DOCSLIB.ORG

The Productivity of Infixation in Lakhota*

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Productivity of Infixation in Lakhota* UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, vol.0, June 2000 Papers in Lakhota—Munro (ed.) THE PRODUCTIVITY OF INFIXATION IN LAKHOTA* ADAM ALBRIGHT [email protected] A growing body of work on morphological irregularity has shown that the productivity of irregular morphological processes is sensitive to phonological context. However, these studies have focused almost exclusively on patterns of irregularity found in European languages. In this paper, I discuss a typologically different pattern of irregularity found in Lakhota: person marking appears as a prefix for some verbs, and as an infix for others. I combine computational modeling of the Lakhota lexicon and an experimental “wug” test, to show that infixed person marking is highly sensitive to context, just like other types of morphological irregularity. 1. INTRODUCTION It is not uncommon in the world’s languages for a particular morpheme to surface variably as an infix or as a prefix/suffix. One of the insights of McCarthy and Prince (1993), further developed in the OT literature, is that the decision to infix is often driven by prosodic considerations in the phonology. For example, possessive markers in Ulwa are placed after the first foot of the root, with the result that they are infixed in roots that are longer than one foot, and suffixed in words which contain just one foot. A second consideration which can drive infixation is syllable structure. An example of this is the morphemes -um- and -in- in Tagalog, which are prefixed to vowel-initial roots, but infixed in consonant-initial roots to create CV syllables and avoid VC syllables. One final consideration which has been argued to drive variable infixation is the local segmental environment. For example, Crowhurst (1998) points out that in at least some varieties of Toba Batak, the -um- morpheme which is cognate to Tagalog -um- is infixed only after certain consonants (/t k s d d g r l h/). In all of these cases, the analytical goal has been to make sense of a predictable distribution (infix vs. affix) in terms of its satisfaction of prosodic phonological constraints. In this paper, I will consider a case which has received less attention in the literature: morphemes which * I would like to thank our Lakhota teacher Mary Iron Teeth, who patiently provided difficult judgments about silly made-up words and about unusual uses of actual words — her good-natured willingness to play the “elderly aunt” game week after week has been truly remarkable. I would also like to thank Pam Munro, whose generous willingness to share her Lakhota Verb List made this analysis possible. Comments and suggestions are gratefully welcomed. 2 UCLA Working Papers In Linguistics, vol.0 may surface unpredictably as prefixes or infixes. The example I will focus on is person marking in Lakhota, as illustrated in (1): (1) Variable position of first singular subject marker -wa-: a. Prefixed: lówan ‘he sings’ ~ wa-lówan ‘I sing’ núwe ‘he swims’ ~ wa-núwe ‘I swim’ káge ‘he does/makes’ ~ wa-káge ‘I do/make’ b. Infixed: máni ‘he walks’ ~ ma-wá-ni ‘I walk’ aphé ‘he hits’ ~ a-wá-phe ‘I hit’ hoxpé ‘he coughs’ ~ ho-wá-xpe ‘I cough’ Such morphological irregularity poses not only an analytical problem for the linguist, but also a learning problem for the language learner. At the most basic level, for each word the learner must learn whether that word takes prefixation or infixation. However, this task might be simplified considerably if one could predict the behavior of words somehow, and if one pattern could be designated as a “default” to cover the majority of cases. In order to do this, we must be able to generalize over individual lexical items in some fashion. One scheme for how children might do this is the “Minimal Generality” hypothesis, outlined out by Albright and Hayes (1998) — namely, that children attempt to make sense of apparently arbitrary morphological patterns by paying careful attention to the phonological form of the roots involved. Under this view, the acquisition process is seen as a deliberate search for patterns which help predict class membership; as Zubin and Köpcke (1981, p.439) phrase it, “[w]e know that children are not passive consumers of morphological irregularity.” The end result is that languages have phonological regularities which line up with morphological irregularity, to produce a class system where membership is sort of — but not completely — arbitrary. The relationship between morphological irregularity and phonological form has been investigated for languages like English (Prasada and Pinker 1993) and for Italian verb classes (Albright 1998), but it has never been tested in a language with variably positioned morphemes. The goal of this paper, therefore, is to extend this line of investigation to Lakhota, in order to test the influence of phonology on morphology in a typologically different language. I will start with an overview of the place of affixation in existing Lakhota words, offering evidence that it is in fact a form of morphological irregularity, and reviewing some insights from Boas and Deloria (1941) on this matter. Next, I will outline an attempt to discover statistical tendencies computationally, using an automated pattern-discoverer developed by Albright and Hayes (1998). The goal of this section will be to uncover Albright—Productivity of Infixation 3 “islands of reliability” — that is, phonological neighborhoods in which words are especially likely to prefix or infix. I will then try to show that native speakers are in fact aware of these “islands,” and that phonological form does play a major role in shaping intuitions about how novel words should inflect. 2. THE POSITION OF SUBJECT MARKERS IN LAKHOTA 2.1. Overview of subject markers Subject agreement is marked in Lakhota by person and number affixes; the person affixes are either prefixed or infixed, while the plural marker -p is suffixed. The person markers can be divided into two series, which I will label as “I” and “II” (following Munro 1989).1 The subject markers for all persons are shown in Table 1. Table 1: The subject marking affixes of Lakhota “Series I” “Series II” (y-initial stems) wa un(k)*...p bl uny...p ma un(k)*...p ya ya...p l l...p ni ni...p ...p y y...p ...p *1pl -un- includes k before a vowel Boas and Deloria (1941) state that “[i]t is not possible to give absolutely consistent rules for the position of personal pronouns” (i.e., affixes) (p.78). As seen from example (1) above, the marker is prefixed for some verbs, and infixed for others. Therefore, the position of subject marking is to a certain extent unpredictable, and must be listed on a verb-by-verb basis. It is natural at this point to wonder how we can be so sure that the position of subject marking is not driven by phonotactic pressures in Lakhota. After all, the verbs in (1a) and (1b) are similar in structure, but they are not exactly minimal pairs. Is it possible that the alternation between prefixiation and infixation is in fact conditioned by a phonological environment, and we have simply failed to recognize the correct generalization? Without being able offer exact minimal pairs, I can not rule this possibility out completely; however, I can offer several types of evidence which make it seem unlikely. 1 The difference between Series I and Series II subject marking can generally be interpreted as an active/stative distinction; however, Munro has pointed out that some Series II verbs are not obviously stative, so the behavior of a verb is not completely predictable from its subcategorization properties. 4 UCLA Working Papers In Linguistics, vol.0 The first fact which makes a phonotactic explanation unlikely is that verbs with fully parallel structure (stress, manner of articulation, etc.) can take different patterns. Thus, the verbs lówan ‘sing’ and máni ‘walk’ in (1) are both composed of sonorants and have the same stress pattern, but one takes infixation and the other prefixation. In addition, Lakhota possesses other affixes which have similar phonological structure, but which can never infix. For example, the indefinitive object (valency-reducing) affix wa- is homophonous with the Series I first person marker, but it is prefixed for all verbs (including those which take infixed subject marking). Therefore, we can infer that it would be phonotactically legal to prefix the subject markers for all verbs. Finally, it appears that for a certain number of verbs, the subject markers may even be allowed in more than one position. In (2) we see that the verb washícu ‘be a white man’ allows either prefixation or infixation, while the verb wichásha ‘be a man’ allows only infixation. (2) Variable affix positions for some verbs a. washícu ‘be a white man’ wamáshicu ‘I am a white man’ mawáshicu ‘I am a white man’ b. wichásha ‘be a man’ wimáchasha ‘I am a man’ *mawíchasha ‘I am a man’ The two verbs in (2) are quite similar phonologically, but they have different morphological properties — therefore, it really does seem that the position of subject marking can not be reduced to a phonotactic effect. A second hypothesis which should be considered is a morphosyntactic one, in which infixing verbs are considered complex somehow. One approach along these lines would be to analyze infixing verbs as compounds, and then ensure that subject marking is prefixed to the second verb (the head of the compound) before the first verb is compounded to it. This approach would run into problems, however, with affixes that are always prefixed, such as the indefinite object wa-. We would have to say that these affixes are added after the compound is formed, but these suffixes typically affect subcategorization requirements (usually by changing valency), and subcategorization requirements are a property of the head of the compound — so why should they be added to the complement? In addition, inflectional elements like person marking are typically the last elements to be added in a verbal complex, so it would be quite surprising to find a language where person marking precedes valency-changing derivational morphology.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 1 Introduction
    1 Introduction My subject—inWxation—is at once exotic and familiar. Russell Ultan in his pioneering study of the typology of inWxation (1975) noted that inWxes are rare compared to the frequency of other aYxes. The presence of inWxes in any language implies the presence of suYxes and/or preWxes, and no languages employ inWxation exclusively (Greenberg 1966: 92). The term ‘inWxation’ is also less familiar to students of linguistics than are such terms as preWxation and suYxation. The Oxford English Dictionary goes as far as deWning inWxes as what preWxes and suYxes are not: A modifying element inserted in the body of a word, instead of being preWxed or suYxed to the stem. (May 14, 2003 Web edition) InWxes are not at all diYcult to Wnd, however. English-speaking readers will no doubt recognize some, if not all, of the following inWxation constructions: (1) Expletive inWxation (McCarthy 1982) impo´rtant im-bloody-po´rtant fanta´stic fan-fuckin-ta´stic perha´ps per-bloody-ha´ps Kalamazo´o Kalama-goddamn-zo´o Tatamago´uchee Tatama-fuckin-go´uchee (2) Homer-ic inWxation (Yu 2004b) saxophone saxomaphone telephone telemaphone violin viomalin Michaelangelo Michamalangelo (3) Hip-hop iz-inWxation (Viau 2002) house hizouse bitch bizitch soldiers sizoldiers ahead ahizead 2 Introduction Given the relative rarity of inWxes in the world’s languages, it is perhaps not surprising that inWxes are often aVorded a lesser consideration. Yet their richness and complexity have nonetheless captured the imaginations of many linguists. Hidden behind the veil of simplicity implied in the term ‘inWx’, which suggests a sense of uniformity on par with that of preWxes and suYxes, is the diversity of the positions where inWxes are found relative to the stem.
    [Show full text]
  • Conditional Tenses: -Nge-, -Ngali- and -Ki- Tenses and Their Negations
    Chapter 32 Conditional Tenses: -nge-, -ngali- and -ki- Tenses and Their Negations n this chapter, we will learn how to use conditional tenses: the -nge-, I-ngali- and -ki- tenses. These tenses indicate a condition, hypothesis or an assumption. The -nge- tense shows a condition in the present tense eg: If I were to study, etc. while the -ngali- tense shows a condition in the past tense eg: If I had studied, etc. We will also discuss the -ki- tense which shows a condition in the present tense which has future implica- tions eg: If I study, etc. Also, the word kama can be used with both the affirmative and negative conditional tenses to emphasize the conditional- ity. In addition, the -ki- tense can also be used as a present participle tense which will also be discussed in this chapter. Note that in conditional clauses, past tense shows a present condi- tion, a past perfect tense shows a past condition while a present tense shows a future condition. Section A: -nge- Tense The -nge- tense is used to show a hypothesis in the present tense. Similar to other tense markers, sentences using -nge- tense markers are con- structed in the following manner. Subject Prefix + -nge- Tense Marker + Verb Copyright © 2014. UPA. All rights reserved. © 2014. UPA. All rights Copyright Example: Ningesoma vizuri, ningefaulu. If I were to study well, I would pass. Almasi, Oswald, et al. <i>Swahili Grammar for Introductory and Intermediate Levels : Sarufi ya Kiswahili cha Ngazi ya Kwanza na Kati</i>, UPA, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/hselibrary-ebooks/detail.action?docID=1810394.
    [Show full text]
  • USAN Naming Guidelines for Monoclonal Antibodies |
    Monoclonal Antibodies In October 2008, the International Nonproprietary Name (INN) Working Group Meeting on Nomenclature for Monoclonal Antibodies (mAb) met to review and streamline the monoclonal antibody nomenclature scheme. Based on the group's recommendations and further discussions, the INN Experts published changes to the monoclonal antibody nomenclature scheme. In 2011, the INN Experts published an updated "International Nonproprietary Names (INN) for Biological and Biotechnological Substances—A Review" (PDF) with revisions to the monoclonal antibody nomenclature scheme language. The USAN Council has modified its own scheme to facilitate international harmonization. This page outlines the updated scheme and supersedes previous schemes. It also explains policies regarding post-translational modifications and the use of 2-word names. The council has no plans to retroactively change names already coined. They believe that changing names of monoclonal antibodies would confuse physicians, other health care professionals and patients. Manufacturers should be aware that nomenclature practices are continually evolving. Consequently, further updates may occur any time the council believes changes are necessary. Changes to the monoclonal antibody nomenclature scheme, however, should be carefully considered and implemented only when necessary. Elements of a Name The suffix "-mab" is used for monoclonal antibodies, antibody fragments and radiolabeled antibodies. For polyclonal mixtures of antibodies, "-pab" is used. The -pab suffix applies to polyclonal pools of recombinant monoclonal antibodies, as opposed to polyclonal antibody preparations isolated from blood. It differentiates polyclonal antibodies from individual monoclonal antibodies named with -mab. Sequence of Stems and Infixes The order for combining the key elements of a monoclonal antibody name is as follows: 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Aslian Languages of Malaysia and Thailand: an Assessment
    Language Documentation and Description ISSN 1740-6234 ___________________________________________ This article appears in: Language Documentation and Description, vol 11. Editors: Stuart McGill & Peter K. Austin The Aslian languages of Malaysia and Thailand: an assessment GEOFFREY BENJAMIN Cite this article: Geoffrey Benjamin (2012). The Aslian languages of Malaysia and Thailand: an assessment. In Stuart McGill & Peter K. Austin (eds) Language Documentation and Description, vol 11. London: SOAS. pp. 136-230 Link to this article: http://www.elpublishing.org/PID/131 This electronic version first published: July 2014 __________________________________________________ This article is published under a Creative Commons License CC-BY-NC (Attribution-NonCommercial). The licence permits users to use, reproduce, disseminate or display the article provided that the author is attributed as the original creator and that the reuse is restricted to non-commercial purposes i.e. research or educational use. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ ______________________________________________________ EL Publishing For more EL Publishing articles and services: Website: http://www.elpublishing.org Terms of use: http://www.elpublishing.org/terms Submissions: http://www.elpublishing.org/submissions The Aslian languages of Malaysia and Thailand: an assessment Geoffrey Benjamin Nanyang Technological University and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 1. Introduction1 The term ‘Aslian’ refers to a distinctive group of approximately 20 Mon- Khmer languages spoken in Peninsular Malaysia and the isthmian parts of southern Thailand.2 All the Aslian-speakers belong to the tribal or formerly- 1 This paper has undergone several transformations. The earliest version was presented at the Workshop on Endangered Languages and Literatures of Southeast Asia, Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology, Leiden, in December 1996.
    [Show full text]
  • Infixing Reduplication in Pima and Its Theoretical Consequences
    Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2006) 24:857–891 DOI 10.1007/s11049-006-9003-8 ORIGINAL PAPER Infixing reduplication in Pima and its theoretical consequences Jason Riggle Received: 28 July 2003 / Accepted: 20 January 2006 / Published online: 3 August 2006 © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2006 Abstract Pima (Uto-Aztecan, central Arizona) pluralizes nouns via partial redupli- cation. The amount of material copied varies between a single C (mavit / ma-m-vit ‘lion(s)’) and CV (hodai / ho-ho-dai ‘rock(s)’). The former is preferred unless copying a single C would give rise to an illicit coda or cluster, in which case CV is copied. In contrast to previous analyses of similar patterns in Tohono O’odham and Lushoot- seed, I analyze the reduplicant as an infix rather than a prefix. The infixation of the reduplicant can be generated via constraints requiring the first vowel of the stem to correspond to the first vowel of the word. Furthermore, the preference for copying the initial consonant of the word can be generated by extending positional faithfulness to the base-reduplicant relationship. I argue that the infixation analysis is superior on two grounds. First, it reduces the C vs. CV variation to an instance of reduplicant size conditioned by phonotactics. Second, unlike the prefixation analyses, which must introduce a new notion of faithfulness to allow syncope in the base just in the con- text of reduplication (e.g. “existential faithfulness” (Struijke 2000a)), the infixation analysis uses only independently necessary constraints of Correspondence Theory. Keywords Reduplication · Uto-Aztecan · Correspondence Theory · Generalized Template Theory 1 Introduction Pima reduplication offers an interesting analytic puzzle, the solution of which bears on a number of important issues in the theory of reduplication.
    [Show full text]
  • Evaluation of Infix Expression Using Stack in C
    Evaluation Of Infix Expression Using Stack In C Transmittable Michail dreamings her sanctimony so interminably that Hamil mistimed very feckly. Lazare still euhemerize timeously while Neogaean Leslie elasticates that sophists. Which Darcy dents so dotingly that Brodie paneled her kidneys? Pop two characters one for postfix notation is a number constant, push and java programming languages: while reversing a stack should be pushed into the infix evaluation of expression using in stack Cancel reply cancel reply cancel whenever you use of expressions using two things a function inside that push it evaluates a community of. Included in your subscription at no additional cost! You solve the given expression p will be compared with friends and we will answer for expression evaluation of all unary minus operators. Example below to pop any other popular books, using infix evaluation expression of stack in c source code does not calculate on your program to convert a postfix expressions are enabled on empty stack? Then the operator and programs which the evaluation of infix expression using in stack c program to postfix conversion from left parenthesis, the app to a operator. Where around the parentheses go? Create a data structure we will learn and if current index is the matching left of evaluation infix expression using in stack c program, such a number in harry potter and algorithm used. Push it onto the stack. To use of the whole infix using stacks instead of code uses two sorted arrays to the operators that this information like a b and that. No spaces between numbers or operators.
    [Show full text]
  • Morphological Typology of Affixes in Riau Malay
    International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 8; August 2016 Morphological Typology of Affixes in Riau Malay Azhary Tambusai1 Khairina Nasution2 Dwi Widayati3 Jufrizal4 1, 2, 3 Post-graduate Department of Linguistics Faculty of Cultural Sciences University of Sumatera Utara Jl. dr. Mansoer No. 1 Medan 20155 (Indonesia) 4 State University of Padang (Indonesia) Abstract The morphological typology in RM is based on the concept of segmentability and invariance as proposed by Van Scklegel. This concept has the purpose to idenify a word or a construction whether it is a morpheme or not. This study is descriptive-qualitative and has two major purposes: (1) to investigate the characteristics of morphological typology in RM and (2) to demonstrate the affixation process. This study was conducted in some selected municipalities and regencies in Riau Province in 2014-2015 and its data was obtained from some RM native speakers as informants through interviews which were recorded on audiotape and video. The results provide some support for determining that RM is an agglutinative language since its segmentability and invariance is easily known and this is in accordance with what Montolalu (2005: 181) said that the characteristics of agglutinative languages is that words can be divided into morphemes without difficulty. In adition, the results also provide some support for the involvement of (i) prefixes {meN-}, {beR-}, {teR-}, {di-}, {peN-}, {se-}, {peR-}, {ke-}, and {bese-}, (ii) infixes {-em-}, {-el-}, and {-er-}, (iii) suffixes {-an}, {-kan}, and {-i}, (iv) confixes {peN-an}, {peR-an}, {ke-an},{ber-an}, and {se-nye}, and (v) affix combination such as {mempeR-(- kan, -i)}, {me-kan}, and {di-kan}.
    [Show full text]
  • Aslian: Mon-Khmer of the Malay Peninsula
    1 Aslian: Mon-Khmer of the Malay Peninsula. James A. Matisoff University of California, Berkeley Depending from the Southeast Asian mainland like “a long-necked bottle or an Indian club,”1 the Malay Peninsula lies in tropical splendor, separated from the island of Sumatra by the peaceful tidal waters of the Strait of Malacca. In the geological past, before the sinking of the Sunda Shelf, the west (‘Selangor’) coast of Malaya and the east coast of Sumatra were in fact connected by land—and at an even earlier period the two coastlines must have fit neatly together like pieces of a jigsaw puzzle (see Map 1). * This monograph was originally written in 1982-83, almost twenty years ago now, with the intention of incorporating it into the Mon-Khmer chapter of my long-suffering book, Languages of Mainland Southeast Asia. This book, to be published eventually in the Language Surveys series (familiarly know as the “green books”) by Cambridge University Press, is still far from completion, but will hopefully appear sometime during the 21st century. Meanwhile it has become clear that this study of the Aslian branch of Mon-Khmer is far too long and detailed to serve merely as part of a single chapter of a general book on Southeast Asian languages. However, in view of the fact that no other overall treatment of the Aslian languages has appeared in the past 20 years, perhaps the time has come to publish it separately. Since I am certainly no specialist in Mon-Khmer, I have obviously had to rely on the true masters of the field, especially the works of the two preeminent Aslianists, Gérard Diffloth and Geoffrey Benjamin, both of whom have been kind enough to approve of my attempts to summarize their research.
    [Show full text]
  • Infixing Reduplication in Pima and Its Theoretical Consequences
    Infixing Reduplication in Pima and its Theoretical Consequences 1 Introduction Pima reduplication offers an interesting analytic puzzle, the solution of which bears on a number of important issues in the theory of reduplication. In this paper I will present the Pima data, provide an analysis within the framework of Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993), and address the theoretical implications of this analysis. I will argue that a particular set of reduplicative patterns that previous scholars have analyzed as prefixing reduplication plus syncope in the base can be analyzed simply as infixing reduplication. Moreover I will show that these two analyses have very different theoretical ramifications. At stake are the flexibility with which a grammar is allowed to pick out which segments get copied in reduplication and the nature of the distinction between the base and the reduplicant. 1.1 Overview Reduplication in Pima occurs at the left edge of the word and is used to mark plural forms of nouns, adjectives, adverbs, verbs and even some determiners.1 Pima Reduplication is particularly interesting because the amount of material that appears twice in the pluralized forms varies between a single consonant and the initial CV sequence. I will refer to these two patterns of reduplication C-Copying and CV-Copying respectively. (1) a. C-Copying: ma.vit ‘lion’ mam.vit ‘lions’ b. CV-Copying: ho.dai ‘rock’ ho.ho.dai ‘rocks’ I use the term ‘copying’ here simply to reference the material that appears twice in reduplicated forms and not to indicate an assumption about which substring of the surface form is the reduplicant.
    [Show full text]
  • Grade 4 English Language Arts for Example
    Grade 4 English Language Arts Week of October 13 – October 16 Lesson 4: Affixes This section is all about affixes! But what are affixes? Well, the word affix itself actually means to stick, attach, or fasten to something else. For example: He licked the stamp and affixed it to the envelope. Affixes in linguistics are little pieces that are added to an Infix (root word) in order to change its meaning. • If an affix is placed before the infix/root word, it is called a Prefix. • If an affix is placed after the infix/root word, it is called a Suffix. Infix An infix is just a fancy word for Root Word. It is the main word. Prefixes and suffixes are attached to the infixes. Prefix Added to the beginning of a base word, changing the meaning of the word. Below you will find a table of prefixes, take note these are more prefixes than the ones in this table, these are simply examples. Sometimes prefixes are attached to the word using hyphens. Usually, prefixes are attached directly to the word, but here are a few exceptions: Suffix A suffix is added to the end of a base word and changes the meaning of it. Below you will find a table of suffixes, take note these are more suffixes than the ones in this table, these are simply examples. Complete the following: 1 . Nonsense The highlighted part of the word is a: a. Infix b. Prefix c.Suffix 2n.Ueven ly The highlighted part of the word is a: a.
    [Show full text]
  • PIE Verb Morphology Part
    _tÇzâtzx TÜàá 2 | 2016 | VERSION 2016-03-11 OPEN – ACCESS Freely available online Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection Roland A. Pooth* FIU Cologne, University of Cologne ‡, Leiden University ‡, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History ◊ Abstract: This article provides an overview of Proto-Indo-European verb morphology. Keywords: Reconstruction of morphology, PIE verbal morphology, PIE aspect system, PIE grammar ** Citation: Pooth, R. A. (2016): “Proto-Indo-European Verb Morphology. Part 1. Inflection”, Language Arts 2, issue version 2016-03-11, author manu- script version 2016-03-11 Editor: Dr. Roland A. Pooth, Merheimer Str. 117, D 50733 Cologne (Nippes), Western Germany Written: Winter 2015/2016; published online at https://leidenuniv.academia.edu/RolandPooth , 2016-03-11 Copyright: © 2016 R. A. Pooth. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. *E-mail: [email protected] _tÇzâtzx TÜàá is an open-access freesheet for linguistic arts, pre-publication, DIY publication, and post-publication amendment. It is edited by the FIU Cologne (cf. J. Beuys 1978: “Aufruf zur Alternative”, Frankfurter Rundschau, Dec. 23; J. Beuys & H. Böll 1973: "Manifesto on the foundation of a 'Free International School for Creativity and Interdisciplinary Research’” , in: C.M. Joachimides & N. Rosenthal (eds.) 1974: Art into Society, Society into Art: Seven German Artists [...]. Institute of Contemporary Arts, London, pp. 49ff. , reprinted in : J. Beuys 1993 (C. Kuoni, ed.): Joseph Beuys in America: Energy Plan for the Western Man.
    [Show full text]
  • The Leipzig Glossing Rules: Conventions for Interlinear Morpheme-By-Morpheme Glosses
    Leipzig, last change: May 31, 2015 Further updates will be managed by the Committee of Editors of Linguistics Journals. 1 The Leipzig Glossing Rules: Conventions for interlinear morpheme-by-morpheme glosses About the rules The Leipzig Glossing Rules have been developed jointly by the Department of Linguistics of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology (Bernard Comrie, Martin Haspelmath) and by the Department of Linguistics of the University of Leipzig (Balthasar Bickel). They consist of ten rules for the "syntax" and "semantics" of interlinear glosses, and an appendix with a proposed "lexicon" of abbreviated category labels. The rules cover a large part of linguists' needs in glossing texts, but most authors will feel the need to add (or modify) certain conventions (especially category labels). Still, it will be useful to have a standard set of conventions that linguists can refer to, and the Leipzig Rules are proposed as such to the community of linguists. The Rules are intended to reflect common usage, and only very few (mostly optional) innovations are proposed. We intend to update the Leipzig Glossing Rules occasionally, so feedback is highly welcome. Important references: Lehmann, Christian. 1982. "Directions for interlinear morphemic translations". Folia Linguistica 16: 199-224. Croft, William. 2003. Typology and universals. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. xix-xxv. The rules (revised version of February 2008) Preamble Interlinear morpheme-by-morpheme glosses give information about the meanings and grammatical properties of individual words and parts of words. Linguists by and large conform to certain notational conventions in glossing, and the main purpose of this document is to make the most widely used conventions explicit.
    [Show full text]