Rethinking "Sephardic" • 59

Rethinking "Sephardic": Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur Observances among the of Bombay

Yale M. Needel University of Maryland University College

This study explores the ritual enactments of the Bene and Baghdadi - ish communities in Bombay, during Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. By comparing and contrasting the ritual enactments of the two communities against each other, the Sephardic norm, and various faiths in India, their ac- culturation and hybridization in India is displayed and expressed as "Eastern Sephardic" Jewry. The results demonstrate that the religious life of the Bene Is- rael and resembles that of other Mizrachi or "Eastern" Sephardic Jews, that is, "traditional" Sephardic rites were superimposed on older, ancestral Jewish customs, with additional contributions from their respective locales. The study argues that the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews have not lost their by adapting to their host country and culture; rather, they have devel- oped and nurtured a finely balanced and unique Indo-Judaic identity through a demonstrative cultural and religious inclusion of their Indian neighbors.

This article explores the religious and social hybridization among the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jewish communities in Bombay (officially since 1995) as observed during the holidays of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur in 2000.' In it I argue that unlike Indian society, which was based on the strict Hindu social stratum or caste system, the Jews of India—the Baghdadi, Bene

'For a detailed account of the complete High Holiday season as observed among Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews still living in India, see Yale Merrill Needel, ""Cross-Communal Ritual Acculturation Among the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews in Mumbai"' (M.A. thesis. Department of Religious Studies, Florida International University, 2001).

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Israel, and Keralite (Cochin) communides—maintained and, to an extent, cul- tured their religious identity as both Indian citizens and Jews through their incorporadon of certain domesdc or Indian practices into their public display and observance of J u d a i s m . My findings demonstrate that the religious life of the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews resembles that of other Mizrachi or "East- ern" J e w s . Specifically, traditional Sephardic rites were superimposed on older, ancestral Jewish customs, with additional contributions from their respective locales. Rather than isolating themselves, the Jews of India have stayed in con- tact with other (Jewish) communities. Justifying their recognition as unique Indian "Eastern Sephardic" Jews. The term Sephardic literally refers to descendants of J e w s expelled from the Iberian Peninsula during the end of the 15* century who follow religious customs and laws based on Babylonian tradidon. The Sephardic connotadon is used to describe only Jews from the Middle East, North Africa, and several (former) Ladino-speaking nadons in the Mediterranean. I use the term "East- ern" because the present Sephardic communities originating from various re- gions in the Middle East, North Africa, South and Southeast Asia all share unique customs and rituals differing from Jews classified or identified as Sep- hardim. This expanded definition of Sephardim demonstrates the relatively narrow perception or concept of a culture commonly believed to be unique to those of Arabic, Portuguese, or Spanish (speaking) descent. Jewish life in India highlights the distinguishing facets of both Indie and Judaic cultures that have enabled Jews to live amicably for so long in India, fully as Indians (if they desired), while at the same time preserving their Jew- ish ancestry to the best of their ability. The Jews of India, particularly because of their isolation and rejecting certain external influences, have become con- tributors and members of an expanded family of Sephardic Jews from regions in the East including Afghanistan, Burma, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Morocco, Oman, , Por- tugal, Singapore, Spain, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, and Yemen, among others. These Jewish communides all share "tradidonal" Sephardic rites based on the common or accepted definition of Sephardim but have hybridized certain ele- ments of their "Eastern" ancestry and locale into their observance of J u d a i s m , while sdll observing halakha (Jewish law), thus requiring an expanded defini- tion of Sephardic. Rather than being idendfied by their observance of J u d a i s m , Diasporic or minority Jewish communities frequently are grouped together by their nation- ality, thus eliminating them from the two traditional strains of J e w i s h heritage: Sephardi and Ashkenazi (Jews of Central and/or Eastern European ances- try). The Jews of India, specifically the Bene Israel and Baghdadi communities,

Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Rethinking "Sephardic" • 61 share aspects in their religious observance of what is commonly labeled as Sephardic, but because of circumstances involving their isolation from "main- stream" and various historical events, they were never identified or grouped with Jewish communities elsewhere. Whereas other Diasporic or mi- grant Jews such as those from Europe, the Middle East, North Africa, the Pa- cific, the United States, etc. possess documented historical and well-researched accounts tracing them to a specific ancestry or lineage, as evidenced by their cuisine, customs, DNA,^ dress, language, religious and ritual observances, etc., Indian Jews cannot accurately pinpoint where they originally came from or exactly how long they have been in India (with the exception of the Baghdadi community). This lack of concrete or indiscernible evidence of ancestry iden- tifying Indian Jews with Jewish communities elsewhere has created a historical and symbolic gap in their present existence and identification as Jews. introduction The Bene Israel and the Baghdadi Jews have very different histories. The Bene Israel have gone through various stages of development in their observance of Judaism since their historical arrival in India from Israel 2,000 years ago in a shipwreck, by their own account.' Bene Israel tradition states that their ances- tors fled G a l i l e e from the oppression of the Greek tyrant Antiochus Epiphanes in 175 BCE. Their ship is believed to have encountered what were probably the monsoon winds in the Arabian Sea and wrecked along the Coast in on the shores of Navgaon, near Alibaug in .'' The Baghdadis, on the other hand, initially arrived in India much later during the mid-1700s, bringing along their passionate Jewish heritage.' The Bene Israel, primarily employed by local Hindus as coconut and ses- ame oil-pressers until the mid-19'*' century, evolved into the most populous

^See Tudor Parfitts DNA research featured in J o n a t h a n Karp, "Seeking Lost Tribes of Israel in India, Using DNA Testing,"" Wall Street Journal, 11 May 1998:15; and Rashmee Z. Ahmed, " Children of Israel Find Their Roots," Times of India, 20 July 2002. 'Personal communication with Hazan Benjamin Simon Dandekar, Bombay, Septem- ber 2000. •"See Ezekiel Moses Jacob Gadkar, ed.. The Religious and Cultural History of the Bene Israels of India, "Gate of Mercy" : A Fantastic Story of their Allegiance to Judaism, Vol. 2 (Bombay: E. M.Jacob Gadkar for the ""Gate of Mercy"" Synagogue), p. 97; and also Haeem Samuel Kehimkar, The History of the Bene-Israel of India, edited by Immanuel Ols- vanger (Tel Aviv: Dayag Press, 1937), pp. 6-12. ^Fischel, Walter J., "The Immigration of "Arabian" Jews to India in the Eighteenth Century" Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, Vol. 33 (1965): 6.

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Jewish community in India, peaking in the 1950s with around 22,000-30,000 community members throughout the Indian subcontinent.* Beginning in the 1700s, with assistance and education from the Baghdadis, Keralites, Christian missionaries, and various Jewish movements, the Bene Israel brought their re- ligious practice and understanding into conformity with "normative" Judaism. The Baghdadi community began to settle permanently in India at the end of the 18* century, primarily working as merchants and traders and living in commercial and industrial cities such as Bombay, Calcutta, , and Surat.' Already possessing a deep and refined Jewish heritage from their mother country, their communal, religious, and social development and idendty in India can briefly be described in a four-step process resulting from various external influences, including the effects of their persecution under the Otto- man empire and other oppressive regimes, the Mudny of 1857, World War I (including Indian nationalism, Bridsh social "re-classificadon," Nazism, and Zionism), and Indian and Israeli independence in 1947 and 1948.* The period following Indian and Israeli independence led to a severe de- cline in the number of J e w s in India. The Bene Israel experienced the greatest population decline after Israel became a state. Now, motivated by Zionism and opportunities for economic and social advancement, the Bene Israel have mostly migrated to Canada, Israel, and the United States. Despite the severe population diminution, the Bene Israel have regrouped, currently numbering between 5,000 and 8,000 members living in cides such as , Bom- bay, Chennai, New Delhi, and Thane.' An apparently strong youth movement has begun in recent years, headed by (among others) Bene Israel and Baghdadi community leaders. Additional educadonal and financial support, including

^Census of India 195i:"" Religion and Livelihood,"" Part 1 (Shimla: Printed by the Gov- ernment of India Press, and published by the Manager of Publications, New Delhi); and Asha A. Bende and Ralphy E. Jhirad, Demographic and Socio-Economic Characteristics of Jews in India (Bombay: ORT India, 1997), p. 9, table 1.1. These numbers vary greatly de- pending on the source used. 'See Fischel, "Immigration of "Arabian" J e w s to India,"" pp. 7 n. 17,8,9, 45. ^Nathan Katz, Who Are The Jews of India? Identity Balanced, Identity Transformed, Identity A/oo/(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), p. 163. 'Bende and Jhirad, Demographic and Socio-Economic Characteristics of Jews in India, p. 3. According to Indian government census reports on Religion in 1991 presented in 1995, the group is composed of both sexes and all age groups. Current (2004) information is based on communications with various Indo-Judaic scholars and members of the com- munity both domestic and abroad.

Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Rethinking "Sephardic" • 63 the recent construction of a Jewish Community Center (JCC),"'has come from associations such as the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) and the Organization for Rehabilitation and Training (ORT), as well as other international Jewish welfare groups and organizations. These orga- nizations and welfare groups bring necessary and previously absent religious awareness and education, as well as providing access to modern educational and informational resources, supplementing global awareness for the entire community. The Baghdadi population also peaked during the 1950s with around 5,000-8,000 individuals throughout Asia and the Pacific; however, presently, the Indian community numbers less than 150, including 70—75 residents in Bombay, Calcutta, New Delhi, and Pune." The impact of mass migration abroad has all but eliminated the economic and social success the Baghdadis once earned and experienced in India. Today, many of the Baghdadi Jews that remain in India are elderly. Additionally, most are either unmarried or wid- owed, or, if they are married, it is frequently to a and without children, further weakening the Baghdadi heritage in India. Moreover, there is no evi- dent youth or young adult religious and social movement among the Baghdadi community. Those that have children frequently move or send their children abroad to countries such as Australia, Canada, England, and the United States for business and higher educational opportunities. The few Baghdadi youths that were encountered in Bombay and Calcutta, all at university level (18-22 years old), had little or no interest in their Indian heritage.'^ They prefer to continue the trend common among Baghdadis of the past living under British colonial rule: earn their living in India, but be cultured and educated based on the Western stereotype of a civilized, globalized, and modern lifestyle which generally excludes religio-cultural advancement. In addition, communally and socially the Baghdadis usually keep to themselves, except for religious events and holidays, making the synagogue the meeting place rather than the home.

'"Anonymous author, ""Window on India: First Jewish Community Center Opens in Bombay,"" http://www.jdc.org/news_prress_010700.html._10_October_2000, accessed 12/25/04. The first JCC in India opened in Bombay in September 2000 with the aid of fourteen JDC volunteers from Baltimore, MD. "Personal communications with Madame Sophy Kelly, Bombay, 9 October 2000; and personal communication with , Bombay, 19 December 2000. '^An exception to this lack of interest in Judaism or Baghdadi heritage in India is Mr. Reuben Kelly"s two daughters, who are conducting research on Indian-born Baghdadis in Israel and abroad. Vol. 26, No. 2 • 2008 64 • Yale M. Needel

In order to promote needed cultural and religious awareness among the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews, the religious and social leaders of both com- munities regularly stress the attendance of all Jews at worship at any syna- gogue convenient to them. Although hazanim (cantors), presidents, and worldwide generally promote this act of religious observance, in India advo- cating synagogue attendance means more than being able to conduct daily prayers; it is vital for the survival of the community. In recent years, the more popularly attended Bene Israel and Baghdadi have printed annual informational pamphlets and calendars, which are distributed for free among both communities, partially funded by the JDC, ORT, or private, somedmes Gentile businesses (usually raw gem, gold, and silver shops) located in areas historically synonymous with Jewish businesses, homes, prayer halls, and synagogues in and around Bombay, such as BycuUa, Colaba, Dongri, Jacob"s Circle, Panvel, Thane, and Worli. Printed mostly in English (some Bene Israel synagogues print two copies, one in English and one in Marathi) and contain- ing the dates (in both the Jewish and Western calendars) and names in (Eng- lish, Hebrew, or Marathi) for principal Jewish fasts and festivals, various daily and holiday prayers, and miscellaneous facts, as well as general information regarding Judaism, they are a very useful resource. Interestingly, several locally published all-purpose daily calendars printed in English, Hindi, Marathi and Urdu sold by various street hawkers and vendors in downtown Bombay in- clude, along with informadon about other faiths, notations for major Jewish holidays. In India, a country tolerant of religious diversity and expression, the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews have hybridized into Indian society, absorbing into their personality certain Indian or domestic elements from neighboring faiths such as Hinduism, Islam, and Zoroastrianism while maintaining acceptable and normative Jewish standards and without violadng halakha. India's Jews, like other Diasporic Jewish communities, have had to refashion their interests, symbols, and understanding of J u d a i s m as they try to accommodate to chang- ing dmes and social environments. Mass migradon abroad between the 1950s and the mid-1980s, inidated by Indian and Israeli independence, to Australia, Canada, Europe, Israel, New Zealand, South Africa, the United States and, to some extent. Southeast Asia has caused a drastic reduction in India's Jew- ish population, uldmately changing the relationships between communities, especially the Bene Israel and Baghdadis in Bombay.'' This is evidenced by

"This information is based on interviews currently conducted from 2000 to 2005 with Baghdadis living in, or originating from, satellite communities in Africa, Australia,

Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Rethinking "Sephardic" • 65 the influence that India has had on the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews and, in turn, each other. Living as two distinct and separate communities, mass migration abroad, and the increasing age of the majority of the Jewish population in India has forced the Bene Israel and Baghdadis to integrate their religious praxis. Since the mid-1970s, the Baghdadi synagogue trustees and a few prominent Bagh- dadi congregants have ensured sufficient synagogal attendance required to conduct prayers and other religious affairs by asking several Bene Israel men to attend prayers in their synagogues, accompanying their request with mate- rial and monetary bonuses. This increased attendance maintains the active sta- tus of the synagogues, whereas in other once densely populated Indian cities with Baghdadi synagogues such as Calcutta and Pune, as well as other cities with Bene Israel and Keralite synagogues and prayer halls such as Ahmed- abad, Cochin, and New Delhi and the rural areas around Bombay, synagogue attendance is rare when it occurs, which is never on a regular or daily basis. Normal duties of the Bene Israel men include attendance every morning to form a for morning prayers (Shacharith), Friday and Saturday Shab- bat services, festivals, all major holidays, and other religious events as well as receiving aliyoth, a highly treasured accolade. Additionally, around the mid- 1900s, full-time employment of Bene Israel hazanim and shamashim (syna- gogue caretakers) appeared in Baghdadi synagogues and signaled the begin- ning of the transference or appearance of traditional Bene Israel hymns, tunes and customs into the Baghdadi belief system.''' This interaction and participation of Bene Israel families at Baghdadi synagogues for prayers and religious events has led to an acculturation or hybridization of unique or distinct customs and practices from both communities. In this these communities Join a minority of Sephardic Jews stemming from Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa who follow the traditional Sephardic rite but also include facets of their (indigenous) Eastern ancestry in their religious identity and observance." Despite the integration for prayers, the communities still designate each other as "Indian" for the Bene

Burma, Canada, China, Europe, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Singapore, Thailand, the UK, and the United States. '''Personal communications with various Bene Israel and Baghdadi informants, Bom- bay, September 2000. '^For an overall detailed analysis and description of Sephardic beliefs and practices, see Herbert C. Dobrinsky, A Treasury of Sephardic Laws and Customs (Hoboken, NJ: Ktav Publishing House, Inc., 1986).

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Israel and Keralite (or"Cochini" as locally called) communities, and "Iraqi" or more commonly "Sephardi" for the Baghdadi Jews.''

Ritual Activities Following scholar Nathan Katz, the Bene Israel can be viewed as "reactors [to their environment].. .. They clung to highly attenuated, vestigial Judaic ob- servances [because of their isolation and], through a series of serendipitous encounters with other Jews, Christian Missionaries, British colonialists and Indian nationalists, were transformed from an anonymous oil-pressing caste community of the Konkan coast into modern, urbane Jews."'^ Katz argues that the Bene Israel are "a perfect counterpoint to the Cochin [or Keralite] Jews."'* Katz insists on this point despite the fact that, according to Bene Israel accounts, caste was never a serious issue for them. Like the Bene Is- rael, the Baghdadi community acquired their unique Indian-Jewish identity through a series of fortuitous encounters with other groups, both Gentile and Jewish. In general, the Baghdadis mostly mimicked the British. However, in Bombay, there was another group, the Bene Israel, who had already built a synagogue by the time the Baghdadis arrived in 1796." In comparison, local trading-caste Hindus such as the Marwaris, and other minority groups such as the Anglo-Indians, Armenians, Chinese, Greeks, and Portuguese, became additional reference groups for the Baghdadi community in Calcutta.^" Katz concludes that the Keralites were able to establish and preserve their religious and social identity through the construcdon "of an origin legend that reflect- ed both [their] Indian and Jewish status, through the skillful adaptation of

'^Iraqi or Baghdadi Jews are frequendy referred to as ""Sephardi"" by other Jews because of their adherence and association to the strict and sometimes unique (from other Jewish sects) code of biblical laws and practices based on Babylonian Jewry. For recent discussions regarding the social identity of the Baghdadis, specifically in Shanghai, see Chiara Betta, ""From Orientals to Imagined Britons: Baghdadi Jews in Shanghai,"" Moiierji Asian Studies, Vol. 37, No. 4 (2003): 999-1023, and M. J. Meyer, ""The Sephardi Jewish Community of Shanghai 1845-1939 and the Question of Identity"" (Ph.D. thesis. School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1994). "Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 91. "Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 91. "Ezekiel Moses Jacob Gadkar, ed.,""Shevat 15 New Year for Trees: Why the Bene-Is- raels Adore This Festival the Most,"" in The Religious and Cultural History of the Bene-Israels of India, pp. 1-10. ™Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 129.

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Hindu ritual and symbolic elements within the framework of J u d a i c law, and through the emulation of Indian social structure [caste]. They [the Keralites] were actors in the finely balanced drama of Indian Jewish identity."^' Katz's conclusion is consistent with my findings, excluding the issue of caste. Since their arrival in India, the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews have had to refashion their religious and, in turn, social environment in order to create their identity and role in Indian society. Where Bene Israel or Baghdadi practices conform to tradidonal Sep- hardic norms there is no need to describe their observance. However, it is im- portant to note the cross-cultural and cross-communal bonds they share as evidenced by the unique observances and rituals they exhibit during the High Holidays, in this case, the activities and events observed during Rosh Hasha- nah and Yom Kippur. While in the past most instances of religious accultura- tion were limited to the Bene Israel, some of these customs are appearing in their Baghdadi counterparts, something unheard of until the mid-1970s when Bene Israel men began attending Baghdadi synagogues as most Baghdadis had emigrated to other countries. As with synagogues worldwide, attendance dur- ing the High Holidays significantly increases, although few make the effort to attend all of the prayers and services.

Rosh Hashanah The Jews of Bombay observe two days of Rosh Hashanah. On the eve of Rosh Hashanah, it is customary for both communities to conduct an honorary ser- vice for deceased ancestors and relatives by reciting memorial prayers (Hash- kaba) throughout the night. After Shacharith the following day, each commu- nity travels to its respective cemetery in opposite areas of the city and holds prayers at specific graves as requested by community or synagogue members. Prior to prayers, the Baghdadis customarily clean the entire gravesite: wash- ing the grave/tomb with rosewater, rubbing myrtle (basil) along the tomb's surface, then placing a flower or leaf on the grave as an indicator or marker of their recent visit. (The custom among is to place a stone or pebble on the grave as an indicator of their recent visitation.) At the Bene Israel cemetery, a quick tidying of the gravesite is done, and some families light incense in the earth in front of the grave or in specially built boxes, following the Buddhist, Hindu, Jain, Muslim, Orthodox Christian, and Parsi tradition in India of honoring ancestors and past religious figures through the ritual use

2'Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 129.

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of incense. In such faiths, incense is used to make the air sweet-smelling for the gods/spirits and the souls of the deceased, and to relax one's senses. Similar to the Bene Israel, at Baghdadi cemeteries a few relatives or congregants discreet- ly light several sticks of incense in the earth in front of the grave, headstone, or tomb. The Baghdadi use of incense on this occasion was simply explained as follows, "It is Just something we started to do since moving to India."" Ad- ditionally, on Rosh Hashanah, the bread used for the Hamotzi (blessing said over bread), always Indian flatbread locally baked in a clay oven, is dipped in sugar rather than salt, as normally done on all other occasions, indicating the hope for a"sweet" New Year; then it is distributed to the congregants. (The use of sugar is similar to the Ashkenazi practice of dipping the bread in honey in anticipation of a "sweet" New Year.) Also notable is the custom among certain prominent members of Bagh- dadi synagogues to give a new shirt and pair of slacks to all regular (generally Bene Israel) attendants of services in honor of the New Year, while some of the more affluent Baghdadi congregants give money. Furthermore, both commu- nities observe the tradition of wearing only new clothes for all Rosh Hashanah services. Interesdngly, Bene Israel historian Haeem Samuel Kehimkar notes that the Bene Israel formerly referred to Rosh Hashanah as Naviacha San or the "Festival of the New Year," using local Marathi to replace Hebrew, but have eliminated the Marathi name today, most likely in response to their partial migration towards mainstream Jewry since the mid-twentieth century.^' Sev- eral Bene Israel explain they now prefer to reject any direct or indirect associa- don or influence of their Judaic practices with other Gendle (Indian) faiths, including the use of non-Hebrew terminology, in order to avoid the possible ridicule or questioning of their faith by "outside" J e w s because such Indian fac- ets were evident in their display and observance of Judaism.

Tashlich (Reiease of One's Sins in Water) The ritual of Tashlich or "'casting sins upon water," is done on the first day of Rosh Hashanah for the Baghdadis, even holding the ceremony on Shabbat. Following services, the congregation proceeds to the waterfront adjacent to the landmark "Gateway of India," coincidentally near the formerly Baghda- di-owned "Sassoon Docks" in downtown Colaba. Crowding together at the

^^Personal communication with Reuben Kelly, Bombay, 28 September 2000. ^'Kehimkar, The History of the Bene-Israel, pp. 17-8.

Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Rethinking "Sephardic" • 69 water's edge, the hazan says appropriate prayers and waves a new white hand- kerchief in the air over the water, symbolizing the release of their sins into the water to begin the year with a "clean slate." After asking several Baghdadi congregants where this practice originates, the common response is it has been passed down to them from their parents and grandparents, thus originating in Baghdad.^" The Bene Israel conduct Tashlich services usually on the second day of Rosh Hashanah, performing the ceremony before or after Shabbat, if nec- essary. After services, several hundred members of the Bombay and Thane Bene Israel communities, including those who did not attend prayers earlier, travel en masse across the city to gather by the banks of the Arabian Sea near Hajji Ali mosque. Following prayers, children fly white kites in the sea breeze, symbolizing the release of sins. Hazan Benjamin Simon Dandekar states the customary format "also involves emptying one's pockets in a symbolic casting away of sins, and reciting verses from Micah."^' The following account ex- plains the reasoning for going to an open body of water on Rosh Hashanah for Tashlich: In antiquity. Biblical cultures would install a king by water, and since Rosh Hashanah is the time when Jews accept God as king, they go to a body of water. Perhaps in the past, waving a handkerchief or flying a kite were gestures that were performed in the presence of a monarch and as such were incorporated into the Tashlich service.^* The creation and institution of such unique practices could have been an effort to disguise their observance of Judaism while living under the rule of antisemitic countries or governments, pretending to praise the local ruler. Interestingly, the Baghdadis never recount seeing or conducting this activity anywhere. Traditionally lacking any formally trained religious leaders because of their isolation, the Bene Israel were most likely unaware of the customary patterns of Tashlich, allowing them to adapt what they knew as Jewish ritual or tradition with Indian culture, where kites are frequently flown by children in celebration at religious and social events.

^••A Bombay-born Baghdadi Jew living in the United States notes that as a youth in Bombay, she would go to the ocean with her family and conduct Tashlich by turning her (empty) pockets inside out and shaking them in the air, symbolically freeing herself of sin. She was unable to recall what other families had done or the exact location of the ritual. -'Personal communication with Hazan Benjamin Simon Dandekar, Bombay, Sep- tember 2000. For an additional description of Tashlich, see Carl Mark Gussin, "The Bene Israel of India: Politics, Religion, and Systematic Change"" (Ph.D. dissertation. Department of Anthropology, Syracuse University, 1972), p. 120. ^'Personal communication with Rabbi Maurice Schiffman, Miami, Florida, 13 August 2001.

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Author Carl Mark Gussin notes that for the Bene Israel, Tashlich's popu- larity may be ascribed to its resemblances to Hindu purification rites, such as Avabharta Snana (Sanskrit: expiatory bath), whereby devotees physically and symbolically wash away their sins at a river, ocean/sea, tank, waterfall, etc. through spiritual and/or corporeal immersion.^'' Gussin further states, "This then might be an example of acculturation of an otherwise unimportant ritual becoming significant because of its acceptability in the particular Indian con- text where water purification is highly honored," which helps to explain its popularity.^* The notion of self-purification through various measures involv- ing oil, water, or other liquids is a common theme in virtually all faiths; the resemblance found among Hindus and Jews should not be taken as proof of religious assimilation to Hinduism or other faiths exhibiting similar ritual- cleansing acts. Notably, Indian Jews have not implemented the popular Ashkenazi prac- tice of throwing bits of bread into the water for Tashlich, although individual Baghdadi families have observed it at times for convenience.^' According to halakha, as stated in the Shulchan Aruch Orach Chaim 583:8 or "Code of J e w - ish Law on the Way of Life" (OC), Tashlich prayers are to be said at an open body of water, preferably containing live fish. Additionally, OC 496:2 states that it is forbidden to throw food into the water for the fish to eat because on Yom Tov it is prohibited to feed animals or fish not dependent on one.'" In- terestingly, Kehimkar notes that the Bene Israel formerly called the fourth day of Rosh Hashanah Khiricha San or the "Festival of Khir" He further asserts this Bene Israel harvest festival was their analogue to the festival of Sukkoth normally celebrated two weeks later. In the past, the Bene Israel would burn frankincense, recite the Shema and eat khir (Hindi/Marathi: pudding made of coconut milk, sugar, rice, and various nuts and sweets)." Now, the Bene Israel celebrate Sukkoth, essentially forgetting and replacing Khiricha San, although isolated instances of its observance were found.

"Gussin, cited in Shirley Berry Isenberg, India's Bene Israel: A Comprehensive Inquiry and Sourcebook (Berkeley: Judah L. Magnes Museum, 1988), p. 125 n. 24. ^*Gussin,""The Bene Israel of India,"" pp. 120 n. 14, p. 122 n. 18. ^'Personal communication with Joan G. Roland, Ph.D., November 2001. ^"See Rabbi Hersh Goldwurm, Rosh Hashanah: Its Significance, Laws, and Prayers (Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, Ltd, 1983), p. 88. "Kehimkar, History of the Bene-Israel, pp. 17-8.

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Yom Kippur On the night before Yom Kippur, I, along with several of the Bene Israel and Baghdadi congregants of Knesseth Eliyahoo synagogue, slept inside the main sanctuary, following the Jewish precept of preventing self-contamina- tion through contact with during Yom Kippur. The atmosphere was similar to sleep-away camp. This belief is very similar to the Hindu concept of self-pollution through the contact or close proximity of others or non-caste Hindus, and as such. Gentile businesses and homes around synagogues re- spect this belief, avoiding direct contact with Jews on Yom Kippur. In addition, Bene Israel and Baghdadi congregants refrain from exiting the synagogue after prayers, preferring to take short naps on the sanctuary benches between ser- vices. Those who do not attend services and stay at home lock their doors and avoid all contact with others. Kehimkar again notes the Bene Israel replace- ment of Hebrew with Marathi, formerly referring to Yom K ippur as Darfalni- cha San or the "Festival of Closing the Doors."" On the morning of Yom Kippur, both communides observe the ritual of Malma, bathing in hot, then cold water prior to attending services.'' Traditionally, both communities wear new white clothes, as practiced by most Eastern cultures on auspicious occasions, and will not enter the synagogue wearing their sandals or shoes (the Bene Israel do this regularly in their synagogues), which coincides with the Buddhist, Hindu, Jain, Muslim, Parsi, and Sikh custom of removing one's footwear before entering or passing through consecrated ground as a sign of reverence. It is also customary for both communities not to possess any leather or animal-skinned items (i.e., belts or wallets) on this day. Prior to services the congregants are asked by the hazan or president of the synagogue to bring a new white handkerchief to Yom Kippur services for later use. Now the Baghdadis in Bombay follow the ritual practiced by the Bene Israel of spreading the handkerchief on the floor, r e c i t i n g a prayer, then fully prostrating themselves facedown on the floor (with face in handkerchief). Implementation of this practice began during the mid-1900s when Bene Israel hazanim started to conduct regular services in Bombay's two Baghdadi synagogues, Knesseth Eliyahoo in Colaba Fort and Magen David in BycuUa, as well as occasionally in Ohel David or the "Red" synagogue in Pune, outside Bombay. This practice coincides with the halakhic belief that during

"Kehimkar, History of the Bene-Israel, p. 18. "Personal communication with Hazan Benjamin Simon Dandekar, Bombay, Sep- tember 2000.

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the addidonal morning prayer (Musaf), there is a re-enactment of part of the service from the First Temple. The core of the Musaf service is the Avodah, the rehearsal of the Temple service. Members of the congregation prostrate themselves four times. Just as the Jews did who gathered at the First Temple and prostrated themselves whenever God's name was pronounced during prayers." All who are physically able observe the Yom Kippur fast. Some Bene Is- rael children fast as well in imitation of their elders even though it is not re- quired until they have had their Bar/Bat . Furthermore, the custom of the (priest) reciting the priestly benediction for the congregation is only conducted in Baghdadi synagogues, the reason being that there are presently none nor have there been any Bene Israel Kohanim, a hereditary distinction. Today, only one Kohen remains in Bombay, an elderly Baghdadi in his late 80s. His arrival is an honored and treasured occasion at the synagogue or any affair.

Shila San (Festival of Stale Things) The day after Yom Kippur, the festival of Simchat Hakohen, or the "Celebration of the (High) Priest," is a day to meet and spend time with family and friends. From the next four days until Sukkoth, friends and relatives visit others who are mourning recent deaths or have incurred a loss since last Rosh Hashanah. Though currently rarely observed in other Jewish communities, Simchat Hako- hen is still observed by other Eastern Sephardic communities like the Moroc- can J e w s . " The Bene Israel celebrate this day as Shila San (Marathi: Festival of Stale Things), so named because the foods used during the festival have to be prepared prior to Yom Kippur, and thus become stale. Under the influence of Keralite teachers, the Bene Israel transformed the holiday into Simchat Hako- hen.^^ The Bene Israel believe that the souls of the dead visit their relatives the day before Yom Kippur, remaining with them until the night of Shila San. The Baghdadis also observe Simchat Hakohen to some extent: food is not prepared on this day, and small private gatherings between family and friends are held; conversations usually pertain to memories of the deceased. Most Baghdadis

'•"Louis Finkelstein, ed.. The Jews: Their History, Culture, and Religion, Vol. IV (Phila- delphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1949), pp. 1371-2. ''Dobrinsky, A Treasury of Sephardic Laws and Customs, p. 342. '^Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 106.

Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Rethinking "Sephardic" • 73 claim the practice originates frorn their youth, from their parents and grand- parents. Visiting the cemetery on this day with the Baghdadis also supports this belief. Congregants and relatives speak to individual graves as if the inhabit- ants were still alive, initiating a spiritual bond or connection with the deceased, similar to that experienced by the Bene Israel. Reuben Kelly, a long-stand- ing member of the Baghdadi community in Bombay, explains the following, "Today, they [the deceased] pray with us [for the granting of a fruitful new year]."'^ After prayers on the morning of Shila San, the entire congregation of the Baghdadi synagogue chosen to hold prayers (for that year) travel to their cemetery and visit several gravesites of various congregants' relatives as well as distinguished community members and, after a thorough cleansing of the area around the gravesite, a Malida ritual is held as discussed later; this is a food of- fering which is then distributed to the congregants, mostly Bene Israel families and a few Baghdadi men. Interestingly, all the Baghdadi congregants refrained from physically participating in the Malida portion of the service. The Bagh- dadis cite the recent practice of incorporating the Bene Israel Malida ritual on this occasion to accommodate the Bene Israel hazan currently conducting daily prayers in Baghdadi synagogues, Benjamin Simon Dandekar, as well as the numerous Bene Israel congregants regularly attending services. The breaking of the Yom Kippur fast is in the home with a large meal, generally serving ancestral or traditional cuisine: Indian for the Bene Israel and Iraqi/Middle Eastern for the Baghdadis. Recipes used for this and other religious events, festivals, and holidays have been kept true to their individual heritages.

The Malida (Ritual Offering) The day after Yom Kippur a unique ritual among the Bene Israel was con- ducted, the Malida (Marathi: "Ritual Offering"; a Thanksgiving prayer as- sociated with the Prophet Elijah involving a ritual offering of various foods) offering. As scholar notes, the Malida is practiced on three types of occasions: "cyclical rites associated with the calendar; rites of passage; and non-repedtive individual rites."" The Malida, or "offering," usually consists of a platter containing various foods: steamed Jasmine rice, cane sugar, grated fresh coconut, ground cardamom, nuts, raisins and rosewater, as well as thick discs

''Personal communication with Reuben Kelly, Bombay, 28 September 2000. '*Shalva Weil, ""Bene Israel Indian Jews in Lod, Israel: A Study of the Persistence of Ethnicity and Ethnic Identity"" (D.Phil, thesis. University of Sussex, 1977), p. 320.

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of rice-cakes and five different kinds of fresh fruit (depending on the season), all ornately arranged on a large engraved silver plate. The offering is accompa- nied by the recitation of the Veyitenlecha, the blessing said after the Havdala service at the conclusion of Shabbat, when the Prophet Elijah is asked to ap- pear (invisibly) in Bene Israel homes.'' The Malida (plate) presentation is accompanied by an invocadon for the presence and blessing of the Prophet Elijah through the recitation of the Shema and the words "Eliyahoo Hannavi" (Hebrew: the Prophet Elijah) about a dozen times."*" After prayers, the Malida is distributed among those present. Kehimkar notes that the offering was once called Khundache Nave Tabak (Marathi: Dish Offering in the Name of God), although presently no Bene Israel could recall using this name. Interestingly, Malida is the Marathi name used by Maharashtran Hindus and Muslims for a rice-flour and sugar mixture used in rituals, although it is still unknown when the Bene Israel began using the term or performing the ritual.'" The uniqueness of the Malida ritual is not in the offering of food but in its reference and reverence for the Prophet Elijah, considered the precursor of the Messiah. Bene Israel historian Ezekiel Moses Jacob Gadkar states that Bene Israel beliefs about the Prophet Elijah are similar to those of other Jews, but in their religious life "[t]he prophet [Elijah] stands exalted almost to the status of a patron saint of Bene-Israels and the deep veneradon for him is un- flinching and unwavering."''^ The adulation for a leading religious personality is also found in several religions in India, such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Jainism, Sikhism, and Zoroastrianism.'" The Malida ritual directly reflects the diachronic interactions of the Bene Israel with Hinduism (and Islam) in Konkani culture.''^ According to tradition, the Bene Israel believe that the Pro- phet Elijah appeared to them in antiquity at the Konkan village of Khandala near Navgaon outside Bombay, where he promised them future redemption.''^ The Bene Israel have connected this event with the biblical story of Elijah's as- cension to heaven in a chariot of fire (II Fangs 2:1-2).''* In the past, the Bene

"Weil, "Bene Israel Indian Jews in Lod, Israel,"" pp. 114, 319. •""Isenberg, India's-Bene Israel, p. 111. ""Kehimkar, History of the Bene-Israel, p. 25. '2Gadkar,""Shevat 15 New Year for Trees,"" p. 83. '"Nathan Katz and Ellen S. Goldberg, Tfoe Last Jews of Cochin: Jewish Identity in Hin- du India (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993), pp. 103-8. ''•'Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 101 •'^Isenberg, India's Bene Israel, p. 112. "^Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 102. Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Rethinking "Sephardic" • 75

Israel would go on a pilgrimage to Khandala to the summit of a specific large boulder to see what they believe is a footprint from Elijah's horse and white scar-marks said to have been left by the wheels of his chariot.'''' Today, the pilgrimage is seldom observed, likely due to the great distance and poor roads involved in getting to the site. The idea of a holy footprint directly relates to the Konkani practice of worshipping the paduka (Hindi: footprint) of Hindu ascetics and saints after their death. The footprint theme is also found in local Islamic lore; Ahmadi- yya Muslims believe footprints found on a rock in Kashmir are from Jesus of Nazareth, who they believe died in Kashmir.''* Additionally, since the Prophet Elijah is propitiated in the Malida rite, which is possibly derived from local Hindu and Muslim customs, and because no early (pre-David Rahabi) ac- counts by Jews or Gentiles of the Bene Israel cite the observance or practice of the Malida, Bene Israel author and scholar Rebecca Reuben suggests that "when [the famed Keralite teacher] David Rahabi revived Judaism among the Bene Israel he deliberately substituted the Prophet Elijah for the numerous local Indian saints invoked for help against the evils of life.""" Bene Israel accounts recorded by early Christian missionaries state that a Keralite named David Rahabi came to the Konkan region around 1000 CE and "discovered" the Bene Israel as an isolated Indian community of J e w s . He observed certain Jewish practices among them, such as the distinction between clean and unclean fish, the observance of Shabbat, the recitation of the Shema, and the performance of brit milah (circumcision), which led to his conclusion that they were Jews.^" The story condnues that David Rahabi stayed with the Bene Israel and taught them a greater degree of observance of J u d a i s m than pre- viously known, including several Hebrew prayers, customs, and laws, as against the sole recitation of the Shema, their only known Jewish prayer when he ar- rived." Bene Israel tradidon condnues that Rahabi appointed three kajis (Ara-

''^Jews from other locales and backgrounds do not share this belief. •"Isenberg, India's Bene Israel, p. 123 n. 4. '"Rebecca Reuben, "The Bene Israel of Bombay," Cambridge Jewish Publications, Vol. 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1913), p. 12. '"Some Bene Israel accounts relate that David Rahabi arrived in 1400 to around 1600 CE. See Isenberg, India's Bene Israel, p. 3. ^'B. J. Israel, The Jews of India (New Delhi: Ezra Kolet for the Jewish Welfare Associa- tion and Centre for Jewish and Inter-Faith Studies, 1982), p. 17.

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bic pL: Judge, for both religious and civil duties) from those he taught to become new leaders and religious teachers for the community afi:er his departure." The Malida ritual has an obvious analogue to a Hindu^wja (Hindi: ritual offering) as well, in terms of its ritualisdc offering. In Hindu worship, food is often ornately prepared and publicly displayed prior to being offered to the deity. After the deity "consumes" the essence of the food, devotees receive the remains or prasadam (Sanskrit: grace); the food is viewed as an image of a gift from the deity, therefore becoming sacred after its offering."

Conclusion Religious disdncdon and individuality is essendal to the religio-cultural iden- dty of the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews, as well as all cultures and faiths in India. It is rather easy to recognize the similarities between Indian Jews and Diasporic Jewish communities elsewhere: the critical institutions, that is, those that support religious Hfe, exist everywhere; without such institutions, the community would cease to be Jewish in a tradidonal sense.'"' It is also Just as easy to recognize the differences between the two groups: the Bene Israel, because of their long isolation from mainstream Judaism, lack an independent tradition of J e w i s h learning, frequently implementing distinct Indian customs and practices into their belief system^'; whereas the Baghdadis, because they have had to integrate with and rely on Bene Israel congregants and hazanim to maintain an acdve Jewish life, have had to amend their long-standing Sephardic traditions. This amalgamation of Indian and Sephardic Jewish rites is attrib- uted to the unique polity of India that insists each group (religious denomina- don) may freely express and maintain its cultural and religious identity.'* Relating Katz's study on the Keralite community with the religious iden- tity of the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews, "The identity of the [Keralite] Jews of Cochin is seamless: they are simultaneously fully Indian and fully Jewish. Their experience [in India] eschews the facile dichotomy between East and West, as they are firmly rooted in two great civilizations. Indie and Judaic."'^

^^Schifra Strizower, The Bene Israel of Bombay: A Study of a Jewish Community (New York: Schocken Books, 1971), p. 37 n. 6. "Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 104. "Strizower, The Bene Israel of Bombay, p. 164. ^^Strizower, Tfce Bene Israel of Bombay, p. 164. '^Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 161. "Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 9. Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Rethinking "Sephardic" • 11

While Katz's comments can be applied to all Indian-Jewish communities, they are better suited to the Bene Israel and Keralite communities due to their hy- bridization and involvement with Indian culture and society, while the Baghda- dis already possessed a deep-rooted heritage and observance of J u d a i s m prior to their arrival in India. It is also important to note another analogue to Katz's • analysis with the two communities, "They [the Keralites] have neither sub- merged their Jewishness by assimilating into their host culture nor used their Jewishness as a refuge from a hostile Gentile host society."'* His comments on the Keralite community again reflect the experience of the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews despite differences in their locales and ancestral origins. While there are several similarities between Katz's research on the Keral- ite Jews and my study on the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews in Bombay, there still exist some stark divergences between our analyses and conclusions. Most importantly, Katz notes how the Keralites "emulated and thereby affirmed the social hierarchy of Kerala."" His comments imply that the Keralites were part of the strict Hindu caste system and had achieved a degree of social status based on the hierarchical caste structure. While the topic of caste may relate to the Keralite Jews, the issue among the Bene Israel is a very delicate and rarely mentioned subject. Katz comments repeatedly on status or role of caste among the Bene Israel, noting, "As long as the Bene Israel used Hindu castes as their reference groups, Sanskridzation abounded."*" The term "Sanskriti- zation"*' implies that the Bene Israel established a group-identity within the Hindu caste system in order to create a place for themselves in Indian society. My findings suggest that the Bene Israel have historically refuted any and all attempts to assimilate or place them in the Hindu-based caste system. They prefer to be known as Diasporic Jews in India who naturally acclimated to their mainly Hindu surroundings and neighbors without absorbing or incor- porating the essence of their Gentile (Hindu, Muslim, Jain, Parsi, Sikh, etc.) beliefs and practices. Rather than mimic the Keralite Jews, who apparently sought comfort and refuge in the caste system, the Bene Israel made every attempt to separate and

z, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 10. "Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 10. "'Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 100. ''See M. N. Srinivas, Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1965). The process of ""Sanskritization"" demonstrates how lower castes may rise in the caste system by adopting or emulating higher-caste behaviors such as the use of Sanskrit and issues of cleanliness.

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distinguish themselves as a culture and faith whose followers had no designa- tion or role in the Hindu caste system. This is due to the fact that the Bene Israel believe they originated as Jews in Israel, arriving later in India (as Jews) following a shipwreck, thereby eliminadng any possibility or connection with the hierarchical caste system, which is based on one's hereditary and religious status. While their religion is Jewish, their identity is Indian, and they reject the strict labeling and, in turn, degradation to which a non-Hindu caste is subjected to by Indian society in the past. As for the Baghdadis, caste was never an important issue because they migrated to India much later than the Bene Israel or Keralite Jews, allowing them to integrate within the multiethnic community of Indian and immigrant merchants and traders. The Baghdadis made every attempt to connect and idendfy themselves with the elite British rather than the common Indian. While Katz claims that once the Bene Israel had migrated to urban Bombay, "[t]his was the beginning of the end of their Indian identity"*^ due to British Westernization, he still reiterates that they were part of the "caste-bound Konkan."" While the issue of caste may have been relevant for the Keralites who emulated local Hindus, upper-caste Chris- tians, and Muslims (and to a certain degree the Baghdadis with the British), caste has remained an issue of little discourse among modern-day Bene Israel. Only much later in Israel did the Bene Israel experience a form of persecution or questioning similar to a caste system when trying to establish themselves as Jews deserving of the full benefits and status provided by Israeli society. Similar to other Diasporic Jewish communities worldwide, the Bene Is- rael and Baghdadi Jews in Bombay have hybridized their religious identity in accord with their surroundings. The impact of India on the ritualisdc be- havior of its Jewish communities is very interesting and mirrors that of other Diasporic Jewish communides: their ritual life reflects that of their known background, in this case, Sephardism, and is combined with their host (mostly Hindu) culture. The results of the study show that a direct connection between Indian Jews with Sephardic communities elsewhere is displayed in their freedom to express, adapt, or amend (as needed) their Jewish identity in India. However, because of the uniqueness of certain observances, practices, and rituals, they cannot be considered wholly or exclusively Sephardic. Rather, they are "East- ern Sephardic," a religious distinction which indicates how the impact and influence of living in India over the centuries has contributed to their unique

"Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 100-1. "Katz, Who Are The Jews of India?, p. 101.

Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies Rethinking "Sephardic" • 79 observance of Judaism. It is necessary to expand the common or popular de- notation of J e w s who are commonly considered Sephardic in order to properly analyze and study other minority Jewish communities living in or originating from areas in India and elsewhere in the East. The concept of Eastern Sep- hardism describes the complicated and often misunderstood Judaic practices of Jews living or originating in the East in areas not associated with or gen- erally known as having or supporting a long-standing or indigenous Jewish tradition. The continuity and success of the Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews in India is an example of acculturation without assimilation. In terms of the process of hybridization, the Jews of India have developed a unique religious idendty through a process of selective osmosis,*^ whereby certain objects, practices, rites, etc., found and used publicly and regularly in daily activities and reli- gious rituals by neighboring Gentiles, were selectively absorbed into their be- lief system, depending on need or relevance as dictated by ancestral tradidon and, most importantly, without violating halakha. The significance of Indian- Jewish identity demonstrates how a minute Jewish community combined two cultures and many faiths. Indie and Judaic, and continues to do so, while still preserving a distinct cultural and religious life in a society where one's religion is as important as one's name. This analysis of Indian Jewry allows for new manners and methods for other Diasporic or minority Jewish communities elsewhere to preserve their unique heritage and traditions, while at the same time adapting in order to contribute, identify, and involve themselves with the demands of a continually changing and globalized world. It is only natural, as with other faiths, that the Jews, once permanently settled in India, would adapt to their new surroundings while causing the least possible negative impact or presence and, at the same time, upholding a high degree and standard of re- ligious praxis. The Bene Israel and Baghdadi Jews of India have not lost their Jewish identity by adapting to their host culture. Rather, they have been able to develop and nurture a finely b a l a n c e d Indo-Judaic identity through specific demonstrative cultural and religious inclusions of their Indian neighbors.

''See Needel, "Cross-Communal Ritual Acculturation," p. 37.

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Additional Reading David, Fit. Lt. N.A. (Ket'd). Jewish Holidays and Rituals. Bombay: Nagavkar Asher David, 1998. Hyman, Mavis. Jew5 of the Raj. London: Hyman Publishers, 1995. Jacob, Elijah, Reuben Samuel, and Leora Ezekiel. Jewish Landmarks in Bombay City. Bombay: The Jewish Religious Union Youth Group, 1991. Katz, Nathan, ed. Studies of Indian Jewish Identity. New Delhi: Manohar, 1995. Kolet, Ezra and Daniel Elijah Benjamin Gadkar. List of Synagogues and Prayer Halls in South Asia (India, Burma and Pakistan). Bulletin II. New Delhi: The Jewish Welfare Association and The Center for Jewish and Inter- Faith Studies, 1983. Roland, Joan G. "Religious Observances of the Bene Israel: Persistence and Refashioning of Tradidon." The Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 3 (April 2000): 22-47. . The Jewish Communities of India: Identity in a Colonial Era. 2nd ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998. Timburg, Thomas A., ed.Jews in India. New Delhi: Vikas, 1986.

Shofar • An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies