THE INFLUENCE OF ISLAMIC MIGRATION ON RUSSIAN AND SPANISH SOCIETY: VERBALIZATION OF THE CONCEPT “MOOR”
Irina S. KARABULATOVA Olga S. CHESNOKOVA Yuliya N. EBZEEVA Marija RADOVIĆ
Abstract. This article analyses the transformation of the concept of “Moor” under the influence of migrations in the Russian and Spanish languages. The authors gathered the primary source material through fieldwork expeditions to the border regions of Russia and Spain. The change in the semantics of the concept “Moor” indicates a shift from labelling a specific “other” (Muslims originally from North Africa who occupied and settled in the Iberian Peninsular in the eighth century) to a more general term for immigrant “others” in both Spain and Russia today. New meanings of the concept of “Moor” in the Russian language have parallels due to the promotion of “Moorish” culture in Europe. The concept of “Moor” expands its meaning in the Russian linguistic worldviews of the world under the influence of migrants from Central Asia and Ukraine. Keywords: Spanish, Russian, migrant, ethnic trauma, dichotomy, aggression.
Introduction Researchers have long been interested in the problem of interaction of languages when cultures clash during wars and migrations. With the maximum polyvalence of one or another phenomenon in the linguistic picture of the world of specific ethnic groups, we can observe the powerful dichotomy of “friend or foe.” In the following article, we compare similar objects, namely, the concept of the term “Moor” in the linguistic pictures of
This paper was financially supported by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation within the program to improve the competitiveness of the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (PFUR University, RUDN-university) among the world’s leading research and education centres in 2016–2020. The publication was supported by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation (Agreement No. 02.A03.21.0008). Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russian Federation; e-mail: [email protected]. Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russian Federation; e-mail: [email protected]. Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russian Federation; e-mail: [email protected]. Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia, Moscow, Russian Federation; e-mail: [email protected].
Terra Sebus. Acta Musei Sabesiensis, 12, 2020, p. 301-325. I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović Russians and Spaniards. We propose to define the designation “Moor” as a xenonym (ξένα/xeno “alien, foe” + όνομα/ onym “name”), given that that each language has a designation of “strangers” in the dichotomy “friend– foe.” This allocation of class allows us to move away from inaccurate definitions. The Spanish national character, as well as the Russian character, has undergone a powerful mythologization in the perception of peoples- neighbours. Diverse cultures such as Iberian, Phoenician, Greek and Arab all had a significant influence on the formation of the Spanish national character. The Russian national character also evolved from a variety of languages and cultures. Based on these simple considerations; the authors decided to investigate the use of the xenonym “Moor” to mean “other” in Spanish and Russian. This is most evident in the Russian language, where it is used to refer to “someone who has recently arrived, not local, newcomer, migrant” in colloquial speech. The concept of “Moor” occupies a special place in Spanish culture, accumulating an almost biblical fear of the alien, barbaric tribes of Gog and Magog, who act as a symbol of punishment for sins. It is known that a child who witnesses or experiences abuse within their family often transfers such abuse to their partner, spouse, or child as an adult. Every generation is trained in violence in a family where violence exists. Aggression is learned primarily in the process of observing the manifestation of aggression in parents. The result can be a high readiness for aggression in conflict situations. In this aspect, aggression arises as a destructive form of development of ethnic and religious conflict. These conflicts can escalate into wars. Heimo Hofmeister considers the ontological political essence of war, and notes that war in general is an expression of political powerlessness and military violence, unlike police violence practiced within the state, goes beyond the limits of the space regulated by national legislation.1 The ethnic trauma experienced by Spanish culture is recorded in the linguistic and cultural field of the concept “Moor” in Spanish. Military expansion does not, in fact, have a creative beginning; that is, wars are not waged for the sake of war, but are instrumental in nature. Rather, we should talk about the political goals of war, proclaimed by the authorities (political and military leadership of the state) as the result of the use of military violence. Political goals determine the attitude of each member of society to war, the nature of armed struggle, and the choice and mobilization of resources for its success. The achievement of political goals is “labelled” in the public consciousness as a “victory,” so we find a dominant representation of the image of the Spaniard in comparison with the image of the Moor. The Moor appears as an image
1 Hofmeister 2001, p. 58–59. 302 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society of the defeated. The Moor acts as a “victim,”2 targeted by aggression, the level of which in society, as a rule, increases with the beginning of hostilities. We see a similar attitude in the border regions of Russia, when local residents call migrants from Ukraine (Belgorod) Moors. Thus, we can observe the formation of a distorted attitude to the image of the “foe.” This process becomes a factor of awareness of oneself and other people, influencing the processes of deposing violence. We consider the development of the concept of “Moor” in two different language environments: Spanish and Russian. The term “Moor” is an xenonym, that is, a word used only by cultural “insiders” to describe a group of people of a certain ethnicity or from a particular region, rather than a word those people use to describe themselves. It was used in Classical times to describe the Berbers of the Maghreb (described as Μαῦροι in classical Greek literature). The term later came to refer to both Berbers and Arabs from the coastal regions of North Africa, and also Black North Africans. As a result of the last association, for some it became synonymous with “negros” – thanks, perhaps to Shakespeare’s play, Othello, in which the main character is described as a Moor, and is black. As this article shows, the term is still used in the twenty-first century, both in Spain and in Russia as an “othering” term, usually as a derogatory label, often in connection with immigrants or subordinates, carrying implications of laziness, unruliness or stupidity. While the authors (and many of our informants) in no way condone the derogatory implications of the word, we take a neutral approach to studying utterances that involve the lexeme “Moor,” allowing us to examine its dynamics in a scientific way. Cultural synthesis is most vividly represented in the southern regions of Spain. It is in these areas that the ever-changing cultures interacted most actively. The southeastern regions absorbed the Phoenician traditions, while the processes of Romanization had a greater effect on the south of the country. Between 711 and 718, almost the entire territory of the Iberian Peninsula, apart from the northern highlands, was conquered by the North African peoples whom the Spaniards called the Moors, or Moros. 718 marked the beginning of the Reconquista, the campaign to reclaim those lands by Christian military forces.3 If we compare characteristics of the Spanish philosophical tradition with the self-knowledge of the Russian philosophical tradition of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, we find a striking similarity. Most researchers include anthropocentricity, syncretism, ontologism, the
2 Girard 2005, p. 324–325. 3 Yakovleva 2003, p. 22. 303 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović predominance of intuitive thinking over discursive reasoning, as well as the idea of Russia’s messianic destiny in the unification of East and West. As a common feature that can be represented as a specific tradition of the Spanish national philosophy, one can designate the understanding of “being” as an ontological and metaphysical understanding of life. The powerful ethno-confessional impact caused a special syncretism between Russian and Spanish culture: they have a similar division of national life, a multi-level character of identity, and specific ideas about their historical mission.4 The modern position of the migrant in the linguistic picture of Russians and Spaniards is based on the fundamental existentialism of Miguel de Unamuno, along with the ideas of rationalism of José Ortega y Gasset regarding the close relationship between man and the world, as well as the pulsating interaction of personality and being as linguo-philosophical categories.5 The Spanish Nobel laureate Camilo José Sela suggests that Spain provides an example of a country “historically divided into two halves, each of which is further divided into two halves, which, in turn, are fragmented and fragmented just as the images in the mirrors multiply.”6 Divided into Christians and Moors during the period of the Reconquista, into old and new Christians during the Renaissance, and into Republicans and Francoists, or conservatives and the most Europeanized, liberals in the twentieth century, Spain absorbed the synthesis of the interaction of different cultures. The Reconquista was a continuous centuries-long war against the Moors, started by the Hispano-Visigoth nobility under the leadership of Pelayo. The Spanish peasants and urban residents who fought alongside the knights in the Reconquista received considerable privileges. Most of the peasants were released from serfdom, free peasant communities arose on the liberated lands of Castile, and the cities (especially in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries) were granted significant autonomy. When, after the fall of the Umayyad Dynasty (1031), the Arab power fell apart, the County of Leon-Asturias, under the rule of Ferdinand I, was granted the status of a kingdom and became the main stronghold of the Reconquista. In the north in the same period, the Basques founded Navarre, and Aragon merged with Catalonia following a dynastic marriage. In 1085, the Christians captured Toledo, then Talavera, Madrid and other cities came under Christian rule. Summoned by the Emir of Seville from Africa, the Almoravids gave new strength to Islam, bringing about victories at Sallac
4 Ebzeeva et al. 2018, p. 733. 5 Eryomina 2014, p. 57; Akram, Johnson 2009, p. 103; Ortega y Gasset 1972, p. 87. 6 Diaz-Plaja 1977, p. 199. 304 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society (1086) and Uckles (1108) and again United Arab Spain. At the same time, the religious fervour and military courage of the Christians received new impetus from the Crusades.7 The ethnic trauma of that period is forever etched in the collective unconscious of both Christian Europeans and Muslim Arabs. As various researchers have pointed out, the consequences of ethnic trauma do not go away and can become a source of new popular unrest.8 The Russian and Spanish language pictures of the world demonstrate two basic models of interaction – Ours/Alien, East/West – in the process of synthesising cultures. These dichotomous oppositions occupy a leading place in uncovering the specifics of the culture of both Russia and Spain. Globalisation is a process that leads to socio-cultural interdependence, but tends to lead to structures that are highly unequal, characterized by the emergence of an intellectual “core” and a cultural periphery, lagging in socio- cultural dynamics, and undergoing cultural “colonization.” Migration has become a characteristic feature of globalization, and as a result, people in many countries have become more likely to encounter other cultures and other languages among those settled within their borders. We believe that the xenonym “Moor” has come to replace the term “barbarian” used to refer to a representative of another ethnic group. In Russian, “Moor” was initially used to refer to migrants who arrived from Asian countries. Later, this term began to expand its geography. The growing confrontation between Russia and Ukraine has led to an increase in the ethno-cultural tension between the two countries and peoples. Russian speakers living in the Russian-Ukrainian border area began to refer to Ukrainians as Moors as well. It is worth noting that Ukrainian labour migration to Russia remains significant, while labour migration from the post-Soviet Central Asian countries has also not decreased in pace. At the same time, the local Russian population reveals special features of the verbal-paraverbal behaviour of migrants. These traits are not always clear. In addition, the migrants who arrive communicate with each other in their native language, which is incomprehensible to Russians. All this has contributed to the spread of the xenonym “Moor” in Russian linguo-mental culture to mean “alien.” Russia’s transition to the modernizing cultural paradigm of migration is significantly blocked by an atmosphere of isolationism: the migration situation is negatively assessed by social groups of various ideological orientations. Migration to Russia by people from Central Asian countries is taking place in the context of a sharp reduction in natural population growth
7 Popov 2009, p. 113. 8 See, for example, Osipov et al. 2016, p. 90; Karabulatova et al. 2017a, p. 451; Sokolov 2019, p. 158; Karabulatova et al. 2014, p. 20. 305 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović in Russia, so as an economic plan, it largely meets the changing needs of the labour market.9 However, studies from the All-Russian Centre for Public Opinion Research indicate the growing strength of the concept of “external enemies” in the mass consciousness of Russians. Over the past five years, the number of respondents who supported the slogan “Russia – for Russians!” increased one and a half times, from 43% to 60–63%. By comparison, only 25% claimed to be shocked by this phrase.10 Many leaders of Russian political parties in pre-election periods actively use the topic of immigration in a way that contributes to, even incites, xenophobia.11 In other words, migration processes have not only demographic and economic dimensions, but also socio-cultural aspects which cannot be considered only through the criterion of economic efficiency. The socio- cultural consequences of migration, as a rule, include changes in the ethno- cultural composition of the population of the host regions; the growth of social tension caused by the strengthening of cultural differences as an instrument of identity protection; the aggravation of inter-ethnic relations; the formation of new ethnic diasporas; and the formation of tendencies towards either cultural assimilation and integration, or cultural and political separatism.
Materials and methods The authors conducted sociolinguistic surveys over a period of seven years (2013–2019) in the following border regions of Russia: Tyumen region (2013), Tomsk region (2017), Krasnodar region (2018), Belgorod region (2018–2019) and Voronezh region (2017–2019). For the first time, we recorded the xenonym “Moor” in the Tyumen region, in the south of Western Siberia in 2013. Initially, we did not set out to investigate the term “Moor,” but the xenonym emerged from oral interviews with native speakers when we were studying migration issues. The questionnaire was compiled by Professor Irina Karabulatova. The questions were as follows: 1. Who is a migrant? 2. What are the migrants? 3. Where do migrants come from in your region? 4. Is there a special word for migrants and why? When the oral interviews revealed that the local population calls migrants “Moors,” we decided to pay special attention to the study of this
9 Toan et al. 2019, p. 452. 10 Iontsev et al. 2016, p. 501. 11 Akhmetova et al. 2018, p. 1515. 306 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society xenonym in Russian culture. The study was conducted with the involvement of colleagues from various regions of Russia, and also drew on the support of volunteers in the youth environment (Mikhail Karabulatov, student, 18 years old; Irina Savchuk, PhD student, 25; Maria Golub’, school student, 17; Liana Djishkariani, PhD student, 28; Julia Fernandez Sanchez, PhD student, 29; Natalia Skrebtsova, student, 20; Timur Usmanov, student, 20). The basic questions of the survey were: “What is the name given to migrants in your region (city, district, locality)?”; “Do you use any special word for migrants?”; “Do you know that migrants are called Moors?” “Why do you think that is?” These questions were answered by the first group, numbering 100 people. The second group answered questions: 1. Who is “the Moor”? 2. What do you know about the Moors? 3. Do you know that migrants are called Moors? Why do you think that is? At the same time, we could not but touch upon the questions of the origin and development of the meaning of this concept in the Spanish language, from where this word was borrowed. To this end, Professor Olga Chesnokova conducted a survey among Spanish colleagues and students on the definition of the concept of “Moor” in the Spanish language. We compared these results with the widely-known definitions recorded in Spanish language dictionaries. Associate Professor Yulia Ebzeeva collected written answers to questions about migrants and Moors at selected universities in Spain and France. Marija Radović conducted personal surveys in Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America. The problem of studying xenonyms is associated with many sensitive issues regarding the peaceful coexistence of different peoples and manifestations of the “friend–foe” dichotomy. This required careful selection of material. The following cohorts of the society were studied: students, professors, teachers in Spain; in Russia, high school students, college students; middle-class rural residents (medical workers, salesmen, individual entrepreneurs); working-class individuals (welders, builders) and pensioners. A total of 358 people were interviewed. The language use recorded in the surveys data was also compared with official Russian language dictionaries and other unofficial lexicographic sources on the Internet. Use of the lexeme “Moor” in the southern regions of Russia was recorded in interviews. The young researchers mentioned above helped to conduct surveys with their peers, on the basis that people might speak more freely to someone of a similar age. Members of the closed group “Youth slang” on the Russian social
307 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović network “Vkontakte,” which focuses on Russian jargon, were also asked to contribute. The authors conducted sociolinguistic surveys with elements of a psycholinguistic experiment at universities in Spain between 2017 and 2019. The choice of universities in Spain was determined by the presence of research links with the People’s Friendship University of Russia. Each response was accompanied by the interviewee’s demographic data (gender, age, education, city, university). Irina Karabulatova’s questionnaire was updated taking into account the specifics of the Spanish language culture. The principles of historicism, objectivity and a systematic approach formed the methodological foundation of our research, allowing us to comprehensively cover this issue. Methodologically, the study is based on a comprehensive analysis of the cultural situation and verbalization of the concepts of “migrant” and “Moor” in the context of modern syncretic culture.12 Our research helps to illustrate the possibilities for interpenetration and synthesis of cultures, by analysing the degree of openness of the considered cultures regarding the dynamics of the concepts of “migrant” and “Moor.”13 The surveys of Russians and Spaniards allowed us to clarify the general and specific features of the concept of “migrant” in the Russian and Spanish language pictures of the world.14 A psycholinguistic experiment, a semantic analysis, and elements of a sociolinguistic questioning were undertaken.
Discussions The Arab component has a special significance in the culture of Spain. Outstanding monuments of Spanish-Arabic architecture are included in the treasury of the cultural heritage of mankind. By the beginning of the Crusades in medieval Europe, the concept of the Moor as an Arab and an ardent supporter of Islam had been established.15 And since there were soldiers among the Arabs whose skin colour was very unusual for medieval Europe – black – such people are often mentioned in the written heritage of Europeans.16 When the Ottoman Empire began to threaten Europe, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, all adherents of Islam became associated with the Turks.17 It was at this time that many began to identify the Moors with
12 Ebzeeva et al. 2017, p. 323. 13 Karabulatova et al. 2017b, p. 96. 14 Alonso et al. 2014, p. 287. 15 Gana 2015, p. 200. 16 Rybkina 2005, p. 14. 17 Karabulatova, Ermakova 2017, p. 441. 308 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society representatives of the Negroid race, as did Shakespeare. In connection with this, problems of identification of various strata of the individual began to arise.18 Russia was separated from European events; its own struggles were concerned with freeing itself from the Tatar-Mongol yoke.19 For the black representatives of Africa, the Russian word was not “Moor” but “Arap,” a term which glorified the ancestor of Alexander Pushkin: Ibrahim Hannibal. Natives from the east (Arabs) settled in the western part of Western Europe in a completely alien environment; they managed not only to gain a foothold in the new territory, but also to create a unique syncretic civilization, striking for its depth, sophistication and elegance. Before examining the specific manifestations of interaction and the synthesis of cultures in the framework of Al-Andalus (the Muslim-ruled region of the Iberian Peninsular), let us turn to the recent findings in the field of cultural studies on the problem of communication of cultures,20 from the point of view of the functioning of the “Ours/Alien” and “East/West.”21 This worldview conflict is replaced in the sphere of the unconscious in the structure of the individual and society.22 The “reading” of colour can be subjective, individual, or collective, common to large social groups and cultural and historical regions. The confusion of the concepts of “Moor” meaning Muslim and “Moor” meaning Negro in the Russian language picture of the world arises from the fact that in North Africa there are many people of mixed ethnicity who speak Arabic or Berber and follow Islam. The following discussion takes as its basic premise that any culture is a process of “sociable communication” based on historical forms of communication.
Results In modern Russia, under the influence of migrations, new stable expressions of lexeme “Moor” have appeared: aul23 Moor, blunt Moor, black Moor. Tatyana Volkova’s phraseological dictionary of the Russian language offers the following synonyms for the word Moor: Arab, Moorish, Mondiyar, Morisk, Negro.24 This dictionary only covers how this idiom borrowed from
18 Luchinskaya et al. 2018, p. 791. 19 Khairullina et al. 2015, p. 572. 20 Kochikyants 1999, p. 14. 21 Akhmetova et al. 2018, р. 1519; Karabulatova, Ermakova 2017, p. 444. 22 Stepanyants 2019, p. 32. 23 In Russian, aul designates a small mountain or steppe village; the word is borrowed from the Turkic languages. 24 Volkova 2014, p. 304. 309 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović the dramas of Friedrich Schiller – for example, the well-known popular expression “The Moor has done his work; the Moor can leave!,” which goes back to his work, Die Verschwörung des Fiesco zu Genua from 1783.25 However, there are other stable expressions in existence, for example, “black as a Moor” “jealous as a Moor,” or “like Moors without a lord,” a phrase we examine in more detail below. Currently, the word “Moor” is included among the colloquial Russian idioms to refer to migrants. However, the Russian speakers who use this term do not use it to represent migrants specifically from the countries of the Middle East, but migrants generally, including those from the countries of Central Asia, such as Kazakhstan. We first recorded this phraseologism in the border areas between Russia and Kazakhstan and those between Russia and Ukraine. In our opinion, we are dealing with a secondary metaphorisation: as black as a Moor = black (as a designation of migrants in general, double meaning: i. in appearance and ii. unskilled labourers). The term “aul Moors” carries the meaning of stupid Moors. This idiom does not mean “a native of Morocco, Arab”: modern native speakers of Russian use this expression to refer to unskilled migrants from neighbouring countries. Also, the derivative word “Moorish” is to denote “foreigner” or “non-Russian.” As mentioned above, the word is widely used to describe migrants from Central Asia. For example, in the south of the Tyumen region (the town of Ishim, the village of Golyshmanovo and Ishim): “We have enough of our aul Moors, we would have to deal with them first, re-educate them” (Karabulatova, field recording, informant’s response). Further examples include: “Around the Churki,26 even if the seller is Slav, the system belongs to the stupid Moor” (example from the Belgorod region); “Now there are aul Moors everywhere, there is no getting away from them. Large stores often contain aul Moors, and ethnic diasporas originate in the markets” (example from the Tomsk region); “Even these Moors in large numbers, speaking Russian poorly, always spoke Russian in front of me” (example from the Krasnodar region); “Stupid Moorish guest workers filled the radio with water” (example from the Voronezh region). Similar expressions are used in the Tomsk and Tyumen regions, where many migrants from post-Soviet Asian countries work. We found out that the xenonym “Moor” has replaced other designations of “strangers” in Russian speech: chuchmeks (chuchme – “scarecrow” in Tatar language), chebureks (cheburek – a dish of dough, baked pie, is common in Asia and the Caucasus), Cheburashka (Cheburashka is a popular cartoon character in Soviet times, an incomprehensible beast, an
25 Schiller 2016, p. 67. 26 Pejorative term for uneducated people. 310 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society overseas marvel). Russian used to use the expression “Chinese dummy” for a stranger who does not understand the Russian language, but now this phraseology is no longer in active use. As a rule, xenonyms have a pronounced negative connotation. It should be reiterated that xenonyms are not intended to denote any particular people, this is a collective designation of strangers. Nikolay S. Trubetskoy introduced the concept of “anthropological mixing,” which he considered a necessary condition for familiarization with foreign cultures, in his 1925 article “We and Others” in the White Emigre collection Evraziyskiy vremennik (Eurasian Temporary Book).27 He sought to understand Russia’s “special way,” its place in the world, and in global civilization, developing the concept of Eurasianism and proposing that the otherness of Russia is associated with its location between Europe and Asia, and therefore Russia combines the features of both civilizations. In the context of the problem under study, he suggests that the most important thing for Eurasianism is not political ideas and reforms devoid of cultural context, but cultural change. Nikolay Trubetskoy points out that changing the political system or political ideas without changing the culture of Eurasianism is irrelevant and impractical. At the same time, the culture of every nation state must necessarily include political ideas and teachings as one of its elements, so the call for the creation of a new culture also includes the call for the development of new political ideologies.28 Because of this, well-known cultural and historical zones are designated among these cultures – for example, in Spain, the zones of Catholic Christian, Islamic, Hindu, Chinese, Orthodox Christian and other cultures are identifiable. The boundaries of all these zones overlap, such that cultures of mixed or transitional cultural groups are formed. Ethnic and sub-ethnic groups use this mixture of cultures and bring their own specific expressions. The result is a rainbow network of cultures, unified and harmonious because of its continuity and at the same time infinitely diverse because of its differentiation. Thus, it can be concluded that in this case there is a mutual enrichment in the cultures of neighbouring peoples, due to their exchange and transformation as one culture influences another. The dynamics of the concept of “Moor” has a pronounced negative connotation in the understanding of the speakers of the Russian language. It
27 http://gumilevica.kulichki.net/TNS/tns01.htm, accessed 15 January 2020. 28 Trubetskoy 2014, p. 399. This movement experienced a minor revival after the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of the twentieth century, when the ideas of Eurasianism began to be actively developed in Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan has declared itself the centre of Eurasia, consistently developing the ideas of Eurasianism in political and socio-cultural directions. 311 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović has similar connotations in Spanish, where it is widely recognised as a highly insulting term, although the nuances of usage have developed in a different direction, due to historical associations of Arabic culture in Spain. In this regard, the lack of a common culture in the designation of such phenomena as “migration,” the search for their own place among other people’s forces the native speaker of the Russian language to use expressively colored vocabulary. The following list presents the results of our fieldwork on the conceptualization of the lexeme “Moor” among the carriers of Spanish culture. Informants were asked to explain what the term el moro meant to them. 1. An immigrant/un inmigrante (female immigrant, 59, higher education). 2. So-so – vague gesture/Así so (man, 61, higher education). 3. A Moor/Un moro (Moor) (man, 37, higher education). By replying that “A Moor is a Moor”, the informant meant that everyone knows who the Moors are, so there is no need to answer who the Moor is. 4. An immigrant/Un inmigrante – (man, 34, higher education). 5. I do not know what to say/No sé qué decir (woman, 23, student). 6. The Moor does not want to adapt/El moro no tiene muchas ganas de adaptarse (man, 34?, higher education). 7. A Moor is a resident of Moreria/Es habitante de Morería (man, 35, higher education). 8. A Moor is a Moor that I still know/Es moro es un moro (woman, 26, higher education). 9. An immigrant/Un inmigrante (woman, 23, higher education). 10. The Moor is the “the Moorish Muslim” /El moro es el moro muza (man, 37, higher education). The informant was referring to Еl moro muza – singer of a popular children’s song in Spain. 11. A Moor is a native of Morocco. This is also the name given to Muslims from Africa who make a bad impression. You cannot call them “moro” on the street. From a historical point of view, the Moors are the people who conquered the Iberian Peninsula in the eighth century/Principalmente moro es una persona de Marruecos o Argelia. También se refiere a los africanos musulmanes con tinte negativo. No se puede llamarlos “moro” en la calle. Además, desde el punto de vista histórico los moros eran los que conquistaron la Península Ibérica en el siglo VIII (man 37, higher education, teacher of Russian at the University of the Basque Country). 12. A Moor is an African from Morocco or from North Africa. This is a very strong insult. It is like calling Africans “nigger” in English/Moro es un africano de Marruecos o del norte de Africa. Es un insulto muy grave. Es como llamar a
312 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society los africanos “nigger” en inglés (woman, 40, higher education, student of the University of the Basque Country). 13. A Moor is an African from Algeria, Morocco or Tunisia. Also, the Moors were conquerors from Mauritania. “Моrо” this is one of the most serious insults in Spanish. For example, you cannot call a native of South America a “greaser.” You cannot also call an African “moro” because it means black or nigger/Moro es un africano de Argelia, Marruecos o Túnez. También los moros eran los conquistadores de Mauritania. “Moro” es uno de los insultos más hirientes en castellano. Por ejemplo, no se puede decir “sudaca” a una persona de Sudamerica, tampoco se puede decir “moro” a un africano porque “moro” quiere decir negro o Moreno (woman, 35, higher education, assistant at the university). 14. A “Moro” is usually African. Today it is like this/Normalmente “moro” es un africano. Hoy en día es así (man, 23, higher education, student of the University of the Basque Country). 15. “Moor” is a very rude insult. Better not say it/Moro es un insulto muy ofensivo. Mejor no decir así (woman, 21, higher education, University of the Basque Country). Words of Arabic origin in Spanish distinguish it from other Romance languages, for example: alcázaba – fortress; tambor – drum; acequia – irrigation canal; zanahoria – carrots; berenjena – eggplant; taza – cup; jarra – earthen pot; azafrán – saffron; aceituna – olive; aduana – customs; tarifa – tariff; maravedí – coin; alfiler – pin; alcalde – mayor; algoritmo – algorithm; cifra – number; azimut – azimuth; cero – zero; alcoba – bedroom; albañil –bricklayer; alguacil –judge; adarga – oval leather shield; quintal – quintal (measure of weight); alcor – bump, hillock; ojalá – at least!; azul – blue; añil – dark blue; hazaña – feat. Spain was the only European country that did not participate in the Crusades. The efforts of the Spanish Christians were concentrated within their own country, with the Reconquista. At the same time, ninth-to- fourteenth–century Spain presented a unique European example of the coexistence of three religions: Christianity, Islam and Judaism, and the mutual penetration of these three cultures. The relics of the conflict of the Romanesque and Arabic components in the culture of the Iberian Peninsula are preserved in the phraseologies’ cosa en arábigo/“to be (about) in Arabic,” “this thing in Arabic” in the meaning of “abracadabra,” “here he will break his leg.” The fact that the Arabs who came to the Iberian Peninsula were originally from Mauritania and were called “Moros” is reflected in the toponymy of Spain. One of the most famous parks in Madrid is called Campo del Moro, or “Moorish Field.”
313 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović The concept of Moor/moro in Spanish dictionaries The following analysis explores the definitions of “Moor” in the Diccionario de la lengua española (Dictionary of the Spanish Language), published by the Spanish Royal Academy of Sciences, henceforth the DLE. The dictionary entry for “Moor” is over 50 pages long in the printed version of the dictionary.29 It should be noted that some definitions are missing in the translated dictionaries of the Spanish language.30 “Moor” is one of the key words for Spanish culture, so this word has multiple lexical connections.31 According to the DLE, the etymology of the word is related to the Latin word Maurus or someone from Mauretania, an ancient Berber kingdom of North Africa; this xenonym in turn comes from the ancient Greek word Μooρος or Maûros meaning “dark”, in association with skin colour. The modern meanings of the word “Moor” are listed depending on the frequency and representation in the DLE: 1) Adjective denoting a native of the border area between North Africa and Spain; 2) Adjective that denotes belonging to or relating to North Africa, the border with Spain or the Moors; 3) A Muslim, that is, one who adheres to the canons of Islam; 4) A word from the gendered idiom referring to a Muslim woman who lived in Spain from the eighth to the fifteenth century; 5) Adjective that denotes belonging to the Muslim period of the history of Spain (eighth to fifteenth century); 6) A word from a Spanish idiom referring to Muslims from Mindanao and other islands in Malaysia/ Philippines; 7) Adjective used to describe the colouration of a horse with a black mane and body, a white star or spot on the forehead and white socks; 8) Adjective used to describe wine of a thick dark colour: not watery, not diluted, strong; 9) Adjective (metaphorical) used in Spain to describe a person who has not been baptized, especially when discussing an infant; 10) Adjective (metaphorical) used in Spain to describe a jealous dominant man in a partnership; 11) Adjective used in Cuba to describe a “mulatto” who has dark skin, straight black hair, and slender build; 12) Wild cereals.32 The conceptual space of the multi-valued lexeme “Moor” contains several groups that are united by a single feature. The polysemantic word “Moor” also includes a subgroup of meanings that are directly related to the countries of Africa: 1) a proper name, it refers to the Moroccans who connect Spain with other Spanish-speaking peoples of Africa; 2) a peaceful
29 https://dle.rae.es/moro#KPTapaS, accessed 11 September 2019; Diccionario 2018, p. 14–66. 30 Diccionario 1986, p. 456–457. 31 Ibid. 32 As opposed to cultivated crops, carrying the implication of the Moors as a wild, untamed people. 314 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society and safe person with whom to cooperate. 3) A stable expression using the lexeme “Moor” in Spanish. Horseman, a mounted soldier in the regular forces of the Moroccan Empire; 4) moro mogataz – stable expression for an indigenous soldier in the service of Spain in the old prisons of Africa. There is another meaning of the word with similar features to this: an Indian soldier serving with Spanish troops in Spain’s former missions to Africa.
House of the Moorish King (Andalusia) The “Moor” token turns up in the name of the Casa del Rey Mori residence which fuels the interest of tourists in everything related to the Moors. The proclamation of Casa del Rey Mori as a Moorish residence is something of a peculiar trick to attract tourists, since this villa has nothing to do with Moorish Kings. In fact, it was built in the eighteenth century, when the Moors were merely memories of antiquity; the so-called Moorish gardens are even later, having been designed in 1912 by the French landscape gardener Jean-Claude Forestier. Nevertheless, we consider this a successful example of forming a positive attitude towards other peoples and one which might be of interest for other countries where the “friend–foe” dichotomy is very acute. We see here a conscious transformation of the mythologeme about the Moors. The broad interpretation of the xenonym “Moor” itself creates an extensive associative field in which negative components are levelled, and positive ones come to the fore. In our opinion, this postmodern interpretation gives more freedom, emphasizing the positive features of the “other” ethnic group. The residence supports mythology and at the level of reality, as can be seen in the device of the famous Moorish gardens. This gives a deeper understanding of Moorish culture, reducing the opposition of “friend–foe,” transforming negative stereotypes into positive ones.
Moors and Christians/Moros y Cristianos This combination is quite common in the Spanish language, reflecting the dichotomy of “one’s own – another’s” on an ethno-confessional basis. Typically, this expression is used in Spanish culture when describing the Moros y Cristianos festival, held annually in the region of Valencia and some parts of Andalucia, in which participants dress up period costume to re- enact battles of the Reconquista. The festival revisits the experience of ethnic trauma caused by the aggressive confrontation between Muslims and Christians resulting from the Arab-Islamic invasion of medieval Spain. The introduction of the image of the enemy into the mass consciousness is explained by the fact that the people who survive cataclysmic turning points of history try to explain the cause of disasters that deprived them of their homes, relatives or means of livelihood. Most 315 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović often, this collective image of the enemy includes opposition parties and ideologies, or foreign states and “wrong” peoples. A technique of constructing an enemy image as the culprit of all the ills of the “Fatherland” is actively promoted by undemocratic regimes and private parties through media and other propaganda, to create a contrast between the “they–we.” As well as being the name of the Valencian festival, Moros y Cristianos is the name of the Cuban national dish of white rice and black beans, indicating the export of allusions to the Reconquista to the New World. Such content was created to control the mood of the population, even during leisure time.33 In the ongoing use of the term “Moor” as a derogatory term for migrants, we see the preservation and translation of the consequences of ethnic trauma in the form of an ethnic “echo” in the language consciousness of modern Europeans. We considered this phenomenon earlier based on the example of the interaction of the peoples of Russia. 34 On the one hand, ethno-trauma is associated with concrete and real facts of history, imprinted in the memory of the ethnos as a collective helplessness in the face of physical danger (medieval occupation by the “Moors”) in the context of existence itself. On the other hand, ethno- drama is equivalent to the example of the “absolute injustice”35 of accomplished events. The concept of “absolute justice” is related to the ancient mythologems of human civilization: fate and the inevitability of punishment, sanctity and perfect innocence. Spanish culture has absorbed the traditions and values of the ancient culture of the Iberian Peninsula. The sphere of the unconscious contains the image of Evil, which will inevitably be punished. Absolute justice appears in the archetypal image of justice in the form of a woman with scales and a sword. This is Themis, the Goddess of Justice. This image is included in the deck of magical Tarot cards that are still popular today in Spain and contain symbols of the main active forces of the universe.36 The motives of momentary behaviour are correlated with historically established ethnic matrices of collective unconscious behaviour. The changing modern socio-economic life of countries transforms memories of past events; as a result, each new generation lives these bright events of its past in its own way, as if levelling the consequences of the negative experience of ethnic trauma. This method
33 Akopova 2013, p. 79; Albright 2017, p. 88. 34 Osipov et al. 2016, p. 91. 35 Bulgakov, Bulgakova 2012, p. 326. 36 Khimich 2011 p. 19. 316 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society of exploiting ethno-trauma to form an image of an external enemy and explain the need for war was later exploited in the era of the First and Second World Wars, as well as at the present stage of the information war between East and West.37 In essence, we have before us the collective experience of living a traumatic event, which is used in modern psychotherapy as drama therapy.38 On the one hand, drama therapy fulfils the task of personal and social development of the individual. On the other hand, drama therapy acts as a healing method for the entire society as a whole. The main population of Valencia consisted of locals who had converted to Islam or highly mixed border residents. As a result, many of the residents could not clearly identify their ethnic roots. For example, there are assumptions that more than 10% of modern Spaniards have Berber roots or Semitic (Sephardic) origin, a greater percentage than among modern Spaniards in general.39 Over time, questions of blood ceased to concern Christian Spaniards so much. Issues of peaceful coexistence, acceptance of Christian culture, and mutually beneficial cooperation were brought to the fore.40 Later, in the eighteenth century, the Spaniards stopped drawing mental demarcation lines between Arabs, Berbers, and ethnic Iberians who practice Islam.41 If you were a Muslim, then you were an enemy: you could either be baptized and become a Morisk (xenonym for a Muslim convert to Christianity) or leave.42 We can assume that similar processes of confessional transition took place in other countries and regions where interethnic and inter- confessional interaction was most active. In other words, it is important to understand that the Moors only represented a small proportion of the Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula, since most Muslims were not Moors per se. However, the tragic experience of the defeat of Christian culture when confronted with Islam
37 Pogrebnaya, Anikeev 2019, p. 72; Karabulatova 2020, p. 223. 38 Valenta, Palinek 2013, p. 78. 39 Khimich 2011 p. 10. 40 https://www.gazeta.ru/science/2008/12/08_a_2906649.shtml, accessed 20 January 2020. 41 Khimich 2011, p. 16. 42 Similar cases of conversion from Islam to Christianity occurred in Russia: for example, censuses from Tobolsk province (Siberia) record transitions from one religion to another where the individual’s Muslim name is recorded in the census, with the new, baptised name received entered next to it. Later, the names were recorded in reverse order, with the Christian name first. The descendants of converts were simply recorded as Russian, Orthodox, without indicating their Muslim roots. Conversion provided an opportunity for ethnic Muslims to gain promotion in the public service and receive privileges (Karabulatova et al. 2011, p. 52). 317 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović began to manifest itself in festivals that demonstrated liberation from violence and aggression.
Stable expression (idiom): the more Moors, the more profit/a más moros, más ganancia The levelling of the influence of “Moorish” culture on the life of the Spaniards is reflected in this proverb. The accentuated disdain for Arabs as descendants of the Moors also translates the consequences of the ethnic trauma received in the Middle Ages. However, we should not think that in the fifteenth century the Portuguese fidalgo and Spanish hidalgo engaged exclusively in the Reconquista. In fact, in the 1470s, Portugal also waged war with the friendly and fraternal Kingdom of Castile.43 This war ended with the Alcasovas Peace Treaty of 1479 (approved by Pope Sixtus IV in 1481), which was extremely unfavourable to Spain. Under the terms of the treaty, Portugal received monopoly rights to trade in the Atlantic Ocean, in the area south of the Canary Islands belonging to Castile, thus preventing the Spaniards from accessing more than three-quarters of the open passage to the West Indies. The Spanish hidalgo would have liked to fight with the Portuguese fidalgo (which they did later, when Spain temporarily absorbed the neighbouring Kingdom of Portugal in 1580), but the Portuguese were at intractable and slightly stronger than the Spaniards.44 Therefore, trade with the Moors brought more dividends to Spain than its interactions with its Portuguese “brothers in the faith.” Signed in Tordesillas in 1494, the Spanish-Portuguese Treaty of Tordesillas was more beneficial to the Spanish, drawing a new demarcation line along the Atlantic Ocean 370 leagues (1,300 miles) west of the Canary Islands (i.e. approximately 50° west of Greenwich); to the east was Portuguese side of the globe, to the west, the Spanish part.45 As usual, this did not satisfy anyone: in the second decade of the sixteenth century, the Spaniards were quite sincerely (though mistakenly) convinced that Malacca, Java and China lay at a small distance from the lands discovered by Columbus (they were, in fact, looking at a group of large islands lying between Europe and Asia) and, therefore, the Moluccas should lie in “their” hemisphere. 46 Thus, according to the Spanish, the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese
43 http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-visor/la-guerra-civil-castellana-y-el-enfrentamien to-con-portugal-14751479-0/html/00de62f8-82b2-11df-acc7-002185ce6064_2.html#I_0_, accessed 21 February 2020. 44 Khimich 2011, p. 15. 45 Newitt 2005, p. 118. 46 Alvarez De Toledo 1977, p. 231. 318 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society violated the Treaty of Tordesillas.47 It is in the context of this conflict that the Arab merchants became important. The struggle for commercial influence was much more violent than the struggle for religious adherence.48 The Arabs not only supplied goods from other countries (for example, spices from India), but were also more flexible in trade communication. Following the rejection of the stereotype of “Moors as carriers of Muslim culture” came the understanding of Arabs as profitable business partners. In the fifteenth to mid-seventeenth centuries, in India and Southeast Asia, the trading companies of Holland and England first acted as the “liberators” of local feudal lords from the tyranny of the Spanish and Portuguese. But having ousted the Southern Europeans, the Dutch and English replaced them in India as trade monopolists. This led to a conflict of economic and geopolitical interests, which left its mark on the cultural memories of all the peoples who participated in these events. Other European powers (France, Holland, Great Britain) actively competed with Spain in the West Indies. As a rule, the conflict was expressed in the form of piracy and smuggling.49 Individual islands of the West Indies were captured and became strongholds for smuggling and robbery. War in its classical sense is always realized as physical violence. In conditions where the number of victims is minimized due to the dominance of one party’s military forces, military violence is usually manifested as a threat to use physical force, if one accepts that the threat of violence is already violence. The structural form of violence largely denies war as its tool, but only in such connotations of the interpretation of this concept as “direct violence.” Other types and forms of war, on the contrary, by relying on specialized structural organizations that function on the principles of clarity and unconditional subordination, play an instrumental role in structural violence. As history shows, violence of social inequality and injustice, which is structural, is supported by military violence as a threat to prevent the destruction of existing structures and relationships. Direct military violence is carried out to force opponents into a new format of relations through the use of constitutional and non- legal armed groups, and over the past decade and a half also with the involvement of so-called private military companies. This was the situation with ethnic distribution of injuries in other countries and regions. In parallel with these processes, there was a rethinking of the neighbourhood shared with the eternal “enemies”
47 Mozheyko et al. 1966, p. 33. 48 Tarle 2001, p. 282. 49 https://www.wdl.org/en/item/4393/, accessed 14 January 2020. 319 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović (Moors/Arabs) with a shift in emphasis towards the obvious advantages of interaction in the field of trade. The Spanish wars with the Moors taught Spaniards to avoid risks, arguing that the war exposes the entire spectrum of differences between the parties to the conflict. The warlike nature of the Spaniards actualized their desire to win, not compromise, because according to the Spaniards, the more disagreements, the greater the triumph.
Stable expression (idiom): Like Moors without a lord/como moros sin señor This expression is used to refer to situation in which confusion reigns among a group of people.50 It is similar to the expression “when the cat’s away, the mice will play.” This proverb is used in two ways. In both cases, the term “Moor” is associated with subordinates or servants whose “lord” (read boss, manager, teacher, authority figure) has gone away and who are free to behave however they want. In the first case, it is used to describe a situation where some ordered system – in a home, a workplace, or a school, for example – breaks down due to the absence of an authority figure to enforce order. The proverb is used in a variety of situations, for example: for children who start making noise as soon as the teacher leaves the classroom; or for employees who take a lax attitude when their manager goes on vacation, turning up late for work, etc. In the second usage, the “lord” is an authoritarian manager or supervisor who’s overly controlling style of leadership prevents his/her subordinates from getting on with their jobs. When such a boss goes on vacation, everyone is relieved and the situation in the team stabilizes. The two uses of the idiom are identical in terms of metaphor, though different in nuance. The first is predicated on the idea that order is a good thing and that authority is beneficial. The other is used in situations of tyranny that people want to escape. In the Diccionario de americanismos (Dictionary of Americanisms), the lexeme moro is codified as an adjective used to describe a black and white or dark grey horse with white markings, or the colour of an animal’s fur or bird’s plumage. The dictionary notes that in Cuba it is also used – as a noun or an adjective – to refer to a mulatto person with dark skin, black straight hair and Caucasian facial features.51 Basset’s Dictionary of Proverbs: Spanish/English and English/Spanish only mentions one proverb using the lexeme “moro”: A más moros, más ganancia/The more danger, the more honour. The dictionary describes this as
50 Diccionario 2018, p. 1117–1118. 51 Diccionario 2010, p. 2019. 320 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society a saying arising from the wars against the Spanish Moors in the Middle Ages: the more Moors to fight, the more spoils to share after the battle.52 Notably, it equates “Moor” with “danger.” Any culture has two possibilities to understand itself. It can look at itself through the eyes of a “different” culture, compare itself to something else. For Russia, this “other” culture has, as a rule, been the West. The attempt to “fit in” with the “other,” the “foreign” culture, provides a powerful impetus to an awareness of its “otherness,” which is undoubtedly useful for any culture. But a society can also reach a level of self-awareness or self- understanding by turning to its historical past, to “its other.” Whether we like it or not, the history of Russian culture is implicitly present in our “today.” The past is indelible. Saint Augustine, while pondering the nature of time, concluded that the past has no future – yet, there is a “present past” and “present future.”53 The question of cultural identification presupposes as one of the prerequisites for its resolution the reactivation of the past. The cultural origins of the concept “Moor” reside in history. In Russian and Spanish cultures, these origins are heterogeneous and numerous. Therefore, it is impossible to seriously raise the question of how one culture labels another without studying its origins. The ambiguity of phenomenon of culture forces us to adopt multiplicity of approaches to its study. But no matter how we interpret the concept of “culture,” the only phenomenological reality available to study it are its “texts” of all kinds – written documents, speech, iconographies, metaphors, dramas, festivals. By analysing these texts, we have shown that the concept of “Moor” is expressive of cyclical changes in certain forms of violence in European culture. First, “the Moor” appears as a form of direct violence that causes both physical, moral, and mental damage. Secondly, the concept of “Moor” is characterized by the scale of the action that allows one to intensively destroy established norms, traditions, and rules.
Conclusions The mosaic structure of Spain’s cultural life is conditioned by unique geographical, historical and political factors, as we have illustrated by examining the dynamics of the lexeme “Moor.” This feature makes it difficult to create a coherent, strictly ordered picture of the development of Spanish society. Its origins should be sought, in our opinion, in the regional disunity
52 Basset 1998, p. 302. 53 Aurelius 1991, p. 297. 321 I. S. Karabulatova, O. S. Chesnokova, Y. N. Ebzeeva, M. Radović of the regions of the Iberian Peninsula, which in the Middle Ages were isolated feudal states with established social and cultural traditions. At the same time, we see the acquisition of new meanings for the lexeme “Moor” in modern Russian, in a manner that reflects the development of ethno-cultural features of society.54 In the Russian language picture of the world, the concept of “Moor” is more mythologised, even sacralised, as Muslims themselves in general are somewhat mythologised,55 which leads to deformations of the perception of the world language picture. For example, on the Russian NTV Channel, the concept of “Moor” is used with extremely negative connotations, for example “the Moor did his job,” where “Moor” is used to mean Russian criminals. The very idea of progress is based on the adoption of innovation as the main method to develop and improve of human society. In this regard, the concept of “Moor” reveals a very interesting dynamics in terms of the development of meanings and new vocabulary in both the Russian and the Spanish language picture of the world. When we study the texts of different cultures, we involuntarily plunge into a special kind of objectivity. We define it as a form of super-sensible objectivity in which cultural meanings are “hidden” and veiled. The concept of “Moor” is not identical to the object before the subject. The concept of “Moor” as a text of culture appears in the context of the sphere of the spirit, when the knowing subject is inside the object that he must know.56 This spirit (one’s own and another’s) cannot be given as a thing, but it can only be clearly expressed in texts. Thus, the concept of “Moor” appears as a specific human reality, as a collapsed associative special text. The national-ethnic allusions embedded in the concept “Moor” in Russian and Spanish linguistic pictures of the world are distinguished by the originality of images and stereotypes arising from the unique historical and cultural experience of two countries and their corresponding linguacultures. They have developed due to objective prerequisites, and at the same time they clearly show the prevalence of the emotional-evaluative component in contemporary colloquial speech. The common trend is the development of images that generate the meaning of “alien in general,” along with connotations of “otherness” and “alien” in relation to the native speakers; however, they are always culturally bound.
54 Lyausheva et al. 2018, p. 748. 55 Polekhina et al. 2018, p. 698; Khairullina et al. 2015, p. 578. 56 Weber 2003, p. 61. 322 The Influence of Islamic Migration on Russian and Spanish Society
Bibliographical Abbreviations
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LISTA ABREVIERILOR
AAASH – Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. Budapesta. AAS – Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences. The German Society of Natural Scientific Archaeology and Archaeometry, the Hellenic Society for Archaeometry, the Association of Italian Archaeometrists, the Society of Archaeological Sciences. ActaMN – Acta Musei Napocensis. Muzeul Naţional de Istorie a Transilvaniei. Cluj-Napoca. ActaMP – Acta Musei Porolissensis. Muzeul Judeţean de Istorie şi Artă Zalău. ActaMT – Acta Musei Tutovensis. Muzeul „Vasile Pârvan”. Bârlad. ActaPb – Acta Paleobotanica. Instytutu Botaniki im. W. Szafera PAN, Cracovia. AÉ – Archaeologiai Értesitö a Magyar régészeti, müvésyt- történeti és éremtani társulat tudományos folyóirata. Budapesta. AEM – Archäologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Österreich-Ungarn. Viena. AHNMNH – Annales historico-naturales Musei Nationalis Hungarici. A Magyar nemzeti múzeum természetrajzi. Budapesta. AIIAI/AIIX – Anuarul Institutului de Istorie şi Arheologie „A. D. Xenopol” Iaşi (din 1990 Anuarul Institutului de Istorie „A. D. Xenopol” Iaşi). Iaşi. AIIGB – Anuarul Institutului de Istorie ,,George Bariţiu”. Series Historica. Institutul de Istorie ,,George Bariţiu” Cluj- Napoca. AM – Archivum Melitense. Malta Historical and Scientific Society. Valleta. AMEM – Anuarul Muzeului Etnografic al Moldovei. Complexul Muzeal Naţional „Moldova”. Iaşi. AMET – Anuarul Muzeului Etnografic al Transilvaniei. Muzeul Etnografic al Transilvaniei. Cluj-Napoca. AmMN – American Museum Novitates. American Museum of Natural History. New York. ANAL LETT – Analytical Letters. Taylor & Francis Inc. Philadelphia. AnB – Analele Banatului (serie nouă). Muzeul Naţional al Banatului. Timişoara.
599 Lista abrevierilor
Antaues – Antaeus. Communicationes ex Instituto Archaeologico Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. Budapesta. AO – Arhivele Olteniei (serie nouă). Institutul de Cercetări Socio-Umane. Craiova. APPB – L’Arte: Periodico Patrio-Bimensile. Valletta. Appl. Phys. – Applied Physics A. Materials Science & Processing. Springer. APR – Acta Paleontologica Romaniae. Societatea Paleontologilor din România. Cluj-Napoca. Apulum – Apulum. Acta Musei Apulensis. Muzeul Naţional al Unirii. Alba Iulia. ArchBulg – Archaeologia Bulgarica. Natsionalniya arkheologicheski institut i muzeĭ. Sofia. ArhMold – Arheologia Moldovei. Institutul de Arheologie Iaşi. ArhSom – Arhiva Someşană. Revistă istorică-culturală. Năsăud. ASSEHR – Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research. Amsterdam. Astra Sabesiensis – Astra Sabesiensis. Despărţământul Astra „Vasile Moga” Sebeş. Astra Salvensis – Astra Salvensis. Cercul Salva al ASTRA. Salva. Astra – Astra. Literatură, arte şi idei. Biblioteca Judeţeană „George Bariţiu” – Casa „Baiulescu”. Braşov. ATS – Acta Terrae Septemcastrensis. Institutul pentru Cercetarea Patrimoniului Cultural Transilvănean în Context European. Sibiu. AUASH – Annales Universitatis Apulensis. Series Historica. Universitatea „1 Decembrie 1918” din Alba Iulia. BA – Biblioteca de arheologie. Institutul de Arheologie din Bucureşti. BAMNHM – Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History. American Museum of Natural History. New York. Banatica – Banatica. Muzeul Banatului Montan. Reşiţa. BAR – British Archaeological Reports (International Series). Oxford. BB – Bibliotheca Brukenthal. Muzeul Naţional Brukenthal. Sibiu. BC – Biblioteca şi cercetarea. Cluj-Napoca. BCŞS – Buletinul Cercurilor Ştiinţifice Studenţeşti. Universitatea „1 Decembrie 1918” din Alba Iulia. Be-JA – Bulgarian e-Journal of Archaeology. BEN – Bibliotheca Ephemeris Napocensis. Institutul de Arheologie şi Istoria Artei. Cluj-Napoca. BerRGK – Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Frankfurt am Main.
600 Lista abrevierilor
BerWissGesch – Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte. Weinheim. BGB – Berichte der Geologischen Bundesanstalt. Wien Geologische Bundesanstalt. Viena. BHAB – Bibliotheca Historica et Archaeologica Banatica. Muzeul Naţional al Banatului. Timişoara. Biharea – Biharea. Muzeul Ţării Crişurilor. Oradea. BM – Berlinische Monatsschrift. Berlin. BMA – Bibliotheca Musei Apulensis. Muzeul Naţional al Unirii Alba Iulia. BMJT – Buletinul Muzeului Judeţean Teleorman – seria Arheologie. Alexandria. BMMSA – Bibliotheca Musei Marisiensis. Seria Archaeologica. Târgu Mureş. BMN – Bibliotheca Musei Napocensis. Muzeul Naţional de Istorie a Transilvaniei. Cluj-Napoca. BMS – Bibliotheca Musei Sabesiensis. Muzeul Municipal „Ioan Raica”. Sebeş. BNES – Beiträge zur naturwissenschaftlichen Erforschung Siebenbürgens. Oberösterreichisches Landesmuseum, Biologiezentrum/OÖ Landes-Kultur GmbH. Linz. Boabe de grâu – Boabe de grâu. Revistă de cultură. Bucureşti. BR – Budapest Régiségei, Budapesti Történeti Múzeum. Budapesta. Brukenthal – Brukenthal. Acta Musei. Muzeul Naţional Brukenthal. Sibiu. BS – Bibliotheca Septemcastrensis. Institutul pentru Cercetarea Patrimoniului Cultural Transilvanean în Context European. Sibiu. BTER – Biological Trace Element Research. Springer. BUA – Bibliotheca Universitatis Apulensis. Universitatea „1 Decembrie 1918” din Alba Iulia. Buridava – Buridava. Muzeul Judeţean „Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu”. Râmnicu-Vâlcea. CA – Cercetări arheologice. Bucureşti. CAC – Central Asia and the Caucasus. Carpica – Carpica. Complexul Muzeal „Iulian Antonescu” Bacău. CBAstra – Conferinţele Bibliotecii Astra. Biblioteca Judeţeană Astra. Sibiu. CCA – Cronica cercetărilor arheologice. cIMeC. Bucureşti. Cercet.Speo – Cercetări Speologice. Clubul Naţional de Turism pentru Tineret. Bucureşti. CI – Cercetări istorice. Muzeul de Istorie a Moldovei. Iaşi. Contimporanul – Contimporanul. Revistă de avangardă, cu program constructivist. Bucureşti.
601 Lista abrevierilor
Corviniana – Corviniana. Acta Musei Corvinensis. Muzeul Castelului Corvineştilor. Hunedoara. Crisia – Crisia. Muzeul Ţării Crişurilor. Oradea. Cultura Vâlceană – Cultura Vâlceană. Bilunar de informaţie culturală. Râmnicu Vâlcea. Cumidava – Cumidava. Muzeul Judeţean de Istorie Braşov. Dacia – Dacia. Recherches et découvertes archéologiques en Roumanie. Bucureşti, I (1924)-XII (1948). Nouvelle série: Revue d’archéologie et d’historie ancienne. Bucureşti. Dacoromania – Dacoromania. Fundaţia „Alba Iulia 1918, pentru unitatea şi integritatea României”. Alba Iulia. DAJÖ – Das Achtzehnte Jahrhundert und Österreich. Österreichischen Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des Achtzehnten Jahrhunderts. Viena. Danubius – Danubius. Muzeul de Istorie „Paul Păltănea”. Galaţi. DD – Detskiy Dom. Zhurnal Glavnogo upravleniya sotsial’noy prosveshcheniya Narkomata prosveshcheniya. Moskva. Der Unterwald – Der Unterwald. Asociaţia Evelyne. Sebeş. Dolgozatok – Dolgozatok az Erdély Nemzeti Múzeum Érem – és Régiségtárából. Kolosvár (Cluj). Drobeta – Drobeta. Seria Etnografie. Muzeul Regiunii Porţilor de Fier. Drobeta-Turnu Severin. EMúz – Erdélyi Múzeum. Erdélyi Múzeum az Erdélyi Múzeum- Egyesület, Kolozsvár (Cluj), 1, 1874-1948, 1991 şi urm. EphNap – Ephemeris Napocensis. Institutul de Arheologie şi Istoria Artei Cluj-Napoca. ER – Ekonomika regiona. Institut ekonomiki Ural’skogo Otdeleniya Rossiyskoy Akademii Nauk. Ekaterinburg. ESHR – The European Sports History Review. Londra. Ethos – Ethos. Muzeul Satului Dimitrie Gusti. Bucureşti. Familia – Familia (seria I: 1865-1906). Oradea. FMI – Filosofskaya mysl’ v Islame. obshchestvo s ogranichennoy otvetstvennost’yu. Izdatel’skiy dom: Medina. Moskva. Francia – Francia. Forschungen zur westeuropäischen Geschichte. Deutsches Historisches Institut Paris. FVL – Forschungen zur Volks -und Landeskunde, Sibiu. GeoJournal – GeoJournal. Spatially Integrated Social Sciences and Humanities. Springer Science and Business Media. Netherlands. Germania – Germania. Römisch-Germanischen Kommission des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Frankfurt am Main.
602 Lista abrevierilor
GNFC – Gumanitarniye nauki, filosofiya i comparativistika. Sankt-Peterburgskiy gosudarstvennyy universitet. Sankt- Petersburg. Godišnjak – Godišnjak. Jahrbuch Knjiga. Sarajevo-Heidelberg. GodwanaRes – Gondwana Research. Elsevier Inc. Amsterdam. GT – Geographia Technica. Geographia Technica Association. Cluj-Napoca. GuG – Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Zeitschrift für Historische Sozialwissenschaft. Berlin. GYI – Gumanitarniye i yuuridicheskiye issledovaniya. Severo- Kavkazskiy federal’nyy universitet. Stavropol’. Helinium – Helinium: revue consacreé a ̀ l’archeologié des Pays-Bas, de la Belgique et du Grand-Duche ́ de Luxembourg. HHR – Hungarian Historical Review. Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont Történettudományi Intézet. Budapesta. Hierasus – Hierasus. Muzeul Judeţean Botoşani. HSR – Historical Social Research. Leibniz Institute for Social Sciences. Leibniz. IASL – Internationales Archiv für Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur. Universität Bielefeld. Fakultät für Linguistik und Literaturwissenschaft. Berlin. IEA – Issues in Ethnology Anthropology. Univerzitet u Beogradu. Belgrad. IGP – Istoriya gosudarstva i prava. Izdatel’skaya gruppa Yurist. Moskva. IJCRSEE – International Journal of Cognitive Research in Science, Engineering and Education. The Association for the Development of Science Engineering and Education. Izvestiya Altaysko – Izvestiya Altayskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Altayskiy gosudarstvennyy universitet. Barnaul. Izvestya ANKSSR – Izvestia Akademii Nauk SSSR. Seriya Literatury I yazyka. Rossiyskaya Akademiya Nauk. Moskva. Îndrumător bisericesc – Îndrumător bisericesc misionar şi patriotic. Episcopia Aradului. Arad. JAHA – Journal of Ancient History and Archaeology. Institutul de Arheologie şi Istoria Artei, Universitatea Tehnică. Cluj-Napoca. JAMT – Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory. New York. JAS – Journal of Archaeological Science. Elsevier. JBS – The Journal of Baroque Studies. International Institute for Baroque Studies at the University of Malta. Msida. JCH – Journal of Contemporary History. Essex.
603 Lista abrevierilor
JES – Journal of European Studies. SAGE Publications Ltd. JLS – The Journal of Legal Studies. The University of Chicago. JLSt – Journal of Lithic Studies. Edinburgh. JRA – Journal of Roman Archaeology. Department of Classical Studies at the University of Michigan. JRMES – Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies. The Association for Roman Military Equipment Studies. Pewsey. JSCS – Journal of the Serbian Chemical Society. Belgrad. JSH – Journal of Sport History. University of Illinois Press. Champaign. JSKV – Jahrbuch des Siebenbürgischen Karpatenvereins. Sibiu. JSPS – The Journal of Social Policy Studies. National Research University Higher School of Economics. Moscova. JTCA – Journal of Thermal Analysis and Calorimetry. An International Forum for Thermal Studies. Karpatenrundschau – Karpatenrundschau. Braşov. Karstologia – Karstologia: Revue de Karstologie et de Spéléologie Physique. Fédération française de spéléologie; Association française de karstologie. Maury. Khirurgiya – Khirurgiya. Zurnal imeni N. I. Pirogova. Media Sfera. Moscova. Les Nouvelles – Les Nouvelles de l’Archéologie. Fondation Maison des sciences de l’homme. Paris. Lethaia – Lethaia. International Paleontological Association. Hoboken, New Jersey. MAA – Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry. The University of the Aegean (Panepistímio Aigaíou), Greece. Mytilene. Marisia – Marisia. Studii şi Materiale. Muzeul Judeţean Mureş. Târgu Mureş. MC – Media and Communication. Lisabona. MCA – Materiale şi Cercetări Arheologice (serie nouă). Academia Română. Institutul de arheologie „Vasile Pârvan”. Bucureşti. MemEthn – Memoria Ethnologica. Revistă de patrimoniu ethnologic şi memorie culturală. Centrul Judeţean Pentru Conservarea şi Promovarea Culturii Tradiţionale Maramureş. Baia Mare. MH – Melita Historica. Malta Historical Society. Floriana. MI – Man in India. Serials Publications Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi. MInt – Masonry International. International Masonry Society. Shermanbury.
604 Lista abrevierilor
Mitt.derKomm – Mitteilungen der Kommission für Quartärforschung. Österreichische Akademie des Wissenschaften, Viena. Museikon – Museikon. A Journal of Religious Art and Culture / Revue d’art et de culture religieuse. Muzeul Naţional al Unirii din Alba Iulia. Muzeum – Muzeum. Muzejní a vlastivedná práce. National Museum. Prague. MWM.MöGW – Mensch, Wissenschaft, Magie. Mitteilungen der österreichischen Gesellschaft für Wissenschafts- geschichte. Österreichische Gesellschaft für Wissenschaftsgeschichte. Viena. Naturwissenschaften – Die Naturwissenschaften. Berlin, Heidelberg. NBFI – NB: Filologicheskiye issledovaniya. Akademiya nauk SSSR. Moscova. Neo-Lithics – Neo-Lithics. The Newsletter of Southwest Asian Neolithic Research. Berlin. Noesis – Noesis. Academia Română. Bucureşti. OI – Otechestvennaia istoriia. Nauka. Moscova. Opción – Opción. Universidad del Zulia. Maracaibo. ORIGINES – Studi e Materiali Pubblicati a Cura Dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Firenze. Orizont aviatic – Orizont aviatic. Publicaţie pentru propaganda Aviaţiei. Arad. PA – Patrimonium Apulense. Direcţia Judeţeană pentru Cultură, Culte şi Patrimoniul Cultural Naţional Alba. Alba Iulia. Palaeo3 – Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology (“Palaeo3”). An International Journal for the Geo- Sciences. Elsevier. PLoS ONE – Public Library of Science One. Public Library of Science. San Francisco, Cambridge. Plural – Plural. Revista Departamentului de Istorie şi Geografie a Universităţii Pedagogice de Stat „Ion Creangă”. Chişinău. PNAS – Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. Pontica – Pontica. Muzeul de Istorie Naţională şi Arheologie. Constanţa. Povestea Vorbii 21 – Povestea Vorbii 21. Asociaţia Oamenilor de Ştiinţă şi Artă. Târgu Jiu. Preocupări Literare – Preocupări Literare. Revista Societăţii Prietenii Istoriei Literare. Bucureşti (1936-1944). PS – Prosveshcheniye v Sibiri. Sibirskoye regional’noye upravleniye narodnogo obrazovaniya. Novosibirsk.
605 Lista abrevierilor
PZ – Prähistorische Zeitschrift. Deutsche Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, Institut für Prähistorische Archäologie. Berlin. Quat.Int – Quaternary International. The Journal of International Union for Quaternary Research. Elsevier. Rabotnitsa – Rabotnitsa. Pravda. Moscova. Radiocarbon – Radiocarbon. An International Journal of Cosmogenic Isotope Research. Cambridge. RAIA – Revista de Artă şi Istoria Artei. Muzeul Municipiului Bucureşti. Răsăritul nostru – Răsăritul nostru. Organ pedagogic cultural şi social al surdo-muţilor din România (1932-1949). Focşani, Bucureşti. RBNR – Revista Bibliotecii Naţionale a României. Biblioteca Naţională a României. Bucureşti. RdHPh – Revue d’Histoire de la Pharmacie. Société d’histoire de la pharmacie. Paris. ReDIVA – ReDIVA. Revista Doctoranzilor în Istorie Veche şi Arheologie. Universitatea „Babeş-Bolyai” din Cluj- Napoca. Renaşterea – Renaşterea. Organ Oficial al Eparhiei Ortodoxe Române a Vadului, Feleacului, Geoagiului şi Clujului. Cluj. Res montanarum – Res montanarum: Zeitschrift des Montanhistorischen Vereins für Österreich. Montanuniversität Leoben. RevBibl – Revista Bibliotecilor. Bucureşti. Revista CICSA – Revista CICSA. Centrul de Istorie Comparată a Societăţilor Antice. Bucureşti. RHSEE/RESEE – Revue historique du sud-est européen. Academia Română. Bucureşti, Paris (din 1963 Revue des études sud-est européennes). RI – Revista de Istorie (din 1990 Revista istorică). Academia Română. Bucureşti. RIP – Romanian Journal of Physics. Academia Română. Bucureşti. RM – Revista Muzeelor. Bucureşti. RMEA – România. Mari Epoci de Artă. Bucureşti. RMI – Revista Monumentelor Istorice. Institutul Naţional al Patrimoniului. Bucureşti. RMMM – Revista Muzeelor şi Monumentelor, Muzee. Bucureşti. RRH – Revue Roumaine d’Histoire. Academia Română. Bucureşti. RT – Revista Teologică (între anii 1956 şi 1991 a apărut sub denumirea de Mitropolia Ardealului). Mitropolia Ardealului. Sibiu.
606 Lista abrevierilor
Sargetia – Sargetia. Acta Musei Devensis. Muzeul Civilizaţiei Dacice şi Romane. Deva. Sargetia Naturae – Sargetia. Acta Musei Devensis. Series Scientia Naturae. Muzeul Civilizaţiei Dacice şi Romane. Deva. SCGG – Studii şi Cercetări (Geologie-Geografie). Complexul Muzeal Bistriţa-Năsăud. Bistriţa. Sci.Rep – Scientific Reports. Springer Nature; Springer Science & Business Media. SCIATMC – Studii şi Cercetări de Istoria Artei. Teatru, Muzică, Cinematografie. Institutul de Istoria Artei „G. Oprescu”. Bucureşti. SCICPR – Studii şi comunicări de istorie a civilizaţiei populare din România. Sibiu. Science – Science. American Association for the Advancement of Science. Washington D.C. SCIV(A) – Studii şi cercetări de istoria veche (din 1974, Studii şi cercetări de istorie veche şi arheologie). Bucureşti. SCN – Studii şi cercetări de numismatică. Institutul de Arheologie Bucureşti. SCŞN – Studii şi Cercetări (Ştiinţele Naturii). Complexul Muzeal Bistriţa-Năsăud. Bistriţa. SIB – Studii de istorie a Banatului. Timişoara. SK – Speleology and Karstology. Institutul Ucrainean de Speologie. Universitatea Naţională „Vernadsky Tavrichesky”. Simferopol. SMIM – Studii şi materiale de istorie medie. Institutul de Istorie „Nicolae Iorga” al Academiei Române. Bucureşti. SP Suplementum – Studii de Preistorie Suplementum. Bucureşti. SP – Studii de Preistorie. Asociaţia Română de Arheologie. Bucureşti. SQ – Siebenbürgische Quartalschrift. Sibiu. St.Com.Etn – Studii şi Comunicări de Etnologie. Institutul de Cercetări Socio-Umane Sibiu. StComSibiu – Studii şi Comunicări. Arheologie-Istorie. Muzeul Brukenthal. Sibiu. StComSibiu-ŞN – Studii şi comunicări. Ştiinţele Naturii. Muzeul Brukenthal. Sibiu. Studii – Studii. Revistă de istorie (din 1974 Revista de istorie şi din 1990 Revista istorică). Academia Română. Bucureşti. Studii vâlcene – Studii vâlcene. Societatea Prietenii Muzeului Bălcescu, în colaborare cu Arhivele Statului Râmnicu Vâlcea. Râmnicu Vâlcea. SUBBC – Studia Universitatis „Babeş-Bolyai”, series Chemia. Universitatea „Babeş-Bolyai”. Cluj-Napoca.
607 Lista abrevierilor
SUBBG – Studia Universitatis „Babeş-Bolyai”, Series Geologia. Universitatea „Babeş-Bolyai”. Cluj-Napoca. SUCSH – Studia Universitatis Cibiniensis. Series Historica. Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” Sibiu. Sibiu. SV – Siebenbürgische Vierteljahrschrift. Sibiu. SZ – Soiuz Zhenshchin. Soiuz ravnopraviia zhenshchin. Sankt Petersburg. TAK – Theoretical and Applied Karstology. Institutul de Speologie „Emil Racoviţă” al Academiei Române. Cluj- Napoca. Terra Sebus – Terra Sebus. Acta Musei Sabesiensis. Muzeul Municipal „Ioan Raica” Sebeş. Transilvania – Transilvania. Centrul Cultural Interetnic Transilvania. Sibiu. TSUJ – Tomsk State University Journal. Tomsk. Tyragetia (International) – Tyragetia. Muzeul Naţional de Arheologie şi Istorie a Moldovei. Chişinău. Utopia – Utopia. Revistă de cultură generală. Cluj. VAH – Varia Archaeologica Hungarica. Budapest. Vestnik Moscovskoy – Vestnik Moscovskoy shkoly politicheskikh issledovaniy. ANK Moskovskaya shkola grazhdanskogo prosveshcheniya. Moscova. Vestnik RUDN – Vestnik RUDN. Seriya: Vseobshchaya istoriya. Rossiyskiy universitet druzhby narodov. Moscova. Viaţa românească – Viaţa Românească. Revistă literară şi ştiinţifică. Iaşi. VPU – Vestnik Permskogo universiteta. Permskiy Gosudarstvennyi Universitet. Perm. VTGU – Vestnik Tambovskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Tambovskiy Gosudarstvennyy Universitet. Tambov. WMQ – The William and Mary Quarterly. Omohundro Institute in Williamsburg. YPA – Yearbook of Physical Anthropology. American Association of Physical Anthropologists. ZfB – Zeitschrift für Balkanologie. Balkanologenverband e.V. Jena. Ziridava – Ziridava. Muzeul Judeţean Arad. Zitteliana – Zitteliana. An International Journal of Palaeontology and Geobiology. Bayerische Staatsammlung für Palëontologie und Geologie. München. ZRO – Zhenshchina v rossiiskom obshchestve. Ivanovskiy Gosudarstvennyi Universitet. Ivanovo. ZS – Zhizn’ Sibiri. Sibirskiy revolyutsionnyy komitet. Novonikolavsk (Novosibirsk, după 1926). ZV – Zhenskii Vestnik. Sankt Petersburg.
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