details of the sculptures and their protagonists?the promi women nent inclusion of in the Centauromachy and their bared breasts; the presence of the episode of the Augean stables; the entwined familial relationships of Pelops, Herakles, Perithoos, and Zeus; and, of course, the

us 69 and fr. 229 W. H. Cam 103. Pausanias (6.11.8-9) tells Olympic victors of the past; such ges (ed. Race, statues tures were motivated See also that of Theagenes of Thasos, clearly politically bridge, Mass., 1997). Perysina victor were in some instances and attest to the kis 48. the Olympic already cited, 1990, p. set in were and accorded to both 105. Trans. F. up many places, where they power prestige Nisetich, Baltimore, the sick. the victor and his Oibatas of 1980. worshiped and could heal city. statues were not in who won the stadion 106. On Pindar's treatment of Theagenes' unique , Olympic to and cities to this see Steiner 144 their perceived ability heal, in 756, is said have withheld victory theme, 1998, pp. are to from his in on advice 146. recorded have appeased Olympic city until, 460, the statues or to stat a 107. See Steiner 124 victors' have erected of the Delphic oracle, they erected 1998, pp. ues was statue to at and because the deceased victor him Olympia (Paus. 6.3.8; 126; Raschke (1988, p. 39), who as a believed to have caused disease or fam 7.17.6-7,13-14). See Lattimore 1988; interprets the three-victory rule ine or to have withheld athletic victo Raschke 1988. concern with the heroization that a 104. Nem. where was statues erected to ries from given city. Once victory Cf. Pind. 8.85-87, implied by statues became standard, in the fifth losers cannot even earn a smile or individuals. to erect statues to 01. century, cities began laughter from their mothers; 8.65 THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, HEROES, AND ATHLETES 239

race an myth of Pelops's itself?glorify the participants, and encouraged saw cient viewers to draw connections between what they in the sculptures on and what went around them at Olympia. As athletes gazed up at the on at seen sculptures the Temple of Zeus Olympia, they would have heroic own models for their mortal agon. Yet Olympic victors would have achieved a one was to 108. Trans. F. Nisetich, Baltimore, glory that far outlasted their mortal bodies, that closer Herakles' 1980. states ex immortality. In Pythian 1.83-84, Pindar that "hearing others 109.1 the translations adapt by tolled rouses secret hatred."108 But he also on to goes say109 F. Nisetich (Baltimore, 1980) and W. H. Race ... over (Cambridge, Mass., 1997). nevertheless since envy is better than pity, do not pass any Lee (1983, pp. 34-35) out that . ... points noble things... Do not be deceived by shameful gains, for the stresses Pindar the mortality of the men are posthumous acclaim of fame alone reveals the life of who athletes he celebrates, yet I think the dead and gone to both chroniclers and Success is the first poems themselves indicate that Pindar poets.... was aware of To be well of is second. But he who finds them well of the lasting power of prizes. spoken crown. fame and human achievement. both and keeps them wins the highest

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Judith M. Barringer

University of Edinburgh

classics

school of history and classics

david hume tower

edinburgh eh8 9jx scotland

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