Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics

MAJALLA KAIRALA (Seminar Special - 24 & 25, October 2013) ISSN: 2277-2839

Vol. 3 • Issue 1 • July 2014

Chief Editor Dr. Mohammed Basheer K

Assistant Editors Dr. Thajudeen A S Noushad V

Department of Arabic University of Kerala Majalla Kairala Seminar Special Vol. 3 • Issue 1 • July 2014

Seminar Organising Committee Dr. Mohammed Basheer K, Convenor Dr. Abdul Rahman, Joint Convenor Ashraf Kadakkal, Academic Coordinator Dr. A Nizarudeen Dr. Muhammad Kunju Metharu Prof. Thonnakkal Jamal Dr. Muhammad Kunju Dr. Zainudheen Dr. Zeenathu Beevi Dr. Sajjad Ebrahim Dr. Abdul Latheef Dr. Ubaid A Dr. P Naseer Dr. Suhail E Dr. Shanil A Fazeela Sajithkhan

ISSN: 2277-2839

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PREFACE • 5 Dr. Mohammed Basheer K

ARAB SPRING – AN OVERVIEW (INAUGURAL SPEECH) • 7 P K Abdu Rabb

SOME LESSONS FROM THE ARAB SPRING • 9 Dr. Jasim Husain (Bahrain)

MAKING SENSE OF THE SAUDI FLIP FLOP AT THE SECURITY COUNCIL • 14 Gulshan Dietl

PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB SPRING: SOME CRITICAL ISSUES • 19 Prasad M V

ARAB SPRING IN THE GULF REGION: REACTION FROM WITHIN • 24 Dr. Hemayun Akhtar Nazmi

THE ARAB SPRING AND ITS IMPACT ON WOMEN • 33 Sainul Abideen K

ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN THE ARAB SPRING AND BEYOND • 41 Dr. Sudeep K S

‘POWER AS A TOOL OR IS AIM?’ A POST ARAB SPRING READING OF ISLAMIC POLITICS • 50 Sufyan Abdul Sathar M

INFLUENCE OF THE ARAB SPRING ON THE • 53 Abdul Gafoor Kunnathodi

NILE IS STILL MOURNING: THE ARAB SPRING BLOSSOMED IN EGYPT AND WITHERED ON THE SHORES OF NILE • 61 Asharaf A, Kadakkal

LITERATURE AND THE ARAB SPRING: THE EMERGING TRENDS • 67 Aftab Ahmad THE CAUSES OF ARAB SPRING: AN ANALYTICAL STUDY • 80 Dr. K M A Ahamed Zubair

DEMOCRATISATION AND THE : A HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL STUDY • 84 Dr. Samuel J Kuruvilla & Dr. Suhail Ebrahim

POLITICAL AND CULTURAL REPRESENTATION OF SUFI MISSIONS IN THE ARAB SPRING • 93 Abdul Jaleel PC

ISLAMISM AFTER ARAB SPRING: THE DISCOURSE OF COMPATIBILITY TOWARDS DEMOCRACY MARGINALISED IT’S OF EXTREMISM • 101 Noufal Konnakkattil

FEMINIST DISCOURSE IN THE POST-ARAB SPRING WEST ASIA • 110 Dr. Obaidullah Fahad

ARAB SPRING: THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE ARAB WORLD IN SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRATIZATION • 131 Alavudheen K M

ARAB STATE SYSTEMS IN THE LIGHT OF THE ‘ARAB SPRING’ • 140 Shelly Johny

PUBLIC POWER AND TECHNOLOGY: EVALUATING THE ROLE OF INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGY IN ARAB SPRINGS • 148 Dr. Sabu Thomas

ARAB SPRING AND THE NEW WAVE OF DISPLACEMENT IN WEST ASIA: AN ANALYSIS ON THE IMPACT OF SYRIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN • 155 Lirar Pulikkalakath

المرأة في الربيع العربي • 163 أ.د. أحمد عبد القادر الشاذيل د. تاج الدين املناين

دور المجتمع المدني جزء ال يتجزء في مرحلة ما بعد الربيع العربي • 175 محمد منصور Preface Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics

ver the last few decades, the scope of Arab Spring and the fall of despotic regimes- OWest Asian studies has transcended all add to a long array of events that offered the disciplinary borders and gained currency fundamental components for a new West Asia to beyond the confines of Area Studies. It now emerge. Perhaps more striking is the new found offers a rallying point for many disciplines popularity of new media that represents new including history, politics, theology, literature communication genre for variety of purposes and international relations that collectively like political mobilization and opinion building. contribute to re-portray the discipline’s The awakening that led to a democratic apocryphal image as one that is often pitched revolution in the heart lands of Arab world is in terms of geopolitical and the strategic studies. now swiftly moving towards more confused and It would not be an exaggeration to say uncertain situation. The ebb and flow of the that the contemporary World politics is being Arab Spring is revealing political storms that mediated by the currents in the south east of the could flood the Arab world with chaos and Mediterranean. Though Arab-Islamic society, confusions. The movement gets pushed from once functioned as the driving force of the world the central position to peripheries exposing its civilization, subsequently lost its position, it inability to withstand the challenges. continues to play a decisive role, if the present The process of Arab Spring can’t be analysed events can be taken as indicators. in a particular point of view as its formation The region has witnessed a series of diverse and movements were very complicated. It was yet shared movements that affected the social formed according to existing socio political relations, economic exchanges, political scenario of the country. At the same time we institutions and regional geopolitical setting. can’t say that the revolution was taken place Disintegration of Soviet Union and resultant in a morning. But there is a long history of re-orientation of regional politics, end of cold dedication and the sacrifice by generations who war era, neo-liberal re-configuration of Arab were brutally hounded by the dictators. economies, political reforms in the monarchic Arab uprisings have paved the way for change regimes, new-found popularity of Islamic in discourse of politics and governance as well political activism, Gulf War, War on Terror and as these movements became driving forces for

Preface 5 the people to protest against the depraved the purpose of addressing a wide variety of issues governance. In USA it was the motive behind that characterize society, culture and politics in ‘Occupy Wall Street’ movement and in India the contemporary Arab World. This issue of it encouraged the youth to struggle against seminar proceedings is an effort to enlighten the corruption and gender bias. works from multiple disciplinary vantage points It is in the backdrop of these developments, in order to record the change and dynamism in Kerala University had organized a seminar with their entireties.

Dr. Mohammed Basheer K 05.07.2014 Head of the Department of Arabic (i/c) Karyavattom & Convenor of the Seminar Registrar, University of Kerala

6 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Arab Spring – An Overview (Inaugural Speech)

P K Abdu Rabb (Minister for Education of Kerala)

am very glad to inaugurate the two- people as well as to suppress them, to topple an Iday national seminar organized by the authoritarian regime as well as to give it a back- Department of Arabic, University of Kerala, door entry should be studied in the language on Society, Culture and politics in West Asia: Post- classes. I think this is one of the reasons why the Arab Spring Dynamics. Language and culture Department of Arabic is organizing the two-day of a people are closely related to the political seminar on the Post-Arab Spring Dynamics. dynamics in a region. So the initiative taken by Above all, developments in West Asia, the Department of Arabic to discuss and debate especially in Egypt, during and after the Arab the political events and undercurrents in West Spring are to be studied in the larger context Asia after the celebrated and hopeful upheaval of constitutionalism and democracy. Sadly, termed as Arab Spring is true to the spirit of words such as constitutionalism, democracy, the evolving trends in linguistics and cultural secularism, and civil society are understood and studies. It is commendable and recommendable. misinterpreted for the hegemonic purposes of All language departments should conduct the US administration and some of the western programmes on the politics and culture of academia represented by Samuel Huntington regions where the languages are communicated. and company. We know that after the Arab One of the important things to note in this Sprig, Morsī was democratically elected. But the context is the role of social media in having US and those who claim to uphold democratic brought together diverse voices against Hosni values supported the military coup. Mubarak’s regime. In connection with the But the western academics select what they phrase ‘Arab Spring’ we heard Facebook and like to call it democracy and Select what they Twitter mentioned. In the post Arab Spring hate and fear to call it autocracy. Those who phase as well, social media have played a crucial claim to uphold secular values forget that Israel, role in engendering fear as well as caution about an apartheid state founded on religious identity, the Morsī Administration. While it remains a has violated these values time and again. We very important topic to be analysed in political all know that the right wing evangelists as well studies, forms of language used to mobilize as Zionists play a crucial role in the policy

Arab Spring – An Overview (Inaugural Speech) 7 matters of the US state. In the wars against the establish relations with the opposition, either people of Afghanistan and Iraq, the US has by inviting it to join the government or not to violated constitutionalism and many principles take part in a broad national dialogue’. But as he enshrined in international treaties like the was a democratically elected leader of the state, Geneva Convention. So democracy, secularism he deserves to be heard and be given a chance. and constitutionalism are the terms appropriated Electing somebody to power means we give him/ by certain academics for purposes of hegemony. her chance. But this did not happen in the case It is high time we released these terms from the of Morsī. Also, Morsī and especially Islamists stipulations of a hegemonic power to expand should understand that they have commitment them for their ultimate realization. I hope that to the civil society which is much larger than the papers to be presented during the seminar their ideology. will throw light on this. So, Arab Spring and the post Arab Spring I am not saying that Morsī was a perfect ruler. developments give us a good chance to open It is true that he could not fully convince about debates on pluralism, multi-cultural space, his neutrality the secular civil society, which challenges before etc. played a crucial role along with the Muslim I hope that the two day seminar will be able Brotherhood in fomenting the spring. It is also to move in that direction and the papers to be true that his constitutional reform was hectic and read in the seminar will be, if they are published, as commentators like Tariq Ramadan say, ‘Morsī valuably documents to help us understand West should be criticised for not doing all he could to Asia better. I wish all the best.

8 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Some Lessons from the Arab Spring

Dr. Jasim Husain (Bahrain) [email protected], [email protected]

1) The first one is that the economy matters double digits). With the looming third anniversary of Arab 3) Turning to use of force against those Spring, it is fair to look at some of the key non- seeking change was a terrible mistake. Also, we political reasons causing this defining moment. have a case of a largely irresponsible opposition As such, informal economy served as the doing a lot of bad things. As a consequence, starting point. , who could sadly more than 100,000 had lost their lives, not find a suitable job for a graduate, worked as half a million injured, 3 million displaced and a a street vendor when a municipal official and her major physical damage to the country; the worst aides decided to confiscate, harass and humiliate is not over yet. him on charges of not having a proper license 1. The Syrian economy suffered from a and doing business in a public area. jobless rate of 9 per cent according to In protest, he set himself ablaze and later official figures, but much higher by other passed away from sustained injuries. Certainly, sources 2) Could have much worse but for the rest is history. Subsequent public anger a characteristic of the Syrian population, forced President Bin Ali to step down and to namely that of appreciating business and flee the country in early January 2011 following thereby having preference of employees. 23 years in power. 2. Chronic budgetary shortage, at times As such, it is not unfair to claim that compromising 20 per cent of the revenues, informal economy or the economy at large necessitating making extraordinary laid the foundation for the Arab Spring, whose friendship to get assistance consequences continue to evolve to date. 4) Concerning Libya: Misuse of the Mohamed Bouazizi, who set himself a light country’s resources on ambitious political goals and later passed away from sustained injuries, in the absence of checks and balances paved the was doing a commercial activity when he was way for a violent and clearly unstable change harassed. (separation tendencies of Bengazi) 2) With regards to and Egypt, 5) Yemen: Exceptionally difficult economic a combination of 1) unemployment amongst situation, with 1) unemployment rate standing youths 2) inflationary pressures and 3) poverty at 35 per cent, feared of getting worse with more have contributed to the sharp change (all in than one third of locals being below 15 years of

Some Lessons from the Arab Spring 9 age 2) poverty engulfing about 45 per cent of by being infused into the local economy with the nationals. positive spillover effects to different economic 6) Discrimination on any basis is wrong: sectors. Also, extra spending came at the time of This is something that Bahrain has learned; steady oil prices. favouritism based on tribe, faith and ethnicity By one report, the jobless rate amongst is not just wrong but not sustainable. Sadly, the nationals stands at about 15 per cent of eligible problem or possibly the worst is not yet over in Omani nationals. Yet, actual figures are believed Bahrain. to be higher in rural areas and amongst females Unlike Syria, political forces in Bahrain have (relatively high partly because some locals largely avoided violent activities, but this is not insist on accepting certain types of jobs). necessarily true of some youths. Available demographic statistics are alarming Wrongly, many countries insist on learning with nearly 43 per cent of local population being the hard way. It took the US and later South below 15 years of age. Africa sometime to learn that discrimination is Moreover, the drive for pressing locals to simply wrong. accept jobs in the private sector was timely. Not 7) In Oman, the authorities were quick in long ago, labour officials raised the minimum responding to popular calls for socio-economic wage for locals working in the private sector reforms. establishments by 43 per cent to $520 per From the onset, the challenge in Oman month, a notable change. emerged as an economic one, with protesters The new move followed a decision made two selecting the industrial city of Sohar, with calls years ago designed to restrict issuance of visas for ensuring availability of proper jobs for locals to foreign workers in certain professions. These together with taking out measures against entail import and export, cleaning, barbershop, financial and administrative shortcomings. laundry, electronic repair, garbage cleaning and Aware of the demands and in order to avoid selling, textile shops, mobile shops, health clubs, Arab Spring problems, the authorities opted for workshops in aluminium, iron, wood, car repair, numerous projects and initiatives at the cost of tailoring shops and beauty parlours. US$2.6 billion. At least, some Omani nationals like to assume The ambitious plan called for creating some these jobs in the private sector in line with Vision 56,000 jobs, divided between 36,000 and 20,000 2020. The vision stipulates that nationals should employment opportunities in public and private seek employment opportunities in private rather sectors, respectively. Other measures called than public sector entities. for a monthly payment of $390 for Omani 8) Regarding , in March nationals actively seeking employment as well 2011, King Abdullah showed personal interest as enhancement of retirement entitlements. in addressing the unemployment challenge The amount, compromising about 12 per via a combination of monetary incentives cent of the budget in 2011 meant no waste and administrative efforts. On the one hand,

10 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) he ordered financial support for unemployed to those actively seeking jobs. youths for a span of one year for the unemployed It is fair to assume that some educated females as part of US$130 billion schemes designed to notably those married and have children drop boost spending in the Kingdom. interest in working and hence are not considered On the other, the monarch called for setting unemployed. up of a high-level ministerial committee to Not surprisingly, unemployment is primarily find solutions for unemployment problem a problem amongst females. The jobless rate facing graduates (later introduced the Nitaqat amongst females stood at 25 per cent. project). The committee is due to present specific In 2007, the jobless stood at nearly 11 per recommendations to the monarch in July. cent, and ever since has been declining partly Ostensibly, King Abdullah’s move comes amidst through Saudisation of certain jobs. alarming statistics indicating that 44 per cent of Demographic facts add to jobless pressures. jobless Saudis have college degrees. Some 38 per cent of Saudis are below the age of The retail industry for one is considered 14 and thus many youths would enter the job capable of creating a large number of market in the years to come looking for suitable opportunities for locals. Currently, Saudi employment opportunities. nationals assume 270,000 out of 1.4 million Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs restricts employment opportunities in the industry. some 40 types of jobs to nationals. These include Still, the number of jobs in retail enterprises is taxi drivers, training and purchasing managers, projected to rise to 2 million in 2020, half of public relations officers, administrative which could go to Saudis. assistants, secretaries, operators, debt collectors, The move partly reflects the fact that the customer service accountants, tellers, postmen, Saudi economy is capable of producing millions data handlers, librarians, booksellers, ticket kiosk of jobs, though most of which end up for keepers, auto salesmen, janitors, internal mail expatriates. Saudi job market boasts between handlers and tour guides. Officials contend that 8 and 8.5 million expatriates versus 4.5 million Saudis prefer such professions. However, such locals. restrictions are not popular with the business According to figures attributed the Ministry community, in turn considered as interference of Economy and Planning, some 416,000 Saudi in the way employers make decisions. nationals are actively jobs, representing about 9 At any rate, Saudi authorities should per cent of total Saudi workforce. be commended for admitting the extent of With regards to gender, males and females unemployment encountering the kingdom, make up 239,000 and 177,000 of jobless Saudis, as knowing is much better than not knowing. respectively. This suggests that males are exerting Admission of a problem is the first the step more efforts than females in securing jobs. towards seeking possible solutions. Clearly, Saudi officials use the international 9) Costs and benefits standards of restricting unemployment statistics A study by HSBC shows that the GDP or gross

Some Lessons from the Arab Spring 11 domestic product of 7 Arab countries could have starting with the letter D (Dubai, Doha and been higher by some $800 billion by end-2014 Dammam). but for emergence of Arab Spring. In total, a Recently, GIB or Gulf International Bank, loss of 35 per cent of potential rise of GDP of historically based in Bahrain, has decided to Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon relocate most of its businesses to Dammam. and Bahrain; 10) Reaching shores of India The talk is about loss of output, revenues and Fallout of Arab Spring has somehow reached economic opportunities. the Indian shores notably the state of Kerala, Someone’s loss is somebody else’s gain: Most home of the largest source of Indian workers to GCC economies have indirectly benefited from GCC countries. the Arab Spring Certainly, I am referring to the Nitaqat 1) Saudi Arabia in terms of increasing oil scheme in Saudi Arabia, which went into effect output to about 10 million barrels per day (extra in July of this year designed to regulate the labour capacity of 2 million barrels per day) together market partly to enhance employment position with steady oil prices. of its local citizens. Faced with a 10 per cent Result allowing for more than doubling of jobless rate, a youth population, saturation of revenues in 2011 from $144 billion to $296 employment in the government (in fact, there is billion; in turn, stronger income allowed for the case of over-staffing), the authorities started increasing spending from $155 billion to $214 first to stamping out foreign workers overstaying billion. their visas and failing to correct their status. 2) Likewise, the UAE notably Abu Dhabi enjoying extra treasury revenues, in turn allowing Concluding thoughts for enhancing the country’s sovereign wealth Socio-economic causes cannot be overlooked fund SWF (now standing at above $800 billion), when looking into the emergence of Arab Spring thereby competing with China and Norway for in late 2010, starting with Tunisia. Undoubtedly, leadership. those seeking changes did so primarily for the 3) Dubai somehow recovering from the attainment of democratic reforms. The assumed adverse effects of its 2008-09 debt crisis. The understanding was that greater participation in tourism and hospitality sectors gaining the most decision-making paves the way for addressing (hotels packed, influx of Saudis, shopping malls outstanding socio-economic issues. remaining open during holidays like Eid Al Haj). 11) Looking forward, statistics are not the Egypt has lost a good part of its tourism industry. side of the authorities in the Arab nations: 4) Mismanagement of the situation is costing 1. Relatively strong population growth rates Bahrain in terms of competitiveness; there were of more than 3 per cent. Total population times when a new Islamic bank would naturally of Arab countries put at 350 million at select Bahrain as its base, but not nowadays. the moment but projected to rise to 500 Currently, Bahrain is rivalry from three cities million by 2025.

12 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) 2. Youths compromise about 60 per cent, presence of checks and balances institutions to thus many are expected to enter the job ensure transparency and subjects being aware market seeking suitable jobs fitting their of resources 3) equal opportunity, and no expectations. discrimination on any basis including females 4) active civil society 5) vivid media sources The way forward requires ensuring to shed lights on economic opportunities and 1) comprehensive participation in decision 2) challenges.

Some Lessons from the Arab Spring 13 Making Sense of the Saudi Flip Flop at the Security Council

Gulshan Dietl Former Chairperson, Centre for West Asian Studies, JNU Currently, Professor at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

n Thursday, 17 October, Saudi Arabia peace and security.”2 The statement was stunning. Owas given an uncontested seat at the The Saudis have always pursued quiet diplomacy, United Nations Security Council.1 The Saudi working behind the scenes. Grand gestures and Ambassador to the United Nations welcomed spectacular actions are not their style. In fact, it saying his country takes it “very seriously as a Saudi Arabia has never contested and taken a responsibility” and calling it “a reflection of a seat at the Security Council even though it is one long-standing policy in support of moderation of the founder members of the United Nations and in support of resolving disputes by peaceful and even as it could have won a seat anytime it means”. The Saudi media covered the story with desired on the basis of influence it could have jubilation. After all, the country had invested a exerted and the largess it could have bestowed. lot in lobbying for it. On Friday, 19 October, the Saudi Foreign Responses from the Saudis, the Arabs Ministry posted a litany of accusations against and the World Beyond the United Nations and declined to take the seat. A month before the election, the Saudi Foreign A statement carried by the Saudi Press Agency Minister Prince Saud al-Feisal had declined to said, “Work mechanisms and double standard address the annual gathering of the UN General on the Security Council prevent it from carrying Assembly. Whether that was a signal of their out its duties and assuming its responsibilities in intentions to decline the UN Security Council keeping world peace. Therefore, Saudi Arabia seat is not clear. Once the seat was declined, the has no other option but to turn down Security influential Saudi voices welcomed the decision. Council membership until it is reformed and Nawaf Obaid, who has served in various given the means to accomplish its duties and assume its responsibilities in preserving world 2 The then Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had similarly thrown his papers at the Security Council 1 Nigeria, Lithuania, Chile and Chad, together with and walked out shouting, “Take your United Nations!” Saudi Arabia, were also elected unopposed to the after the Indian military intervention and secession of Security Council. Bangladesh in 1971.

14 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) capacities with the Saudi establishment, wrote role in defending our issues specifically at the that the Saudis had decided to go their own way rostrum of the Security Council”. because they realised that traditional diplomatic In short, the Saudis at home and the Arabs forums are irrelevant to contemporary security in the neighbourhood supported the Saudi issues in the region. According to him, therefore, decision to decline the UNSC seat. There was a “The only way the Arab world can make progress faint hope among some that the decision might is through a collective security framework still be revisited. initially consisting of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Beyond the Arab world, France was the Jordan, Morocco and the GCC nations.”1 most supportive of the Saudi action. Romain Hussein Shobokshi, a prominent journalist, Nadal, the spokesman of the French foreign wrote an article titled “Rejection is Better ministry stated that France shared some of the than Capitulation”. Published in the Saudi- Saudi criticisms of the United Nations and is backed daily Sharq al-Awsat, it argued that “By proposing reforms to the Council’s veto system. rejecting this seat in this manner, Saudi Arabia “We have an ongoing dialogue on the subject of has increased its international stature” taking Syria with Saudi Arabia. We share its frustration a principled stance on Syria and showing it is after the Security Council’s paralysis”, he added.3 willing to make sacrifices for it.2 The British Deputy UN Ambassador Peter The Arab ambassadors at the United Wilson told the reporters that his team was Nations held an emergency meeting to assess seeking to understand what precisely the Saudis the implications of the Saudi action. A statement meant and was talking to them “to get a little bit released at the end of the meeting expressed more background on what lies behind this”. The “respect and understanding” for the Saudi Russians expressed surprise as well. They “were position, but added that it was crucial for Saudi baffled by the reasons that the Kingdom gave Arabia to represent the Arab Muslim world on the to explain its position”, the Russian statement Council “at this important and historical stage, said. They were particularly shocked as the specifically for the Middle East.” It called upon action came after the Russians had successfully the Saudi leaders to “maintain their membership brokered a deal under which Syria had agreed in the Security Council and continue their brave to surrender its chemical arsenal. The United Nations Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon said that he had received no official notification in this regard. He was looking forward to working 1 Nawaf Obaid, “Saudi Arabia Shifts to a More Activist Foreign Policy Doctrine”, Al-Monitor, 17 very closely with the Kingdom on the Syrian October 2013, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/ originals/2013/10/saudi-shifts-foreign-policy- doctrine.html accessed on 13 January 2014. 3 Elizabeth Dickinson, “Saudi Arabia Rejects Seat in 2 Quoted in Jerusalem Post, 21 October 2013, http:// United Nations Security Council”, The National,18 www.jpost.com/Middle-East/Did-Saudi-Arabia- October 2013, http://www.thenational.ae/world/ reject-UN-Security-Council-seat-to-uphold- middle-east/saudi-arabia-rejects-seat-on-un-security- honor-329297 Accessed on 14 February 2014. council: Accessed on 16 February 2014.

Making Sense of the Saudi Flip Flop at the Security Council 15 issue, as also the issues of combating terrorism Saudi generosity to the Palestinians has been and nuclear proliferation, he said.1 commendable and the Fez Peace Plan authored Unlike the near unanimous support from by them is still relevant. Beyond this, however, within the Arab world, the responses from the they have done precious little to have made a non-Arab world were varied and ranged all the difference. They have either been too insecure way from support to surprise to the hint of an or too ineffectual in this regard. on-going effort to persuade the Saudis to recant And third, “The failure of the Security on the move. Council to make the Middle East a free zone of all weapons of mass destruction, whether The Saudis Offer Explanations because of its inability to subdue the nuclear programs of all countries in the region, without The Saudis have provided their own explanations exception, to the international control and even as the world media is in an overdrive inspection or to prevent any country in the with speculation. They have listed three major region from possessing nuclear weapons, is grievances. First, “Allowing the ruling regime another irrefutable evidence and proof of its in Syria to kill its people and burn them with inability to carry out its duties and hold its chemical weapons in front of the entire world responsibilities.” and without any deterrent or punishment is For decades, the Saudis have lived under clear proof and evidence of the UN Security the shadow of the Israeli nuclear arsenal. It is Council’s inability to perform its duties and only their fear of an Iranian nuclear capability, shoulder its responsibilities,” the statement sometime in a distant future, that they have says. The Saudis have been extremely angry at woken up to the threat of weapons of mass three vetoes that Russia and China have cast to destruction in their neighbourhood. A few years prevent sanctions on Syria. back, the Saudi-funded Gulf Research Centre Second, “The current continuation of the had floated an ingenious formula of the “Gulf Palestinian cause without a just and lasting as a Weapons of Mass Destruction Free Zone” solution for 65 years, which resulted in several (GWMDFZ), which would leave Israel out of wars [and] threatened international peace and its purview and focus exclusively on Iran. security, is irrefutable evidence and proof of the Security Council’s inability to carry out its duties and assume its responsibilities.” The The Explanations Not Offered The Saudis do genuinely feel aggrieved on the 1 Aya Batrawy and Edith M Lederer, “Saudi Arabia above three counts. There are some more – Rejects Security Council Seat, Castigates United probably more important - reasons for the action Nations over Its Inability to Perform Its Duties”, that they have not articulated. National Post, 18 October 2013, http://news. nationalpost.com/2013/10/18/saudi-arabia-rejects- To start with, the sense of victory on Thursday security-council-seat-castigates-united-nations-over- and a terse rejection on Friday are unlikely to inability-to-perform-its-duties/ Accessed on 16 have emanated from the same source – unless February 2014.

16 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) one assumes a total gap in communication mess over whether King Abdullah had invited between the Saudi mission in New York and Rouhani to perform Hajj or whether that the Saudi Foreign Ministry in . So, is invitation was declined by Rouhani has added there a split within the House of Saud? Is it a insult to the injury. deliberate move to marginalise the Saudi Foreign There is a diametrically opposite Minister Prince Saud al-Feisal who is the world’s understanding of the US variable in the Saudi- longest-running foreign minister since 1975? Security Council flip flop, according to which The rumour mills put it to down to a deliberate the Saudis cleverly avoided the eventualities humiliation of Prince Saud who is suffering from when they would have had to vote with an Parkinson’s disease and promote Prince Abdul extremely unpopular US domestically and in Aziz to take his place. Prince Abdul Aziz is the region; or bear the brunt of US displeasure King Abdullah’s son and is currently the deputy by voting against it. Unlike the General foreign minister. It is interesting to note that Assembly resolutions which are symbolic and the foreign ministry statement was anonymous, the Saudis have not always followed the US the signature or even the name of the foreign lead, the Security Council resolutions have minister was missing from it. Some insiders serious consequences. The arms twisting can be blame King Abdulla’s violent fits of uncontrolled rigorous, at times. anger for the Kingdom’s erratic behaviour. Last year, the Saudis were compelled to On Syria, the Saudi anger is directed much include two women participants in their team more at the United States than at the veto- to the Olympic Games. They could have been wielding Russia and China. For the past two debarred otherwise. The situation of women years, their advocacy on behalf of the Syrian in the country came under severe scrutiny and rebels has been completely washed away criticism at that time. The bitter memory of a with President Obama stepping back from a similar case must also grate the Saudi psyche confrontation with Syria and relegating the issue when Qatar’s successful bid to host the World to a back-burner of long winding inspections for Cup had opened up a Pandora’s Box of queries chemical weapons on the Syrian territory. The on charges of bribery to the condition of migrant Saudis perceive Iran as an existential threat; and labour to the weather in Qatar! not only over nuclear issue. The US aggressive The Saudis must surely fear that their posture towards Iran has helped calm the Saudi presence in the high profile Security Council nerves for over a couple of decades. That posture could provide one more occasion for a harsh has not produced results on the ground. The last spotlight on the country’s record on gender straw on the camel’s back probably came in the equality, , political prisoners, path breaking telephone call between Obama religious freedom and many more. In fact, many and the Iranian President Hassan Rouhani. The Non-Governmental Organizations world-wide US has let the Saudis down on the two issues have rejoiced over the Saudi exit and called upon the Saudis consider critical. The diplomatic

Making Sense of the Saudi Flip Flop at the Security Council 17 it to refrain from contesting for a seat in the to work together. The Russians said that they Human Rights Council as well in November.1 were surprised and baffled by the reasons that the Kingdom gave to explain its position. The A Tentative Assessment Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council supported the Saudi decision. The French went It is not an earth-shaking event in itself. And a step further to say that they shared the Saudi yet, the world is still trying to come to terms frustration at the paralysis of the Security with its implications. The UN Secretary General Council. The Arab envoys at the United Nations Ban Ki-moon said he had not received any met and requested the Saudis to reconsider their official notification from the Saudi government decision and accept the seat. regarding the matter. The US State Department The United Nations must move on, in any spokeswoman said that the US does not expect case. There already is precedence when the to always agree with its allies, but that there are Soviets refused to take their seat in 1950s and a range of issues on which they would continue the Security Council convened with fourteen members. The Soviet Union was a permanent 1 The released its report around that time severely castigating the Saudis over arbitrary member. The Saudi non-permanent membership arrests, detentions, unfair trials, torture and other ill- may also remain vacant. Or the Security Council treatments of its citizens. The UN Watch, a Geneva- may decide to initiate the process of inviting based human rights organization celebrated the Saudi fresh nominations to fill the vacancy. Or, the exit from the UN Security Council and called on the country to pull out of the elections to the Human Saudis might reconsider their decision and take Rights Council, as well. a seat at the august body, after all!

18 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Palestinian Politics and the Arab Spring: Some Critical Issues

Prasad M V

Introduction the region to safeguard US-Israeli interests. The reat churning has occurred, and major people’s genuine demand for change in domestic Gpolitical changes have taken place, in the politics gave an unexpected opportunity for West Asia/North Africa (WANA) region in the external intervention to redesign this vital region wake of the popular uprising, generally known of the world to suit Western and Israeli interests. as Arab Spring.1 Starting in Tunisia, this civilian The Arab Spring has also touched the non-violent uprising spread to Egypt, Libya and Palestinian domestic politics in several ways. The later to Syria and elsewhere in West Asia. The massive protest held by the Palestinian people Arab Spring has deeply impacted the regional in March 2011 once again highlighted the politics and the global perception of the region Palestinian demand for political reunification and its people. It has, in addition, impacted the of the divided Gaza Strip (ruled by a Fatah- power relations between the state and citizens led government) and West Bank (Hamas-led and people’s aspiration for better and effective government) and national reconciliation of the participation in the governance of their state. It two Palestinian movements for the greater cause has unseated the tyrant rulers in Tunisia, Egypt of Palestine. Two major events directly impacted and Yemen. This wave of mass protests, when the Palestine issue. First, Fatah and Hamas met it reached Libya, acquired a new dimension, in Cairo in May 2011 and decided to shed their with wider implications to reorder the region differences to form a national unity government; not only to meet the genuine aspirations of the but pressure by the US on Fatah ensured that native people but also the interests of Western this attempt failed. The Fatah-led PA leadership countries, particularly the US. in collaboration with Hamas then launched an There was considerable apprehension international campaign as “Palestinian Spring” about the impact of the Arab Spring on the or “Palestine 194” to achieve UN recognition for Palestine issue and the Arab-Israel peace process. the Palestinian state. They succeeded partially, Subsequent developments and outbreak of with the Palestinians getting the status of a “full civilian conflicts against the Libyan and Syrian member observer state” in the international regimes have vindicated the argument that the body in the subsequent year notwithstanding Arab Spring has an external dimension to reorder US-Israel opposition. This has strengthened the

Palestinian Politics and the Arab Spring: Some Critical Issues 19 role of Hamas in Gaza. Many academics have generated by the Arab Spring also came under been arguing that the Arab Spring has reduced critical scrutiny with the failure to establish an Arab support to the Palestinian cause. The alternative and stable government in Egypt and Palestinians argue otherwise. This paper seeks the inability to thwart US-Israeli interests in the to find an objective perspective on the issues region, who made a deliberate attempt to isolate concerned. the Palestine issue and delink the problem from the core of the West Asian region, but failed. Arab Spring The Palestinian Spring has now strengthened the Palestinian demand for a state of their own. The Arab Spring started with the self-immolation Hanan Ashrawi notes: of a Tunisian greengrocer, Mohammed Bouazizi, on 17 December 2010 in Sidi Bouzid town to Palestine has never been absent from the protest the failure of the state to meet the basic contemporary discourse in the Arab Spring. needs of the citizens, such as generating adequate It remains vocal and emotive, even though employment opportunities. His act triggered a many people say that the regimes exploited series of popular protests, particularly in the major the issue of Palestine for their own sake. Yet the people have a very emotive, visceral cities and towns of Tunisia, which ultimately relationship to Palestine, much more so than resulted in the ouster of the Ben Ali regime. people thought. And they held their regimes France and Saudi Arabia offered to help Ben Ali accountable for being unable to do anything to quell the uprising, but in vain. Ben Ali fled to about it (Palestine). (Ashrawe 2011) Saudi Arabia a few weeks after the protests began. Protests started in Egypt on 25 January Will the Arab Spring support the peace process 2011 at the Tahrīr Square against the tyrant or will it impact negatively on the Palestinian regime of . Protests also started movement? The Israelis feared that the in Morocco, Lebanon, Oman, Yemen and Syria. emergence of Islamic forces like the Brotherhood The wildfire protests in Egypt forced Mubarak in Egypt would destabilize the region and it to abdicate power. Since the signing of the would also seriously threaten their national Camp David Accord in 1978, the Arab world security (Elie Podeh and Nimrod Goren 2013). had generally perceived the Egyptian regime as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other a traitor to the Palestinian cause. However, this right-wing leaders expressed serious concern perception shifted slightly with the Oslo Accord about the implications of the Arab Spring to in 1993 and President Mubarak became a key Israel’s security and the ongoing peace talks with figure and mediator between the PLO-US and Palestinians. But some sections in Israel were of PLO-Israel. the view that this would open an opportunity When the mass protests spread to Libya to resume negotiations and to accept the new against the Gaddafi regime, Western interests realities in the region. President Shimon Peres started giving the protesters political, diplomatic and the Jewish agency Natan Sharansky are in and military support. The hope and enthusiasm this group (ibid.).

20 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Impact of the regional uprising on all the previous commitments made by them to Palestinian politics the Palestinians. With this external pressure, the In the course of the Arab Spring the Palestinians reconciliation became unworkable. Meanwhile, protested massively in West Bank and Gaza the Palestinian leadership decided to challenge Strip against the deadlock in the peace process, the US-Israeli position by launching a diplomatic the non-reconciliatory positions of Fatah and move for UN recognition of a state in Palestine. Hamas, and increasing unemployment and economic hardship. Demonstrations, which ‘Palestine 194’ started in February 2011 in solidarity with the The focus of the Arab Spring is freedom, dignity, Egyptian uprising, demanded an immediate end democracy and self-respect. All these are being to the political schism of Fatah and Hamas and denied to the Palestinians by the governments a concerted effort in fighting the Zionist state. ruling the Palestinian territory, the occupier The protesters also demanded governmental and its collaborator. When the region was reforms, new elections to the Palestinian undergoing significant changes in the realm Legislative Council, and participation of of politics and value systems due to the Arab all political forces in the PLO. Both the Spring, the Palestinian leaders made use of this governments (led by Fatah and Hamas) opportunity to launch a bid, which they called responded immediately by launching a dialogue “Palestinian Spring”, for UN recognition. They between themselves. This was a rare opportunity argued that this move was closely connected for their national reconciliation. with the political transition of the region. Regional developments, which resulted The PA already had a scheduled programme in the weakening of political support by the since 2009 to declare a state by September, beleaguered government in Syria to Hamas, and 2011; the latest developments enhanced the the end of the Mubarak regime in Egypt which momentum to seek UN recognition. This supported Fatah, increased the momentum in demand was supported by 139 countries. this mood of national reconciliation. On 5 May Palestinians argued that full membership in 2011 (officially on 6 May) the two sides signed the international body would be a realisation a compact in Cairo agreeing to political reforms of previous UN commitments to them, besides and formation of a new government within a respecting international law to end the injustice year with the inclusion of technocrats and inflicted upon them by the UN itself. President professionals outside of the Palestinian factions. Mahmoud Abbas in his General Assembly The agreement also outlined reforms in address on 23 September 2011 said: the PLO. In order to implement these, the PA postponed the local elections to October The time has come to end the suffering and the plight of millions of Palestine refugees in 2011. The US and Israel reacted hostilely to the homeland and the Diaspora, to end their this political unity, declaring that participation displacement and to realize their rights, some by Hamas in the government would overturn of them forced to take refuge more than once

Palestinian Politics and the Arab Spring: Some Critical Issues 21 in different places of the world. At a time independent Palestinian government, on an when the Arab peoples affirm their quest for equal footing, deter it from engaging in these democracy – the Arab Spring – the time is negotiations? (ibid.) now for the Palestinian Spring, the time for independence. In November 2012, the Palestinian leadership took a General Assembly route for their status President Abbas demanded of the world at the UN as an “observer non-member state” community to have a concern for the plight of after their success in achieving full membership Palestinians who were being denied all basic in UNESCO. This was a real political victory rights. He tried to point out the contrasting for the Palestinians and the post-Arab Spring stands of the Western states on similar issues in regional environment that lent support for the same region. “My people desire to exercise international mobilization to this demand. their right to enjoy a normal life like the rest of humanity”, he said. The Palestinians, however, Conclusion failed to get Security Council support to their demand because of US opposition. The Arab Spring has drastically changed the Charles O. Cecil, a former US diplomat, political discourse in the region and about the points out that the energies let loose by the Arab people’s ability to reclaim power for political Arab Spring would “continue to be devoted to change. The West misread the future, that the their own domestic affairs rather than being Palestine question would become marginalized diverted to condemning the United States. We in the context of the Arab Spring. The Fatah- (the US) are hypocrites when we claim to want Hamas reconciliation efforts demonstrated the justice for the Palestinians but we do nothing two movements’ ability to make concessions meaningful to help them achieve this” (WA FA , in the interests of the Palestinian cause. The 29 September 2011). He said: Palestinian bid for UN membership derived energy and enthusiasm from the Arab Spring. Netanyahu’s office has issued a statement, The Palestinians also succeeded in mobilizing saying “peace will be achieved only through international support to their genuine demand direct negotiations with Israel.” You know, for a state in Palestine. and I know, that Mr. Netanyahu has no intention of concluding a just and fair Endnotes peace with the Palestinian Authority. His 1 1. Initially, the West cautiously endorsed the Arab only concern is to continue the inexorable Spring, but later expressed some apprehension over construction of more settlements, creating the entry of Islamic forces to fill the political vacuum. more “facts on the ground” until the idea of Israel called it or Arab Chill (see Elie an independent Palestinian state becomes a Podeh and Nimrod Goren 2013: 7) mere memory of a bygone era. When Israel declared its independence in 1948 it did not do so after direct negotiations with Palestine. If Israel really wants to negotiate with the Palestinians, why would negotiating with an

22 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) References

Abdulhadi, Izzat (2012), “The implications of Arab PLO-NAD (2012), References to Palestine in the UN Spring on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict”, – General Debate – 67 sessions ,September 2012, University of Canberra, 8 August 2012. First Day, September 25,2012 Ashrawi, Hanan (2011), “The Palestine and the Arab Podeh, Elie and Nimrod Goren, (2013), Israel in the Spring”, Carnegie Endowment for ______Wake of the Arab Spring: Seizing Opportunities, Dessì, Andrea (2012) , “Israel and the Palestinians after Overcoming Challenges, The Israeli Institute for the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace”, IAI Working Regional Foreign Policies. Papers, 12, 16 May 2012 Prat, Nicolas(2012), “The implications of the ‘Arab International Crisis Group (2012), “Light at the end spring’ for the Israel-Palestine conflict: or ‘Things of Their Tunnels? Hamas and the Arab Uprisings”, Fall Apart’ ”, ______Middle East Report, 2012 ______(2013), “The ‘Arab Spring’ and the Israel- NOREF Report (2012), “Palestinian Youth and the Palestine Conflict: Settler Colonialism and Arab Spring”, Norwegian Peace Building Centre. Resistance in the Midst of Geopolitical Upheavals”, Palestinian Strategic Report (2011-2012, 2013), Ortadoğu Etütleri, 5(1), July 2013, pp. 9-40. “Palestinian Strategic Report”, Beirut: Al-Zaytouna WAFA (2011), “Change in US policy is best way to Centre for Studies and Consultations influence Palestinian public opinion”, WAFA – News Agency, 17 November 2011.

Palestinian Politics and the Arab Spring: Some Critical Issues 23 Arab Spring in the Gulf Region: Reaction from Within

Dr. Hemayun Akhtar Nazmi Assistant Professor, Centre for West Asian Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi -110025 Email: [email protected]

What is Arab spring Cooperation Council, Riyadh has tried to devise he Arab Spring was a series of anti- a united Gulf response to a number of challenges. Tgovernment protests, uprisings and armed First, the GCC put together a $20 billion rebellions that spread across the WANA region (Dh73.4billion) aid package for Oman and in early 2011. But their purpose, relative success Bahrain. The GCC’s Peninsula Shield Force, and outcome remain hotly disputed in Arab with troops from Saudi Arabia and police from countries, among foreign observers, and between the United Arab Emirates, entered Bahrain to world powers looking to cash in on the changing help quell the protests there. map of the West Asia. The term “Arab Spring” was popularized Arab spring in Oman by the Western media in early 2011, when the First protest in Oman started on 17 January successful uprising in Tunisia against former 2011 with the following demands, salary leader emboldened increase, Lower Cost of living. similar anti-government protests in most Arab On 18th February 2011. a new name has been countries. given “Green March” by the protesters inspired by the serious unrest in the Bahrain. Around Arab Spring in GCC Countries 350 people were assembled with a demand to For the Gulf countries, the ongoing Arab spring end the corruption and better distribution of has meant a difficult period of adjustment. In oil revenues. recent times, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE On March 1,2011 around 400 people were have grown increasingly assertive in the foreign gathered outside the Consultative Assembly policy arena, developing muscular responses to with a demand of Political reform and end of regional unrest. corruption. Protesters also continued to demand Saudi Arabia sees the uprisings as an the Consultative Assembly be turned into a “real unprecedented threat to regional security. parliament.” The protests were reported to be Working through the auspices of the Gulf “peaceful, well-organised and very disciplined.

24 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Sohar Uprising On 26 February 2011, nearly 500 protesters gathered around a shopping mall in the industrial city of Sohar, 230 kilometres from the capital Muscat. The protesters stopped traffic and shoppers around the mall premises. The shops in the area including the mall remained closed on 27 February as well. On 27 February, protesters returned in Sohar for a second day, hurling stones at security forces who had cordoned them off.[26] The Royal On February 28 2011, protesters set ablaze Oman Police eventually used tear gas and rubber to the Lulu hypermarket in Sohar as bullets to contain and disperse the protesters. protests continued for a 3rd day Two protesters were killed. On 28 February, protesters looted and burned a hypermarket in Sohar. The demonstrators Reshuffle of the Ministry also blocked the entrance to Sohar port, where On 26 February, the Sultan reshuffled the 160,000 barrels of oil products needs to exported. cabinetin response to recent protests. The A Facebook entitled “March 2, 2011 84-member Shura council is elected by voters Uprising for Dignity and Freedom” called for across 61 districts, but works in a purely advisory further protests in all parts of Oman, beginning capacity and has no legislative powers. The on 2 March, and it attracted more than 2,300 cabinet reshuffle users. However, only 50 protester gathered at 1. Mohammed bin Nasser al-Khasibi the Globe Roundabout in Sohar with a smaller commerce and industry minister, crowd of 50. 2. Hamoud bin Faisal al-Bousaidi as civil On 30 March, The Director of Public service minister Prosecutions issued a statement saying that 3. Madiha bint Ahmed bin Nasser as complaints were filed by some citizens about acts education minister. of rioting, vandalism and breach of public order, 4. Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdullah al- destruction of public and private properties, Harthy, the outgoing civil service minister, was obstructing business transactions and hindering appointed to head the environment ministry, easy movement of people on the streets. Based 5. Maqboul bin Ali bin Sultan will be the on these complaints, he gave orders to arrest new transport minister and clear all the protesters from the Globe 6. Mohsen bin Mohammed al-Sheikh Roundabout. The Omani army then stormed becomes tourism minister. the Globe Roundabout clearing blockades and arresting a number of the protesters.

Arab Spring in the Gulf Region:Reaction from Within 25 Students Benefit The Sultan of Oman cancelled a visit to The Sultan also announced benefits for the India due to the unrest in the Arab world students of Higher College of Technology. The Due to uprising, Oman’s ruler Sultan Qaboos bin students whose homes are 100 km away from Said has postponed Indian Visit. Sultan Qaboos the place of study, will be now given 90 Omani was to have meetings with PM Manmohan rial allowances while those living at a less than Singh and was also scheduled to vacation for a 100-km distance would get 25-rial allowance. while in Jodhpur The Royal decree issued stated the reason for rise in these stipends as “to achieve further Uprising in Kuwait development and provide a decent living.” A 10-year old Egyptian boy named Bassem was expelled from education in the country Bahrain Uprising for asking in class, “Why didn’t you have a The Bahraini uprising is started with aimed at revolution in your country?” Accused of inciting achieving greater political freedom and equality a revolution, the expulsion sparked an outcry, for the majority Shia population and expanded resulting in his reinstatement later that month. to a call to end the monarchy of Hamad bin Isa Soon thereafter, reports surfaced of a crisis Al Khalifa. growing in the country as a rebellious parliament While Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak was stepped up pressure on the ruling family over being toppled in February 2011, the Arab Spring allegations of mismanagement of public funds, struck in Bahrain as 100,000 protesters filed into corruption and inefficiency. Manama’s Pearl Roundabout for three days of Sabah Al-Sabah, the Emir of Kuwait, gave protests calling for democracy reforms to the every Kuwaiti citizen 1,000 Dinars (3580 $) and longstanding rule of the Al Khalifa monarchy. a free food grant for one year on 18 January 2011 The government responded with crushing force, officially to commemorate the 20th anniversary backed by Saudi tanks that rolled across a land of Kuwait’s liberation from occupying Iraqi bridge connecting the peninsula to the island forces during the First Gulf War, as well as the nation. The crackdown was especially notorious 50th anniversary of the state’s independence. for the international condemnation raised when But the grant was not extended to the stateless security forces raided hospitals to arrest the Bedoun living in Kuwait. Dozens demonstrated doctors and medical staff who treated injured in Kuwait City on 19 February against their protesters. Since then, the Al Khalifa monarchy supposed second-class status. Opposition leaders has deployed a mostly successful strategy of called for further protests in March to pressure preventing major protests from unfolding in Prime Minister Nasser Al-Sabah to resign. the capital city and implanted a harsh crackdown Stateless people continued to protest into on activists and opposition parties. January 2012 despite a protest ban, turning out on 13 and 14 January in slums near Kuwait City to call for the right to citizenship. On both days,

26 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) violence broke out, with riot police clashing Uprising in Saudi Arabia with stateless demonstrators and arresting Uprising started in Saudi Arabia with a 65-year- several dozen on 13 January and firing tear gas old man’s self-immolation in Samtah, Jizan on 21 to disperse rally-goers on 14 January. January, 2011 followed by the protest. In Riot police on 2 October, 2012 used tear February and March a series of protest occurred gas and smoke bombs to disperse hundreds of in the eastern providence of , Hafuf. stateless demonstrators who were demanding Faisal Ahmed Abdul-Ahad was the man citizenship. Witnesses and activists said at killed by the Saudi security forces on march least three people, including a policeman, were 2,2011. A “Day of Rage” was planned for 11 slightly wounded and 10 stateless were arrested March.2011. Social media Facebook gathered as security forces laid a siege on Taima suburb almost 26000 members to protest against the in Al Jahra which houses tens of thousands of government. Several hundred people protested stateless. The new protest comes a week after in Qatif, Hofuf and al-Amawiyah. Khaled al- three international human rights groups sent an Johani on that same day. A huge demonstration unprecedented letter to Emir Al-Sabah urging have been occurred in Riyadh too despite a him to end alleged abuse against stateless people. massive police presence. Al Johani, the main Demotic Reactions organiser of this protest know online as “the only brave man in Saudi Arabia” (BBC Arabic After the storming of the National Assembly, News March 12,2011) Emir Sabah Al-Sabah called an emergency In April, several small protests over labour Cabinet meeting on 17 November 2011 to rights took place in front of government ministry discuss the event. The emir denounced the buildings in Riyadh, Ta’if and Tabuk. Protests, demonstration as “an unprecedented step on the made up mainly of Shia protesters, continued in path to anarchy and lawlessness” and blamed the late March and April in Qatif and smaller cities clashes on “pre-planned sabotage” by “rioters”. in the Eastern Province such as al-Awamiyah, The Kuwaiti opposition responded by intimating and Hofuf. the royal family sought to make Kuwait into “a police state”. Opposition lawmakers vowed to intensify protests “regardless of the price”. Women Protest The prime minister and his cabinet In May and June 2011, influenced by the Arab submitted their resignation on 28 November, Spring, Manal al-Sharif and other women 2011 ahead of a mass rally calling for their organised a women’s right-to-drive campaign. departure from power. The emir accepted the Al-Sharif drove a car in May and was detained on resignation and is expected to name a new prime 22 May and from 23‒30 May. Other women also minister within days, though Nasser will serve drove cars, including actress Wajnat Rahbini, until the formation of a new government. Up who was arrested after driving in Jeddah on 4 to 50 thousand people marched in Kuwait city June, 2011 and released a day later. From 17 hours after the resignations were announced. June to late June, about seventy cases of women

Arab Spring in the Gulf Region:Reaction from Within 27 Manama’s Pearl Roundabout before and after the revolution driving were documented. In late September, Khalid University in Abha in March 2012. Shaima Jastania was sentenced to 10 lashes Other university protests followed in Taibah for driving in Jeddah, shortly after King University in Medina and Tabuk University in Abdullah announced women’s participation March and April. in the 2015 municipal elections and eligibility It has been reported that around seventy as Consultative Assembly members. King cases of women driving were documented un Abdullah cancelled the sentence. the consecutive month. Manal al-Sharif and Samar Badawi, active In late November, Nasser al-Mheishi, Ali in the women to drive movement, announced al-Felfel, Munib al-Sayyed al-`Adnan and Ali that they had filed lawsuits against Saudi Abdullah al-Qarairis were shot dead by security authorities in the Grievances Board, a non- forces in the Qatif region in successive protests court, because of the rejection of their and funerals. driving licence applications. As of the end of June 2012, 100 Saudi women had started driving Reactions from within regularly since the June 2011 campaign launch. On 10 February 2013 a Reuters report claimed Women university students protested in King that 10 intellectuals, human rights activists

28 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) and lawyers came together to create the Umma realizes the welfare without causing destruction Islamic Party – considered to be the first political rests on the mutual advice. The fatwa included party in Saudi Arabia. With a demand to the end a “severe threat against internal dissent”, stating, of absolute monarchy in the country. On 18 “[The Prophet] again said: ‘He who wanted February however, all ten members of the party separate affairs of this nation who are unified, were arrested and ordered to withdraw demands you should kill him with sword whoever he is’ for political reform in exchange for their release. (narrated by Muslim).” In late March, Abd al- On 23 February 2013, Saudi Arabia’s ’Aziz al-Ashaikh called for a million copies of King Abdullah, after returning to the country the fatwa to be printed and distributed. following three months spent abroad for health treatment, announced a series of benefits for Why there were No Mass citizens amounting to $10.7 billion. These Demonstrations in Saudi Arabia include funding to offset high inflation and The protests that did take place in the Kingdom to aid young unemployed people and Saudi were presented by the Saudi monarchy as small citizens studying abroad, as well the writing off protests in predominantly Shi’a areas and this some loans. As part of the Saudi scheme, state caused the bulk of the population to support the employees will see their incomes increase by 15 crackdown in cities such as Qatif, al-Awamiyah, percent, and additional cash has also been made and Hofuf. The Shi’a face significant economic available for housing loans. No political reforms discrimination by both the regime and the were announced as part of the package, though religious establishment because they’re viewed the monarch did pardon some prisoners indicted as Iranian agents. The government collectively in financial crimes. punishes the Shi’a community by marginalizing On 6 March 2013 , the Saudi Arabian them in Saudi society. The monarchy is able Council of Senior Scholars, headed by Grand to do this as it directly operates the radio and Mufti Abd al-’Aziz al-Ashaikh, issued a fatwā television companies in the Kingdom and (religious opinion) opposing petitions and the newspapers are subsidized and regulated demonstrations, declaring, “Therefore the by the government. Government censorship council hereby reaffirms that only the reform and continues to plague the press, and legal access [counsel] that has its legitimacy is that which to the Internet must be via local servers, which may bring welfare and avert the evil, whereas it the government controls. The key ministries are is illegal to issue statements and take signatures reserved for the royal family, as are the thirteen for the purposes of intimidation and inciting the regional governorships. The monarchy controls strife. ... reform should not be by demonstrations every aspect of society making it difficult and other means and methods that give rise to to remove the regime as it will require the unrest and divide the community. ... The Council elimination of the whole Al Saud clan. affirms prohibition of the demonstrations in Another factor that placated people was this country and [that] the legal method which the role of the religious establishment. The

Arab Spring in the Gulf Region:Reaction from Within 29 monarchy has established numerous and Al Khalifa. complex patronage networks, which include While Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak was the top religious scholars. The descendants being toppled in February 2011, the Arab Spring of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, the 18th struck in The government rBahrain as 100,000 century founder of the Wahhabi school of protesters filed into Manama’s Pearl Roundabout thought support the Al Saud family and thus for three days of protests calling for democracy legitimizes their rule. The most important reforms to the long-standing rule of the Al religious posts are closely linked to the Al Saud Khalifa monarchy esponded with crushing force, family by a high degree of intermarriage. These backed by Saudi tanks that rolled across a land scholars have promoted the royal family as bridge connecting the peninsula to the island defenders of Islam through their international nation. The crackdown was especially notorious efforts in constructing mosques. In situations for the international condemnation raised when in which the public deemed certain policies of security forces raided hospitals to arrest the the royal family questionable, the scholars would doctors and medical staff who treated injured invoke fatwas to deflect any dissent. The Grand protesters. Since then, the Al Khalifa monarchy Mufti of Saudi Arabia issued a fatwa opposing has deployed a mostly successful strategy of petitions and demonstrations in the middle of preventing major protests from unfolding in the the Arab spring, his fatwa included a “severe capital city and implanted a harsh crackdown on threat against internal dissent.” activists and opposition parties. The Saudi monarchy was able to bribe most of Across the country, security forces have its population with cash handouts and promises continued to round up and arrest protest leaders, of reform. In order to contain the uprising, opposition party officials and human rights the monarchy announced a series of benefits activists and have cracked down on journalists for citizens amounting to $10.7 billion. These who are critical of the monarchy. Attempts included funding to offset high inflation and to to evade international scrutiny have included aid young unemployed people and Saudi citizens denying visas for scores of foreign journalists, studying abroad, as well as writing off some loans. NGOs, European MPs and international human As part of the Saudi scheme, state employees rights groups. saw a pay increase of 15%, and cash was made Initially, the protesters had demanded available for housing loans. No political reforms freedom, democracy and equality for Shias were announced as part of the package. and Sunnis (a framework which could have preserved the monarchy on a new constitutional Bahrain Uprising basis, with limited powers). But the ruling Al Khalifa monarchy remains deeply insecure over The Bahraini uprising is started with aimed at its minority status as a Sunni Muslim monarchy achieving greater political freedom and equality reigning over a large Shia Muslim majority. While for the majority Shia population and expanded the democracy movement was largely instigated to a call to end the monarchy of Hamad bin Isa

30 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) by Bahrain’s Shia majority, which was tired of its President Obama to intervene to release jailed second-class citizenship and being marginalized Bahraini human rights defenders and activists in the distribution of power and wealth, even and to immediately suspend US military support many Bahraini Sunnis rallied to the protesters’ to Bahrain until the regime does so. campaign for greater accountability and justice. On April 23, two Bahraini human rights Of Bahrain’s population of 1.3 million, groups, the Bahrain Center for Human Rights Shiites make up about 70 percent of the nearly and the Bahrain Youth Society for Human 600,000 indigenous population, and today live Rights, publicly called on the world soccer alongside another 700,000 immigrants and governing body, FIFA, to withdraw Sheikh foreign workers. Yet although they comprise Salman bin Ebrahim Al-Khalifa from the race to a majority of the nationals, Shiites claim they become the next president of the Asian Football face systematic discrimination, such as being Confederation because of human rights abuses. barred from top government and political posts. The open letter was followed by a similar one By banning Shia from working in the national from Americans for Democracy and Human security sector and pressuring private companies Rights in Bahrain. Appealing directly to US to fire Shia employees and replace them with citizens, Farida Ghulam, head of the Women’s Sunni workers, critics charge, the regime is Issues Bureau for the opposition Wa’ad party, enforcing a Sunni “apartheid system” on the Shia said: “I would love to see greater numbers of majority.Bahrain’s ruling monarchy fears that Americans side with the Bahraini people in any gains by Bahrain’s Shiites could open new fulfilling their dreams towards democracy and footholds for influence by Iran, a predominantly social justice. Shiite country that is a main regional rival of Similarly, Said Yousif, vice president of the the Sunni Arab-led nations just across the Gulf. Bahrain Center for Human Rights, said: “We as Bahrain also accuses Iranian-backed Bahraini people deserve democracy. We need the of having a role in stirring the protests, though it US to push the regime for democratic changes. has provided no evidence to support the claim. You get to change your leadership every four years with elections, but we’ve had the same Reaction from Within prime minister for 42 years.” While Al Jazeera has called Bahrain’s democracy movement “the Arab revolution that was Conclusion abandoned by the Arabs, forsaken by the The growing trend in the region is people West, and forgotten by the world,” activists are demanding more rights and freedom than hoping they will not be forgotten. In January, what their existing political system is willing a joint letter signed by over 30 human rights to give them. Because of this, there is a great organizations worldwide, led by the Gulf Center possibility that the GCC will eventually reach for Human Rights and the Bahrain Center for a point where they have to transform themselves Human Rights, was published. It calls on US into a constitutional monarchy system like in

Arab Spring in the Gulf Region:Reaction from Within 31 the UK, Spain, Japan and Thailand, where the constitutional monarchies by having elected monarch operates within the framework of parliaments but the ruler still has the power to the constitution, in order to survive politically appoint the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, and continue in power. Kuwait and Bahrain which usually has more power in making have already made steps towards becoming legislation.

32 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) The Arab Spring and its Impact on Women

Sainul Abideen K Research Scholar, University of Calicut, [email protected]

Introduction in 2011, demanding freedom, equality, justice omen played vital roles in the Arab and democracy. Women, as well as men, paid and WSpring, its impacts on Arab women continue to pay a high price for their struggles. and their rights are clear. The Arab Spring was Today women must be able to play their full a series of demonstrations, protests, and civil part in building the futures of their countries. wars against authoritarian regimes that started Women’s participation in public and political in Tunisia and spread to Egypt, Libya, Syria and life, on an equal basis with men, is an essential Yemen. In these countries, they have been on the condition for democracy and social justice, front lines of revolution. These nations will not values at the heart of the Arab spring. succeed unless women are fully incorporated Demands for equality are set aside while into political and economic life. the efforts of protesters focus on bringing Women’s involvement in the Arab Spring down regimes and dismantling oppressive state went beyond direct participation in the protests institutions. to include leading and organizing protesters and Recent history painfully reminds us that the cyber activism. Women represent a significant massive occupation of public space by women proportion of the Arab world’s population: 60% during revolutions in no way guarantees their role of the population is under the age of 30, and in the political bodies of the regimes that follow. over half of them are female. 1The Arab Spring Although the situation of women varies across the countries have a poor record on most gender region, threats to their human rights converge. issues, but have successfully reduced g\ender gaps in areas like education and healthcare.2 The Arab Spring Women, alongside men, participated in the High unemployment rates, educated young protest movements that shook the Arab world populations, urbanization, social changes in family life, roles of women and the youth in the 1 Morgan, Robin (Spring 2011). “Women of the Arab public sphere, neoliberal policies of privatization Spring”. Ms. Magazine. Retrieved 18 March 2013. and union-busting, corruption, rising food 2 Opening Doors: Gender Equality and Development in and energy prices, decades of frustration with the Middle East and North Africe. Washington D.C.: dictatorships, social media tools etc.. there are The World Bank. 2013. p. 135.

The Arab Spring and its Impact on Women 33 and will be many explanations for the sudden Tunisia Arab revivals at the end of 2010 that surprised On 17 December 2010, Mohammed Bouazizi many experts, as few expected the region to set himself on fire triggering protests change so quickly. But the revolutions have been throughout the country against corruption, the result of years of demographic transitions unemployment and police repression. Within since the 1970s, which “have given rise to the a month demonstrations led to President Ben Arab society of today which is, for the most Ali’s resignation after 23 years in power. The part, young educated and urban – and also set off the Arab Spring with 1 tremendously politicized”.23 repercussions throughout the region. Never before has the Middle East received The transitional period has seen victories as much media coverage as during the events for women: Women represent 27% of the that became known as the “Arab Spring”. A Constituent Assembly elected in October common negative view gave way for some more 2011. As of March 2012, in the 41-member optimism to take over and the revolutions in government, there were 3 women. Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria and Libya suddenly changed the stereotype of the Women’s participation in protests oppressed, repressed, suppressed, passive, and Tunisian women participated massively in 2 patriarchal Middle East society . Instead, the protests demanding democratic change. Bloggers, “new Arab” is courageous, strong, capable, journalists, activists, trade unionists, students, and progressive, and opposes the authoritarian mothers mobilised and took to the streets to call regime. He is also educated, young, and female. for Ben Ali’s resignation, freedom and dignity. In contrast to the image of Middle Eastern Throughout the Tunisian revolution, women women limited to the private sphere, women and men were equal. Women of all ages, from all have turned out to be key players at the forefront backgrounds and all walks of life participated in of the Arab Spring protests. They do not “just” strikes and demonstrations. During the uprising, have a gender agenda but fight for national women were subjected to specific forms of police freedom next to men. violence, including sexual harassment and rape. According to the Association tunisienne des femmes démocrates (ATFD), on 11 and 12 January, girls in Kasserine and Thela were raped by members of Ben Ali’s special forces. In Tunis, from 14 to 15 January, several women protesters were raped while held in 1 Casa Árabe, “The power of IT as a new instrument for democracy in Arab countries,” Europe´s World, no. 18 detention in the Interior Ministry. After the fall (2011): 130. of Ben Ali, women demonstrated to demand full 2 Haizam Amirah Fernández, “Nota para el participation in the process of political transition. Observatorio: Crisis en el mundo árabe,” Real Instituto On 29 January 2011, women protesters were Elcano, no. 4, 17 February 2011.

34 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) assualted by groups of men shouting abuse and there were no women in the constitutional calling for protesters “to return to their kitchens”.1 reform committees and a quota for women’s Since independence aspirations from France representation in parliament was abolished. started to grow in the 1940s, women have been Following the 2011 elections the proportion leaders in protest movements and social change of women in the lower house diminished from in Tunisia. 71 % of Tunisian women are literate, 12% to 2%.4 one fifth is employed, and they represent 43% Similar to Tunisia, close to one fifth of of the almost half million members of the 18 Egyptian women work. Employment has turned existing local unions.2 out to be a powerful tool and since 2004, some The Tunisian revolution has been caused 3000 strikes have taken place, sometimes led by by educated youth eager for dignity and women.5 employment. Moreover, women refusing In Egypt, the revolution is believed to have primitivism and passiveness have played been encouraged by Aasma Mahfouz´s video an important role in the Tunisian freedom posted on Facebook. In this video, she called demonstrations, marching up the streets in on young people to massively demonstrate Tunis, which is what launched the Arab Spring.3 against President Mubarak in Tahrīr Square on Women such as Hand Sabry, a prominent 25 January 2011. Social media have proved to Tunisian movie star, used social media such as be a very powerful tool in the uprisings. Also Face book to challenge former President Ben Ali. Leil-Zahra Mortada posted a photo album on Facebook where women´s participation is shown. Egypt Today, laws discriminating against women are associated with Mubarak´s dictatorship and In January 2011, inspired by the revolution in therefore their abolishment is being considered. Tunisia, massive protests broke out in Egypt, Moreover, for the first time in the history of calling for social and political reforms, including Egypt, a woman, Buthaina Kamel, is running an end to President Mubarak’s 30-year rule. for president in the upcoming elections next Although women participated alongside men in October 2011, something unthinkable in the the revolution leading to Mubarak’s resignation, Mubarak era. they were excluded from the political transition:

1 Women and the Arab Spring: Taking their place, Director of publication: Souhayr Belhassen FIDH - Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de 4 Women and the Arab Spring: Taking their place, l’Homme. 17, passage de la Main-d’Or - 75011 Paris Director of publication: Souhayr Belhassen FIDH - France, CCP Paris : 76 76 Z. - Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de 2 Juan Cole and Shahin Cole, “An Arab Spring for l’Homme. 17, passage de la Main-d’Or - 75011 Paris Women,” The Nation, 26 April 2011. - France, CCP Paris : 76 76 Z. 3 Radhi Meddeb, “Europa ante un Túnez anclado al 5 Megan Cornish, “Women Workers in Egypt: Hidden mundo libre,” Política Exterior, vol. XXV, no. 140 Key to the Revolution,” Al‐Jazeera: Cross‐Cultural (2011): 33. Understanding, 11 April 2011.

The Arab Spring and its Impact on Women 35 Libya blogs and creating associations. At the beginning In February 2011, protests broke out across of the Libyan revolution, men and women were the country, calling for an end to Muammar equal until it was decided that women should Al Gaddafi’s 42 year rule. Women participated have their own space to demonstrate, first massively in the conflict that ensued, leading demarcated with stones, later with metal fences, to the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime. The to become a wooden wall by the end. transitional authorities (National Transitional According to the 23 year-old Nada Gathrouni, Council) have thus far failed to take measures the events that have been taking place since to ensure the representation of women in 15 February, 2011 are tremendous for Libyan political bodies: the draft constitutional charter women, “we don´t know yet what the new adopted in August 2011 contains no provision Libya is going to mean for us,” she says. “But prohibiting discrimination against women; the one is certain: we won´t let us put aside so easily 3 28-member cabinet appointed by the NTC in anymore”. Regarding the post-Gaddafi political November 2011 includes only 2 women; and the agenda, the National Transitional Council has 5 electoral law adopted in January 2012 does not out of 70 government seats for women. While it contain a quota or other measures to ensure the is premature to draw conclusions, women have representation of women in the new parliament.1 been key players in the Arab uprisings, but it In Libya, women are generally rather well remains a big challenge for them to change their represented in the public sphere as lawyers, position in the resulting new systems. This starts teachers, doctors, etc. although they suffer from with education, both for men and for women. As salary discrimination and hold few influential we have seen after the Iranian Revolution, Algeria, positions.2 Libya is considered very conservative, and Kuwait, the patriarchal system and judicial especially when it comes to relationships system in particular may remain unchanged. between boys and girls. More specifically, it has a reputation as a stronghold of Muslim Yemen fundamentalism. Unlike in Tunisia and Egypt, in Yemen only However, women have been active in the 25% of the women are literate, approximately Libyan revolution since the first day. They have 15% have finished school and only 5% work. been important in wresting control of entire cities Still, especially in urban areas, women do have from Muammar Gadaffi. They have been writing important job positions and more than 25% are enrolled in Universities. Women have been 1 Women and the Arab Spring: Taking their place, participating in protests as column writers Director of publication: Souhayr Belhassen FIDH against President . In April, - Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’Homme. 17, passage de la Main-d’Or - 75011 Paris after Saleh expressed his discontent with the - France; CCP Paris : 76 76 Z. mixing of women and men in public, women 2 Gert van Langendonck, “Female protesters: have been coming out on the street in great demonstrating separately but much is changing,” NRC, Handelsblad, 24 June 2011. 3 Ibid

36 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) numbers throughout the country to demonstrate end to Ba’ath Party rule. Protests were repressed against him.1 by military and security forces with increasing Protests broke out at the start of 2011 violence. Civilians, women and men, were killed, following the ruling party’s proposals to arbitrarily arrested, detained and tortured by the amend the constitution. The country’s military and security forces. sluggish economy, high unemployment rate For the past 5 decades, the political and widespread corruption fuelled further participation of all citizens has been impeded demonstrations, which met with violent by the repressive general climate. Discriminatory repression. In the protests that followed, women laws and practices present further obstacles were present in huge numbers, including as to the participation of women. There are no leaders. Discriminatory laws and customs are measures to ensure the representation of major obstacles to the participation of women in women in parliament. There are 3 women in political life and there are no measures to ensure the 33-member government.4 the representation of women in political bodies. There is one woman in the 301-seat parliament. Bahrain The 35-member National Unity Government Also in Bahrain female protagonists such as established in December 2011, following Munira Fakhro have played influential roles in President Saleh’s departure, includes 3 women.2 the Pearl Square demonstrations demanding change. Furthermore, Zainab al-Khawaja Syria became known as a leading figure by going on a In Syria, women blocked roads to demonstrate hunger strike. As Bahraini human rights activist for the release of their husbands and sons from Maryam al-Khawaja pointed out: “Women have prison. “Syrian women have staged all female always had a presence (in public demonstrations marches to demand democracy and changes in in Bahrain) but this time it was very strong”.5 regime policy”. 3 Demonstrations began in early 2011 Cyber activism and social media demanding democratic reforms, including the New technologies, particularly social media, withdrawal of the 48-year state of emergency, the enabled women to participate in the Arab Spring resignation of President Bashar al-Assad and an as organizers, journalists, and activists. Protesters

1 Juan Cole and Shahin Cole, “An Arab Spring for used Facebook to mobilize supporters and Women,” The Nation, 26 April 2011. 2 Women and the Arab Spring: Taking their place, 4 Women and the Arab Spring: Taking their place, Director of publication: Souhayr Belhassen FIDH Director of publication: Souhayr Belhassen FIDH - Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de - Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’Homme. 17, passage de la Main-d’Or - 75011 Paris l’Homme. 17, passage de la Main-d’Or - 75011 Paris - France; CCP Paris : 76 76 Z. - France; CCP Paris : 76 76 Z. 3 Juan Cole and Shahin Cole, “An Arab Spring for 5 Xan Rice, et al., eds., “Women have emerged as key Women,” The Nation, 26 April 2011. players in the Arab Spring,” Guardian, 22 April 2011.

The Arab Spring and its Impact on Women 37 organize events and YouTube videos and Flickr Impact of the Arab Spring on photos gave the rest of the world visuals of the Women’s Rights events of the Spring. Twitter functioned as a live It would be impossible to provide a full analysis news-feed for other domestic and international of the Arab Spring’s effect on the lives of women activists as well as international media and its female actors, primarily because in many organizations. Mobile phones, especially those instances the Arab Spring continues in varied with cameras and Internet access, served as a key forms as the countries continue constantly to tool for cyber activists. Blogs were another vital adjust to new rules of law and governance. Yet, method for women to disseminate information. what cannot be denied is the role that women The numbers of female and male bloggers from played in the Arab Spring and the potential that 1 Arab Spring countries were relatively even. this has given women to determine their own Younger women, generally the most excluded futures in their newly liberated countries. The from traditional news outlets, thus benefited the Arab Spring gave women a platform for their most from the rise of social media. The new voices to be heard. platforms also enabled protesters, both male In some instances, this was a success: the and female, to get their messages out without role of women in Tunisia and specifically the the filter of state-run media. Social media helped Al-Nahda party highlighted the importance of women engage more people in the revolutions women’s rights. It showcased how a new political by reducing distinctions between social and identity could be formed with the inclusion of 2 political networks. women and, more importantly, it highlighted Bahraini activists Maryam Al-Khawaja and the necessity to include women in these forums. Zainab Al-Khawaja, Egyptian journalist Mona Not only had the women been participants in Eltahawy, and Libyan activist Danya Bashir were the Spring - but they too would be participants called the “Twitterati” (a portmanteau of Twitter in the future. Of course, there are innumerable 3 and literati because their Twitter accounts of challenges that occurred - both during the the revolutions were praised by international Spring and since. Whilst it would be difficult media outlets. to list them all, they cannot be ignored. There are challenges of representation in Egypt, in a number of countries it is the legislation and perhaps across the board it is the challenge of old, patriarchal dominancy which still poses a challenge to the women. 1 Radsch, Courtney (17 May 2012). “Unveiling the Revolutionaries: Cyberactivism and the Role of It should also be noted that ‘women’ in this Women in the Arab Uprisings”. James A. Baker III context do not represent a homogenous group. Institute for Public Policy. Retrieved 18 March 2013. They have varied, sometimes contrasting, goals 2 ibid and ambitions, but despite this, they are all 3 Definition of Twitterati in Oxford Dictionaries (US hoping that they have the opportunity to voice English) (US)

38 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) their numerous concerns and demands. It would There are lots of discussions about cultural be reckless to conclude that the Arab Spring had discrimination and violence, poverty is actually brought about complete equality for women, the primary factor that mobilized millions of but it is noteworthy that women were given such women to join the revolution. Arab women attention. For the first time in recent Middle want to live in a society where they can be agents Eastern history, women played a crucial role in of their own destiny, not based on corporate defining their countries’ futures. domination or foreign aid. So, what did the Arab Spring do for women? Dr. Sophie Richter-Devroe of Exeter It amplified their voices across the Middle University says it’s still hard to say whether the East, their demands for a better future for Arab spring will put an end to violence against themselves, their families and their countries women. She explained that violence against and their demand to end to injustice, brutality women is not a random act but a war tactic used and corruption. Of course, there is much more to intimidate and control civilians. that all these different women want to achieve, Dr. Rabab El-Mahid of the American but the Arab Spring has provided the first leap University in Cairo, thinks that different forms towards their myriad of goals.1 of sexual violence existed long before the Arab The executive Director of the Doha spring. Even though the revolution opened doors International Institute for Family Studies & for more violence, it also opened more doors for Development (DIIFSD), Noor Al-Malki Al- resistance. “The biggest women’s march, we saw Jehani said Arab Spring’s effect on women in Cairo, over the past thirty years, happened less is a complex. The revolution changed the than a week after that incident. We saw more face of Arab world bringing opportunities of than 200,000 women marching down the streets gender equality, while women are increasingly of Cairo, protesting against violence”.2 confronted and suffering discrimination and violence. Conclusion Data shows that the revolution for real gender Women played a crucial role in the long years of equality is still unfinished. The World Economic resistance to dictatorships. The movements of Forum’s Global Gender Gap Index illustrates the Arab Spring have given them unprecedented that many of the Arab countries rank last among visibility; women are now confronting attempts 135 countries worldwide: Turkey (124), Egypt to exclude them from decision-making processes (126), Syria (132) and Yemen (135) all showed and the public sphere through discrimination large gaps in economic participation, education and violence. attainment, health and political empowerment. Women helped spark the Arab Spring 1 The Arab Spring: What did it do for women? By Shazia protests in several countries and actively ArshadMonday, 25 March 2013 17:37- Published in Arches Quarterly, Volume 6, Edition 10. See more at: 2 Impact of the Arab Spring on Women’s Rights. Inter http://www.middleeastmonitor.com/articles/middle- Press Service News Agency, UNITED NATIONS, east/5584-the-arab-spring-what-did-it-do-for-women. Mar 11 2013.

The Arab Spring and its Impact on Women 39 participated in all of them. Thousands of women Here I quote Charles Dickens’ memorable of all ages, classes, and religions participated in lines describing the atmosphere of the French the protests in every country.1 When the police Revolution in A Tale of Two Cities: became unable to provide neighbourhood “It was the best of times, it was the worst of security, women organized their own street times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of patrols and guarded each other’s tents. foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, 1 Shihada, Isam (Dec 2011). “Women and the Arab it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring Spring: Expectations and Concerns”. Nebula 8 (1): 283–295. Retrieved 18 March 2013. of hope, it was the winter of despair.”

40 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Role of Social Media in the Arab Spring and Beyond

Dr. Sudeep K S

Abstract

Internet became a major medium for news with the twin tower disaster of 9/11. The arrival of internet changed the arena of media studies itself in a big way. The production and distribution of the content getting distributed and the wide possibilities for direct interventions by the consumers thinned the lines between the producer and consumer and made the studies difficult. The struggles in the Arab countries generally termed as Arab Spring brought social media into the limelight. There were two lines of arguments about the role played by internet media like Facebook in those struggles – one that it was Facebook and twitter that made those struggles possible, and another one that said the role played by the social media was vastly exaggerated. However, the studies confirmed the prominent role played by social media in the organization, quick dissemination of information and in moulding public opinion in these struggles. However there are limitations to Facebook / twitter activisms as well, as was evident from the way different nations including Egypt and China reacted to struggles or potential struggles. In India also the government has been trying to take control over the content shared on sites like Facebook, Google or Yahoo. But despite the limitations, one cannot overlook the importance of social media as a platform for protests and movements in the days to come.]

Introduction internet has grown as a technology that breaks he media historically has been owned and the monopoly on media and as a new medium Tcontrolled by a few powerful people who for sharing information in a relatively more own some of the big media houses, and this has democratic manner. been the case all over the world. Even as the The term social media needs to be defined capitalism boasted of the choice of the viewer, before we discuss more about it. It is a term widely the options were very limited. Over the years the used to refer to various popular platforms used

Role of Social Media in the Arab Spring and Beyond 41 for communication by millions of people all over revolution. Sitting various studies, the paper the world, and includes mainly the networking concludes that these revolutions have a feature site Facebook, video sharing platform YouTube, that distinguishes them from everything that blogging tools like WordPress and Blogger and happened in the past, and it is the fact that they the micro blogging platform Twitter. In the used new methods of organization, discussion technical domain these are also referred to as and quick dissemination of ideas.2 Web 2.0. Web 2.0 is the term given to describe a An Arab Social Media Report titled second generation of the world wide web that is 'Civil Movements: The Impact of Facebook focused on the ability for people to collaborate and Twitter ' published by Dubai School and share information online.1 Government in May 20113 and an article The 'new media' or 'social media' started 'Streetbook: How Egyptian and Tunisian getting discussed widely in the international youth hacked the Arab Spring' published in arena over the last three years, mainly because of Technology Review, September-October 20114 the apparent role that it played in the people's were also among the early comprehensive studies struggles and movements that emerged around on this subject. Among these, the first one tries the middle of the year 2010 in the African Arab to answer questions like what are the penetration countries Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Syria and trends of social networking services in the Arab later in various movements all around the world region, what is the growth rate, and what is the including the United States of America. These demographic and gender breakdown, and what movements stood out from all the revolutions factors affect the adoption of these platforms in and struggles that had happened before them, different Arab countries. The latter mainly does because of their creative use of the social media. a case study of Egypt and Tunisia and traces the origins and evolution of the internet activism in Studies those countries. The above mentioned studies have been There have been doubts expressed about the earlier referred to in a Malayalam article by real role that the internet media like Facebook Author.5 played in those struggles – was it only a medium that conducted information and helped coordination between the different groups and Some Key Observations people or was it rather the very inspiration and The Arab Social Media Report takes note of driving force behind the events that took place the fact that the number of Facebook users has in the Middle East and North Africa around risen significantly in most Arab countries, most that time. 'The role of social media in the Arab notably so in the countries where protests have spring', a study carried out by Adrian Nikolov taken place. Also, it can be stated that many of University of Warsaw, summarizes some of of the calls to protest in the Arab region were these studies and attempts to determine the initially made on Facebook, with an exception real role that the social media played in the of the first protest in Tunisia. Thus, even as

42 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) the Facebook pages cannot be counted as the opinion on these, give a suggestion or share an defining or only factor in people organizing idea, everybody thus becoming an activist and themselves, they played a key role as the initial an organizer. platform for the protest calls. Another edge that the social media had over Regarding the numbers, about 14.8 million conventional media was that since the servers people used Facebook in the Arab countries in used by bloggers and internet activists are 2010, and this number grew to 28 million by generally located in the West, individual eastern early 2011. Countries like Tunisia, Egypt and governments had no way to block them from Bahrain showed significant rise in the number of expressing their opinions freely on the internet; Facebook users where the numbers went down and the only way to achieve that goal was to in Libya. The diminishing numbers in Libya physically detain them and prevent them from could be because many residents fled the country accessing the web, and ultimately to put them during that time. in prison. The attempts to ban Facebook and twitter However, the paper concludes that it would by the governments and the subsequent be an exaggeration to call those uprisings Facebook/twitter 'black-outs' backfired in most (collectively) a social media revolution, because of the countries. When the black-out started regardless of the amplifying effect that social affecting the organization of the struggles, it media gave to everything that took place, the provoked the protesters and they involved events were invariably based on real-world facts more and more people in order to resist such which reflected in the virtual space.7 attempts. They looked for other creative ways Television also played an important role in for communication and organization.6 these protests, and it was in a way complementary Nikolov's paper summarizes what the social to the role of the social media. The images and media did during the Arab revolutions into the videos initially shared over Facebook got a following three main functions: One, it was wider reach through television channels. Only the place where the ideas were discussed and about 20-25% had access to internet, but about information was spread in the first phase; two, 80% people had access to television. The rulers as an organizational tool -- it was where the strongly believed that Al-Jazeera was the biggest uprisings were planned; and finally, it worked trouble-maker and the channel was spewing as a means by which information could be restlessness in their countries. Some countries 'leaked' into the conventional media and got even tried to ban Al-Jazeera but that only world publicity. tarnished their image further. Through social networking sites, a single message – regardless if it is a manifesto, the A brief history - Tunisia plan for a gathering or a video showing cruelty The 'social media revolution' did not happen of the army – could reach thousands of people overnight in the African Arab nations. The within minutes. Anyone could share their article by John Pollock delves into the evolution

Role of Social Media in the Arab Spring and Beyond 43 of internet activism in Tunisia and Egypt and Meanwhile Ben Ali’s online censorship grew the various ways in which internet contributed more and more draconian. Dailymotion and to the struggles in those countries at various YouTube were blocked in 2007. A technique points of time. called deep packet inspection was used to stop Two Tunisians known by pseudonyms of e-mail deliveries, strip read messages from in- “Foetus” and “Waterman” and their organization boxes, and prevent attachments to Yahoo mail. Takriz performed a remarkable and largely Reports about Gafsa on Facebook, which then unknown role in the street revolutions of included just 28,000 of some two million Tunisia and Egypt. Takriz began in 1998, as Tunisians online, led the regime to block what they call a “cyber think tank”. Their initial Facebook itself for two weeks. aim was to ensure better freedom of speech and On December 17 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, affordable Internet access to people. Waterman a poor vegetable seller, set himself on fire in recalls that the Internet was the only viable protest of a series of humiliations suffered at the option for organizers in 1998, because other hands of officials. Peaceful protests that broke media were controlled by Ben Ali. Foetus was out in response met with heavy-handed reaction, a skilled hacker who started hacking because he and several people were killed. The conventional couldn’t afford Tunisia’s then-exorbitant phone media mostly kept quiet about it. and Internet costs. Another advantage that they One video became influential in spreading saw online was safety. While “real life” meetings the unrest. It showed a hospital in the small town meant spying by Ben Ali's police, Foetus says, of Kasserine in chaos, desperate attempts to treat “Online we could be anonymous.” the injured, and a horrifying image of a dead The next ten years saw a gradual increase young man with his brains spilling out. in the number of people who used internet Posted and reposted hundreds of times on in Tunisia. By 2008 it was around 30,000. By YouTube, Facebook and elsewhere, it set off a wave October 2009 it reached 8,00,000 and by 2011 of revulsion across North Africa and the Middle January when Ben Ali fled, it touched 1.97 East. Tunisians with internet access were “online million, about 20% of the Tunisian population. almost 24 hours a day”. People shared the video In 2008, protests focusing on corruption and said, ‘You don’t want to see this, it’s horrible, and working conditions broke out in Tunisia’s but you must. You have a moral obligation to look mining region, near the town of Gafsa. It at what is happening in your country.’ resulted in security forces opening fire, killing In a paper published in the North Africa one and injuring 26. The unrest remained local, Journal, Tunisian virtual-reality scientist Samir though, in large part because security forces cut Garbaya of the Paris Institute of Technology the area off. Foetus says it was “hard to build on looked at Facebook posts during the revolution. these events” because “the technology wasn’t He wrote a script, using semantic search techniques in place”: few Tunisians had camera phones or based on keywords related to ongoing protests, Facebook accounts at that time. to measure how much time it took for posts to

44 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) result in responses like comments. In November, The protests started in Egypt much before the average was four days. The day after Bouazizi Tunisia, but the developments in Tunisia helped burned himself, eight hours. On January 1, two the movement gain momentum. A text message hours. As Ben Ali left, just three minutes.8 that made rounds said: “Ben Ali gone. Possibility.” Recipients understood the possibility.9 Egypt Egypt, too, saw industrial protests in 2008, here More on the social media effect it was in the city of Mahalla in the Nile Delta. Mostafa, an activist from Egypt, says: “Before Textile workers there planned a strike on April this social-media revolution, everyone was 6. There were further demonstrations in Cairo very individual, very single, very isolated and and a national shopping boycott. They did not oppressed in islands,” “But social media has think about Facebook in the beginning because created bridges, has created channels between for them it was very new. Instead the Egyptian individuals, between activists, between even organizers relied on leaflets, blogs, and Internet ordinary men, to speak out, to know that there forums. When they did set up a Facebook page, are other men who think like me. We can work they were amazed to see 3,000 new fans a day. together, we can make something together.” Like in Tunisia, it was the state excesses that However, it is important to note that the led to the final battle on the streets in Egypt major action happened on the streets. The article as well. On June 6, 2010, a young computer quotes, “On Facebook and Twitter and social programmer named Khaled Said was at a media we just speak [about] what happens. If cybercafé in Alexandria when he was dragged nothing happens, Facebook and media have no out by two plain clothes policemen and beaten utility.”10 to death in the street. The police claimed he was resisting arrest, while his family says that he had Resonances in China and the US of A compromising videos showing the police dealing When the Tunisian revolution became popular drugs, and that the authorities feared he would by the name 'Jasmine revolution', China took use a tactic that had become popular in Egypt: precautionary measures to prevent a similar uploads on YouTube and Facebook. revolution in their country. They removed every Said became a revolutionary icon when mention of jasmine on internet. The Chinese the post-mortem photos, taken on his brother letters used to write 'Jasmine' disappeared from Ahmed’s cell phone, were posted to Facebook. 'We the internet. The government even removed Are All Khaled Said' emerged as an enormously online video footages of the then Chinese influential Facebook group; and it had about President Hu Jintao singing the popular Chinese 1.5 million members by August 2011. A local song 'Jasmine Flower'. Fearful of the flower’s activist first saw the photos on his cell phone and destabilizing potency, they even cancelled immediately used his own Facebook page to call China International Jasmine Cultural Festival for a protest outside the police station. scheduled for summer 2011.11,12

Role of Social Media in the Arab Spring and Beyond 45 The Occupy Wall Street movement protests against the rape became a national rage borrowed the organizational style from the with the support of the social media and the Arab revolutions. It was a Facebook call by mainstream media alike. However, several other Adbusters Media Foundation that gave rise to heinous acts of rapes and murders continue to the movement. They invited activists, students remain in the dark.19 and others to occupy the Wall Street of New York on September 17, 2011. The call came In Kerala about four months in advance.13 In the beginning of 2011 there were three articles that appeared in Malayalam periodicals In India about the use of social media. N M Siddique and Anna Hazare's anti-corruption movement that N S Madhavan. It cannot be a mere coincidence started in 2011 March gained huge popularity that they came around the time when 'Arab through social media.14,15 This movement the Spring' was at its peak, though none of them middle class of India a feeling that they were also was particularly about the movements in the doing something for the nation. The mainstream Arab nations. newspapers and television channels celebrated In his article that appeared in Madhyamam this rebirth of Satyagraha. As the author wrote Daily, Moidu Vanimel wrote that “definitely, the earlier in a blog post, it was an easy "solidarity" new developments in the cyber world is a threat to and a comfortable "revolution" of the middle the big guns and those who keep secrets, though class. They continued to remain corrupt, the such meaningful interventions are relatively caste-class nexus continued, the Lalus and Rajas less in Malayalam. When the Karnataka police will got tried and punished for corruption, the charged a case against Tehelka orrespondent Chidambaram kind or Kapil Sibal or Manmohan K K Shahina (for a report published on her spy or Ambani kind of corruptions were hardly camera interviews with witnesses in the Mahdani understood as corruption.16 Manu Joseph wrote case), there was a major campaign and discussions about this selective rage over corruption in The against the police action in the cyber world. New York Times.17 There was opposition among The mainstream print and visual media mostly people to the 'new Gandhi' and his revolution, evaded it initially but the cyber discussions made and it came mainly from the dalit movements a significant intervention.”20 of India. They also used Facebook widely to In an article published in Thejas fortnightly, strengthen their voices and they took out a rally N M Siddique shares his concerns about the in New Delhi.18 However, the under-coverage of younger generation 'losing their way' cyber these voices in the mainstream media points to superhighway. He feels that simplification of a major limitation of the social media as a tool things, soft sexual undertones, 'small talks' and for social change. peeping into others' privacy characterize the Similar case was the rape and murder of a discussions on social media like Orkut and woman in December 2012 in New Delhi. The Facebook, and the online groups and friend

46 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) circles – that go to the extent of cyber sex – can where these laws have been used and abused. not be made a platform for meaningful and Jokes about CPI(M) leader Pinarayi Vijayan serious discussions.21 Such judgements evolve that made rounds over e-mail, comments about from pre-conceived and rigid notions of what all Bal Thackeray on Facebook and cartoons shared can qualify as 'meaningful' or 'serious' discussion. about our prime minister have come under the If the communications that evolve through knife of the law among others.25,26,27 'small-talk' and sexual attraction are labelled silly, It can be noted that at least on a few instances, I think it only limits and weakens the scope and the social media has been used creatively against effectiveness of the human rights movements the propaganda played by the mainstream media which Sri Siddique is also a part of.22 and the state. There have been campaigns and/ “Over 50% of the web world is under or interventions against denying medical care the control of Hindutva extremists”, opines and bail to Mahdany, in support of Chitralekha veteran writer N S Madhavan in his interview the autorickshaw driver, against denying censor in Mathrubhumi Weekly. “They are spreading certificate to the film Papilio Buddha, against wrong notions of morality. Cyber warriors (of illegal detainment of two girl children terming Hindutva) who reside in the USA or elsewhere them Maoists and against the arrest and character and Zionists have hijacked the cyber world. The assassination of Sri K M Subhash who was web world is turning out to be a propaganda charged of murdering a research student of his platform for them. The left parties are averse to institute that can be remembered in this context. using this space effectively. There is absolutely no control on the usage of web technology (in India), Strengths and Limitations and it has created a serious situation.”23 Anoop Kumar, of Insight Foundation, New It may be true that more than half the web Delhi wrote on Facebok the day Hosni Mubarak world is under the control of the Hindutva was ousted from power: “Mubarak ho, got a 'warriors', but it is not particularly alarming realization today that it is very easy to fight against if we try to take stock of who controls the a dictatorial state in comparison to a dictatorial mainstream media in contrast. Arundhati Roy society. It just takes 30 years to defeat the first talks about the power centres in our national one:)” One cannot undermine the fact that media, in an interview on Malayalam news internet gives space to say this openly in public. channel : “It is not even a class – it Indiavision It is important to make use of the 'new media' is a handful of people who make 90% of the understanding its limitations. At the same time opinions, and they consider themselves the voice one should not live in the illusion that internet of the nation.”24 offers a space that is much more democratic than Sri Madhavan's claim about having the web the 'real' world. The oppressions and inequalities technology having a “free run” also needs to be of the outside world is present in the cyber space contested. There are cyber laws in place and there also, though in a different way. In the book have been several instances over last 2-3 years The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet

Role of Social Media in the Arab Spring and Beyond 47 Freedom, Evgeny Morozov questions the is a reality and internet activism is here to stay. At reality of the 'twitter revolutions' that are hyped the same time the mainstream newspapers and as a 'short-cut to democracy'. He argues that television channels remain extremely powerful 'autocratic' nations like Russia, China and Iran even now, especially in places like Kerala where keep internet under their observation and kill people are addicted to these sources of news. any possibility of internet activism against the 'Yadhartha Pathrathinte Shakthi' (Strength of state.28 India had also asked Facebook, Google the real news paper), as the famous tag-line of and Yahoo to 'screen' the contents shared by the the Mathrubhumi newspaper goes. users before allowing it to go online.29 Recent (Presented at an International Seminar on revelations by Edward Snowden showed that the Society, Culture and politics in West Asia: apparently 'more democratic' nations are also not Post Arab Spring Dynamics, organized by the free from this fear, as they have also been spying department of Arabic University of Kerala at on the web and taking precautionary measures Thiruvanathapuram on 24th and 25th October against 'anti-national' activism.30 2013.) Even with all its limitations, the social media

References

1. Web 2.0 definition, Webopedia : http://www. Washington Post, October 10, 2011. http:// webopedia.com/TERM/W/Web_2_point_0.html articles.washingtonpost.com/2011-10-10/ 2. Adrian Nikolov, The role of social media in the Arab national/35277702_1_heather-gautney-movement- spring, University of Warsaw, 2011. gay-rights 3. Civil Movements: The Impact of Facebook and 9. Haroon Siddique, Mob rule: Iceland crowdsources Twitter , Arab Social Media Report Vol.1, No.2, its next constitution, The Guardian, June 9, 2011. Dubai School of Government, May 2011. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/jun/09/ 4. John Pollock, Streetbook: How Egyptian iceland-crowdsourcing-constitution-facebook and Tunisian youth hacked the Arab Spring, 10. Anna Hazare's fight grows via SMSes, Facebook, Technology Review, Massachusettes Institute of Mail Today, April 7, 2011. http://indiatoday. Technology, September-October 2011. http://www. intoday.in/story/lokpal-bill-anna-hazares-fight- technologyreview.in/web/38379/ grows-via-smses-facebook/1/134550.html 5. Author, Samoohyamadhyamangal – Arab 11. Sandeep Kumar, Anna Hazare's 'August Kranti' on Vasanthatthilum Athinu Seshavum, Malayal.am, Facebook – a Case Study, India Digital Review, February 2011. October 2011. http://www.indiadigitalreview. 6. Andrew Jacobs and Jonathan Ansfield, Catching com/article/anna-hazares-august-kranti-facebook- Scent of Revolution, China Moves to Snip Jasmine, %E2%80%93-case-study The New York Times, May 10, 2011 12. Author, Down With Corruption, Sudeep's 7. China censors President Hu’s jasmine song, The Diary, April 8, 2011. http://sudeepsdiary.blogspot. Times (Asia), March 2, 2011. http://www.thetimes. in/2011/04/down-with-corruption.html co.uk/tto/news/world/asia/article2931042.ece 13. Manu Joseph, India's Selective Rage Over 8. Heather Gautney, What is Occupy Wall Street? Corruption, The New York Times Asia- The history of leaderless movements, The Paific, August 17, 2011. http://www.nytimes.

48 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) com/2011/08/18/world/asia/18iht-letter18.html 'Bal Thackeray shutdown' of Mumbai, get bail, 14. Dalits rally against Anna at India Gate, traffic The Indian Express, November 20, 2012.http:// hit, The Times of India, August 25, 2011. http:// www.indianexpress.com/news/two-girls-arrested-for- articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-08-25/ facebook-post-questioning-bal-thackeray-shutdown- delhi/29926507_1_udit-raj-india-gate-dalits-rally of-mumbai-get-bail/1033177/ 15. Anu Ramdas, In solidarity with all rape survivors, 23. Aparna Viswanathan, An unreasonable restriction, Savari, December 20, 2012. http://www.dalitweb. The Hindu, February 20, 2013. http://www. org/?p=1342 thehindu.com/opinion/lead/an-unreasonable- 16. Moydu Vanimel, Saibar Samvadangalile Rashtreeya restriction/article4432360.ece Adholokam, Madhyamam Daily, January 2011. 24. Evgeny Morozov, The Net Delusion: The Dark 17. N M Siddique, Article, Thejas Fortnightly, January Side of Internet Freedom, Book, Publisher: Public 2011. Affairs, 2011. 18. Author, Internettile Prathilomaparatha, 25. Heather Timmons, India Asks Google, Facebook Patabhedam Monthly, March 2011. to Screen User Content, International New York 19. N S Madhavan / A K Abdul Hakeem, Interview, Times -India, December 5, 2011. http://india. Mathrubhumi Weekly, February 2011. blogs.nytimes.com/2011/12/05/india-asks-google- 20. Arundhati Roy, Interview, Indiavision Channel, facebook-others-to-screen-user-content/?_r=0 February 2011. 26. Michael Hickins, Snowden Revelations Begin 21. Kerala CPM gets a man arrested for an email joke, Impacting Web Law, CIO Journal, November The Indian Express, November 13, 2010.http:// 12, 2013. http://blogs.wsj.com/cio/2013/11/12/ www.indianexpress.com/news/kerala-cpm-gets-a- the-morning-download-snowden-revelations-begin- man-arrested-for-an-email-joke/710460/ impacting-web-law/ 22. Two girls arrested for Facebook post questioning

Role of Social Media in the Arab Spring and Beyond 49 ‘Power as a Tool or is Aim?’ A Post Arab Spring Reading of Islamic Politics

Sufyan Abdul Sathar M Junior Research Fellow, School of Arab Studies, EFLU Hyderabad

Abstract

Tariq Ramadan’s ideological stance to go beyond Islamism makes divergent reactions from Muslim intellectuals. Post Arab spring reading of Islamic politics leads to rethink about the role of Islamism and Islamic State, especially after the military coup on Egypt. What does for stand Islamic politics? What is the role of Islamic state? If the power is ‘aim’ of political Islam, People of Muslim World should not be disagreeing with it. If the power as ‘tool’ for being a highly valued society [Khair Ummah], we should go beyond so called Islamism. This subject analyses the relevance of Islamic state and Islamic politics in the context of recent improvements of Arab Spring. The present study attempts to clear the ‘nature’ of Islamic state and politics by providing historical and textual evidences.

Political definition of Power as disposition to human as social being. In the Power and its relation to society have been corporate environment power is often expressed 1 discussed in several academic spaces. It is the as upward or downward . When elaborating the ability to influence the behaviour of people, functions of power in a state, it can be addressed a group or a society. Power can be used for with many definitions like pluralist theory of various functions. Its role differs according to power, elite theory and ruling class theory. In the institution on which power has assigned. For state, power can be accessed by a group who instance, the role of power in family and marriage compete with each other and no one able to varied as like in Team work and drudgery. But dominate because of checks and balances laid power has common feature and roles in all on a democratic system. In another definition, institutions and environment. Power in state can there are a series of competing elite to power and be functioned in many ways. Society sees it either powerful groups who are able to impose their evil or great, but the exercise of power is accepted 1 Grenier and Schein 1988

50 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) will upon the rest of society. The elite form of can act as mean for power. JK Galbraith sees the power can be through either circulating elites conditional power as the result of persuasion4. or not1 . There is Marxist form of theorizing it Religion by which power held on society causes which argues that power is fundamentally lodged to influence the people so the influenced power with the owners and controllers of economic remain and continue to the next institution production. Political power is seen to derive which can be state. State without influenced from economic ownership and, in this respect, power is transience. So we can assure the we can identify a ruling class which not only different functions of power and its flexibility control the mean of production, distribution as a institution which can be held in many roles. and exchange in capitalist society, but which So the rational utilization of power will brighten also dominates and controls the institution and cause to stability. of political power2. Gramsci is known for his theory of cultural hegemony which describe Power in Islamic politics how state use cultural institution to maintain Firstly, we should aware the role of religion power in capitalist societies. Lenin believed in Islamic political system. Obviously, Islam that culture was ancillary to political objectives has unique political system but it is never so but for Gramsci, it was fundamental to the called Islamism. Islam has unique system in all attainment of power that cultural hegemony regions of life and society. It laid on the valued be achieved first. On this thought, power is culture and ethics. The integrity of Islam should attributed as aim through cultural hegemony. be accepted. Post colonial study’s tendency to But on the same way, power can be used as tool deductive methodology causes to lack of real to attain cultural hegemony. In other words, meaning of Islamism. This word reduced to the power and cultural hegemony are reciprocal. political ideology itself. It is not only political, The use of power need not involve coercion but also social and cultural entity should be or force or threat. At one extreme it more considered as part of Islamism. closely resembles to influence although some What does for stand Islamic politics? What make distinction between power and influence is the role of Islamic state? Islamic state is not and they see influence by which power is used3. theocratic. Contemporary scholar Yusuf al- Power may be held through many forms like Qaradawi says: Islamic activists don’t call for Knowledge, Force or violence, social class, theocratic state, or they should not call for moral persuasion or religion and delegated it. They address only Islamic state. There is authority. We can say definitely that religion great distinction between theocratic state and Islamic state. Religion is one of the essential 1 Mosca and Parto parts of Islamic Sharia. Self, offspring, wealth 2 for further reading, functionalist theories of power by and honour are other essential parts of Islamic Parson, A Non-Marxist conflict theory of power by Weber and A Neo Marxist theory of Power by Gramsci. 3 Herady. C. 1993 understand organization 4 JK Galbraith, The anatomy of power

‘Power as a Tool or is Aim?’A Post Arab Spring Reading of Islamic Politics 51 sharia1. Islamic state stands for the preservation the existing traditions and Vices of Jahiliyya of these essential parts. So, definitely we can Period, we can easily find the presence of unjust, say the role of power in Islamic politics is as inequality and iniquity. The emergence of Islam tool to preserve these elements which are basic caused to remove these vices and to establish requirement of human life. justice as Quran demand the believers5. Quran Quran says: God orders you to delegate the definitely says that if they get power, they will responsibilities to those who are qualified. If establish regular prayer and Zakath. In other you judge between people, then you shall judge words, if they get power, they will establish with justice2. In another chapter it says: those justice and equality because power is mean and whom if we allow them authority in the land, tool for them. they establish regular prayer and give Zakath, When we say about the nature of power enjoin the right and forbid wrong3. as tool to make society cultured and valued, From these verses we can understand the aim we should aware the concept of power. Power of Islamic politics is not merely power. Islam might not belong to politics i.e. State politics. introduces unique justice, truth and harmony, Power can be used without the formation of for which stand Islamic state. Then power is state because power is the ability to influence tool to be a high valued society as Quran call others, it can be through many ways6. Khair Ummah4. On prophetic history, Quraish promised him power, during the Makkah Period, Concept of power on post Arab spring to come back from the propagation of Islam, but Islamic Politics he refused it because power is not the aim of Arab spring was a tool for state power through Islam, it aims the formation of highly cultured which people of Middle East dreamt an equally society by which power can be achieved. On justified state. All the revolutions occurred by the prophetic word, the aim of his expedition conflicts between those who advocate for basic is to accomplish high values. If we examine needs of human life. 1 P.58, Fiqh Addoula, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, 1993 2 Chapter. 4, verse.58 5 Chapter. 4, verse.58 3 Chapter. 22, verse.41 6 Such as religion, social class Etc. state formation and 4 Chapter. 3, verse. 110 office bearers are one of the ways.

52 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Influence of the Arab Spring on the Arabic Poetry

Abdul Gafoor Kunnathodi Research Fellow, Centre for Arabic and African Studies, School of Languages, JNU, New Delhi. Mob: 09947860313, Email: [email protected]

oets are the unacknowledged legislators of social and political orders were reordered, it is ‘Pthe world’, Percy Shelley wrote in 1821(1). impossible to remain the literature especially Though we agree or disagree with this view, the poetry which is regarded as the tongue of the influencing characteristic of the poetry and the society, unchanged. In this paper I would poets on the society cannot be ignored. As the like to discuss the role of Arabic poetry in the poetry is defined as the spontaneous overflow recent Arab revolts and to find out how far the of the feelings, it can portray the emotions, Arabic poetry was influenced by these revolts. sensations and feelings of the oppressed and suppressed people and thus stir their dissents Revolts and poetry and protests against the oppressing powers. In The poetry is considered as a reflective mirror of almost every massive revolution, we can find a society which projects back how that society this integral relationship of the poetry to the or its culture looks like. It portrays the grand ‘struggle between revolution and oppression’ assumptions and tacit norms of the culture and which results in bringing many changes in the thus it can also play a role in shaking the props society and in the form, language and theme of and rearranging the mental furniture in the the poetry as well. culture by galvanizing people against the injustice The recent revolts in different Arab countries and all deviances in the society. As the poetry has in the West Asia which were nicknamed as ‘Arab the power to express the emotional message that Spring’ by the west, have brought many changes could not be articulated in any other forms of in the politics, culture, social order and literature literature, we can find out a strong relationship of the region. Many talks and symposiums are between the revolutions and the poetry. being held at the academic level, all over the As we go through the history of revolts and world on the influence and the aftermath of revolution in the world, we can easily realize the the so called ‘Arab Spring’. As many dictators role of the poetry, without the differences among in those regions were toppled and the whole the languages, in stimulating the emotions of the people against an existing political regime 1. “Defence of Poetry” an essay written by Percy Bysshe or a social order. As our discussion is on Arabic Shelley in 1821.

Influence of the Arab Spring on the Arabic Poetry 53 poetry, we can take it as an example. From the cannot be reduced to mere texts that can be read early known history of the Arabic poetry, the and translated in words. The couplet-slogans poets had a highly reputed position among the being sung and chanted by protesters do more Arabs for their power to influence the society. than reiterate complaints and aspirations those We can see the deep-rooted connection of the have been communicated in other media. As the poetry with the heart and soul of the Arabs, poetry has the power to convey messages from during their conflicts and war affairs. The hearts to hearts, as well as to sharpen demands warring troops in the early history of Arabs were of the people with ever keener edges, it’s an accompanied by a group of poets in order to inevitable part of the revolutions. stimulate and inspire their emotions against the enemies1. We can find a lot of collections of such Role of poetry in the Arab Spring poems in the classical . The term “Arab Spring” was popularized by the The poetry is regarded as a transformative Western media in early 2011, when the successful weapon of resistance, while at the same time uprising in Tunisia against former leader Zine becoming a coping mechanism to deal with El Abidine Ben Ali emboldened similar anti- the more harrowing and disturbing experiences government protests in most Arab countries. The of the revolution. We can find its presence in term was a reference to the turmoil in Eastern the great American and French Revolutions, Europe in 1989, when seemingly impregnable as the poems of Willaim Blake, Philip Freneau, Communist regimes began falling down under Phillis Wheatley and other great poets fuelled pressure from mass popular protests in a domino the people in those great events which changed effect2. As a result of these revolutions in the the course of the world history itself. The Middle East, some countries like Egypt, Tunisia uprisings broke out in the Arab world also had and Yemen entered an uncertain transition sufficient number of poets who utilized their period; Syria and Libya were drawn into a civil words in resisting the oppressive regimes while conflict, while the wealthy monarchies in the at the same time expressing the peoples’ latent Persian Gulf remained largely unshaken by the desire for freedom and social justice. Poets events. like Abdullah Nadeem, Abu ssami Baroodi, These recent upheavals and revolutions in Mahmood Darvish, Swalah Jaheen fought for the Arab countries, named as ‘Arab Spring’ also the victory of the Arab revolutions like Urabi witnessed the magical power of the poetry as well, Revolution in 1881, the 1919 Revolutions, the as it played a big role to light up the discontent of 1952 Revolutions and etc. the people against the dictatorial regime in their The poetry is not simply an ornament to the countries. The main role of poetry in the Arab uprising—it is its soundtrack and also composes spring was played by poems already written from a significant part of the action itself and so it pre-revolution years, not especially written for

Definition of the Arab Spring” an essay written by“ .2 1. “من شعر الحرب يف الجاهلية” مقالة لـلدكتور وليد قصاب، Primoz Manfred, http://middleeast.about.com نرشت يف موقع http://www.alukah.net

54 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) this particular uprising. Even though, when the Muhammed Mahmood Zubeiry, and the Syrian poems composed during previous events in the poet Muhammed al Magooth on different events Arab word inspired the people and made them also motivated the people towards their goal. aware of the need of a change, new generation It’s worth mentioning that the slogans of the poets also participated in this revolution that the protesters were chanting are poetic with their vernacular and classical poems to couplets—and they are as loud as they are sharp. provide strength for the people assembled The diwan of this revolt began to be written as against the existing powers. Those poems were soon as Ben Ali fled Tunis, in pithy lines like ”,...يا مبارك، يا مبارك، السعودية يف انتظارك“ embedded in politics and dedicated to reflecting a social situation and freedom of speech – from (“Mubarak, O Mabarak, Saudi Arabia awaits which the protesters took their strength. you!”). In the streets themselves, there are The people participated in the uprisings of scores of other verses, ranging from the caustic ”رشطة مرص، يا رشطة مرص، أنتم فقط كالب القرص“ Tunisia and Egypt was inspired by lines from an early 20th century Tunisian poem by Abul- (“Egypt’s Police, Egypt’s Police, You’ve become Qasim al Shabi named as “The Will of Life”. This nothing but Palace dogs”), to the defiant ارضب،” ارضب، يا حبيب، مهام ترضب ال نذهب :poem starts with the lines (Hit us, beat us, O Habib [al-Adly, now-former إذا الشعب يوما أراد الحياة فال ّبد أن يستجب القدر Minister of the Interior], hit all you want—we’re .(not going to leave!) (2 وال ّبــــد لليل أن ينجـــــيل وال ّبد للقــيد أن ينكرس Like poems, many songs written by poets also ومن مل يعانقه شوق الحـياة تبخر يف جوها وانـدثر )1( have played its role in the recent Arab uprisings. These lines can be translated as: (رئيس للبالد )”The song named as “Rais Lebled “If, one day, a people desire to live, written and sung by the young Tunisian poet then fate will answer their call. Hammada bin Umar kwon as El General, became one of the most popular song of the And their night will then begin to fade, and their chains break and fall. Arab revolution and it is called as the anthem of the Tunisian revolution (3). The demonstrators For he who is not embraced by a passion for still sing the song of the best-known Syrian life will dissipate into thin air” singer from the ranks of the opposition, Ibrahim The slogan which all the Arab uprisings Qashoush who was titled as the nightingale of that we are witnessing now used is derived the revolution, it starts with these lines: يا الله، ارحل يا بشار from this poem of Al-Shabi. Likewise, the inspirational poems written by the Palestinian و يا بشار مانك منا poet Mahmood Darwesh, the Yamani poet

2. “The poetry of the Revolt”, an essay by Prof. Elliot .Colla 1. من قصيدة “إرادة الحياة” للشاعر التونيس أيب القاسم www.wikipedia.org .3 الشايب.

Influence of the Arab Spring on the Arabic Poetry 55 in these Arab countries were conscious about خوذ ماهر وارحل عنا its ‘traditional’ influence on the people and و رشعيتك سقطت عنا they were trying to put a control over all literary works, especially the poetry. During و يال ارحل يا بشار…. (Get out, Bashar… Bashar you are not one of the dictatorial reigns there were a lot of state us…Take Maher and leave us. Your legitimacy censorships and also the powerful force of auto- has fallen. Get out, Bashar…!) censorship. As the poem is the spontaneous overflow Poets like Abdul Rahman al Abnudi, Waleed the feelings, the poet must have in a platform Fuad, Fareed Abu Sa’da, Hasan Thalab, Tamīm with freedom of expression which cannot put Barguthi, Jamal Bakheeth, Hisham Kamil Abbas a hindrance to the overflowing of his feelings. Jakh, Halmi Salim and Saadi Yousef are some The Syrian poet and journalist Muhammed al- of those who participated in the revolutionary Maghut describes the freedom of the expression activities during the Arab Spring with their for a writer in his words: “To become a great inspirational and stimulating poems which acted writer – regardless of which Arab country one as a catalyst for staying power. is in – one must be truthful; to be truthful, one Many more texts are sure to join these must be free; and to be free, one must be alive; yet impulsive word creations, which have become to be alive, one must hold one’s tongue!” (1). This a key aspect of the revolutionary culture and vicious cycle was the main feature of the poetry a contemporary form of agitprop, particularly under the dictatorial governments. Countless in Egypt, Tunisia and Syria. Let us hope that Arab writers and artists were trapped and caged Arabic literature will continue to play a critical over the past five decades. Creative individuals role towards developing peace and democracy, were subjected to threats, arrests and other by reflecting on what the words democratic, methods of political repression, placing them free and just can mean in this world – and thus under pressure and effectively gagging them if providing impetus for other regions also. they expressed opinions critical of official policy. During a regime of controlled literature, it’s risky Poetry before the Arab Spring to emerge powerful, evocative, genuine poetry. In order to understand the influence of the Arab Under the rigid atmosphere of the dictatorial Spring on the poetry, we have to be aware of the rule, many poets exiled to other countries. For situations of the poetry under the dictatorial example Adnan al-Sayegh is one of the most regimes. After being colonialised by foreign original voices from the generation of Iraqi forces, some Arab nations were subjected to 1. “يجب عيل املرء ليصبح كاتبا كبريا ًيف أي بلد عريب أن يكون a kind of ‘self-colonization’ by some dictators صادقاً؛ وليكون صادقاً يجب عليه أن يكون حراً؛ وليكون حراً يجب with the foreign support. As the poetry has the عليه أن يكون حياً؛ ولكن ليظل حياً يجب عليه أن يبقى صامتاً” power to galvanize the people and inspire them كلامت للشاعر والكاتب املرسحي والصحفي اإلذاعي السوري to topple the regimes, the political authorities محمد املاغوط )١٩٣٤-٢٠٠٦(يف عام ١٩٨٤.

56 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) poets. His poetry, crafted with elegance, and poet, Muhammed al Ajami to life in prison for sharp as an arrowhead, carries an intense passion incitement to overthrow the government and for freedom love and beauty. Adnan uses his criticizing the ruling Amir (4). The continuous words as a weapon to denounce the devastation intimidations from the rulers compelled many of war and the horrors of dictatorship. In 1993 poets to exile to other countries. Even those who his uncompromising criticism of oppression lived in exile were very very cautious because and injustice, led to his exile in Jordan and the they could not talk or write freely out of fear Lebanon. After being sentenced to death in Iraq for the safety of family members still in their in 1996, because of the publication of Uruk’s home countries. Anthem, a long poem in which he gives voice It’s doubtless that the poetry will not grow to the profound despair of the Iraqi experience- and flourish in a strict, rigid situation. There for he took refuge in Sweden. Since 2004 he lives the poems composed before the Arab Spring had in London (1). a style of obedience and submission. Those who Hamad bin Amir, the Tunisian poet and stood for the state and its rulers were officially rap musician was under the strict censorship admired and awarded, while those poets who of the autocratic regime of Tunisian president shout for the truth and their poems were strictly Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. On December 24, controlled. 2010, two days after his second famous protest song “Tunisia Our Country” was released on Arabic poetry after the Arab Spring: YouTube and Facebook and one week after the As the Arab Spring was extremely influenced protests in Tunisia began; he was arrested by by the Arabic poetry, this political spring which Tunisian police. Three days later, Ben Amor was blew strongly over all parts of the Arab world and released, after being forced to sign a statement to caused for radical changes in the current political, no longer make any political songs(2). social and economical scenarios, influenced the During the 2011 Syrian uprising, the Syrian Arabic poetry as well. It caused in an innovation poet Ibrahim Qashoush, who was noted for in the meanings carried by the poetry, its style singing and authoring songs mocking Syrian and in the words used in it. The freedom from president Bashar al-Assad and the ruling Ba‘ath the dictatorial regime opened a vast world of party, was found dead in the Orontes River, his possibilities for the Arabic poetry and resulted throat cut and his vocal cords ripped out (3). In in an upsurge itself in the poetic creativity. October of 2012, a court in Qatar sentenced the The restricted censorings and continuous threats from authorities prevented the poets 1. www.wikipedia.org to talk for the truth and criticize the brutal 2. “El General and Rap Anthem of the Mideast establishments. But, by the outburst of the Revolution” article by Vivienne Walt in Time. revolts in the Arab world, the poets got some 3. “Ibrahim Qashoush, Syria Protest Songwriter, Gruesomely Killed”, news reported by AP on 4. “Qatari poet appeals over life prison sentence”, news 27/07/2011. reported by BBC on 29/10/2012.

Influence of the Arab Spring on the Arabic Poetry 57 kind of courage to stand with the people on the Tahrīr, the epicenter of the Egyptian revolution, streets and talk for them portraying the miserable the colloquial verse became the modus operandi conditions of the ignored communities by by which citizens expressed their revolutionary ”إنجيل التوراة وقرآنها“ the dictatorial ‘empires’. This critical juncture sentiments. The poem helped the Arabic poetry to come out from composed by Hasan Thalab, the famous poems by the يا” شعب مرص”, “يا مرص هانت وبانت“ the solidity and immobility suffered last few like decades in most part of the Arab world. Once Palestinian poet Tamīm Barguti and the famous by ”...دين أبوهم أيه“ again Arabic poetry could stand with its own revolutionary poem named as pride and dignity and sing for the tyrannized Jamal Bakheeth are some examples of the poems and unjustly treated middle and lower class composed in the colloquial and vernacular peoples, this time not only in the street but also Arabic. This kind of poems was very helpful to the newly populated social media. Really, the pull the hearts of local people to the uprisings Tunisian street vendor, Muhammed Abu Azizi, and to make them aware of their refused rights. not only set on fire himself, but also the fetters The Arab Spring resulted in an explosion and manacles laid on the freedom of expression of the protest poems in the Arabic poetry. The of the Arab poets. poems composed during and after the Arab The poet is the voice of his people and his uprisings have included the words depicting their words act as an evangelist and instigator of the refusal and irritation against the subjugating society and he witnesses the most important in dictators. For example, Fareed Abu Sa’ada, the the lives of people. During the recent revolutions, Egyptian poet says: the poets performed their role perfectly and “قل ال هنا لتقولها يف كل مملكة سواها، they recited the poems for the sake of their هنا ,community. The poets like Aul Qasim Shabi حيث أدركت أنك حلمي ,Mahmood Darwish, Muhammad Maghouth الذي يتكرر Swalah Jaheen and other revolutionary poets were once again alive through their immortal )1( كل منام وال يتحقق...” poems which influenced the thoughts of the living poets like Hasan Thalab, Tamīm Barguthi, These lines are extracts from his poem which is a portrait of what ”...أنا رصت غريي“ Fareed Abu Sa’ada, Waleed Fuaad, Abdur Rahman al-Abnudi, Jamal Bakheeth , Hisham happened at Tahrīr Square in Egypt during the Jakh and other poets who used their poetic revolts. Here, we notice the powerful word of i.e. ‘no’, the symbol of bravery without ”ال“ magic’ for the people. protest‘ The Arab Spring played a critical role to surrender and submission to others. He says rejuvenate the vernacular poems as many of the here: ‘say, no, here, so that you can tell it in all poets were using the vernacular language in their other kingdoms’. poems in order to be able to enter the hearts 1. من ديوان “أنا رصت غريي....” لفريد أيب سعادة، نرشتها of the low class, local people. For example, In الهيهئة العامة لقصور الثقافة، مرص.

58 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) The famous Egyptian poet Hisham Kamil Not only in Egypt, but in all Arab countries Abbas Jakh says in his poem where this spring was passed, we can see these .kind of changes in the theme of Arabic poetry “رأيس من ميدان التحرير”: The courage and fearlessness are found widely in the poems composed after the outbreak of “مـــزق دفاتــــــرك القــــــدمية كلهـــا ‘Arab Revolution’. Here is the line from the poem واكتـــب ملـــرص اليـــوم شـــعرا مثلهـــا of the Tunisian poet Mahmood ”تونس الثورة“ :Ghanimi ال صمـــت بعـــد اليـــوم يفـــرض خوفـــه قــــــد آن للظلامء أن ّتــــــتــبــددا فاكتـــب ســـالما نيـــل مـــرص وأهلهـــا و لِــتُ َــونـس الخرضاء أن ّتــتجد َدا عينـــاك أجــــــمل طفلتـــن تقـــرراين الشّ عــــــــــب ّقــرر أن ّيبدد خوفه فالخــوف يف قلب الشعـــوب ّتبددا )2( بـــأن هـــذا الخـــوف مـــــاض وانتهـــى« In these lines he asks the people to rewrite (It’s the time for the darkness to be scattered, the history of the Egypt. Here he uses the word and for the green Tunisia to rejuvenate. The people have decided to break up their fears, and i.e. to tear, which denotes the refusal of ” ّمزق“ thus the fear has scattered from the hearts of the ال صمت بعد“ the current situations. His words which means “no silence from today”, is people). We can find a lot of such examples of ”اليوم an example of the freedom of the Arabic poetry fearlessness and freedom in the poems composed from the restrictions of the leading authorities after the Arab Spring. and attaining the courage to break the silence The freedom from the dictatorial powers will and shout for the truths against the evil powers, pave the way for the exiled poets to come back to which can be regarded as one of the changes their home land and participate in the rebuilding witnessed by the Arab world after the outbreak their nations. It’s expected that the romantic of the so called Arab Spring. poetry will come back to the life of the Arabs as The Egyptian poet Halmi Salim says: a result of this new atmosphere. After the emergence of the Arab Spring, many poets in the Arab world expect that this “ارفـــع رأســـك عاليـــة، أنـــت مـــرصي، political spring which blows strongly over all الصــــــامت صـــــــرا، ال إذعــــــانا” ) 1( parts of the Arab world, will augur well for Arab ‘Rise up your head highly, you are an Egyptian, literature especially the poetry. The literature will You are silent because of your tolerance, not of start to regain its status in the life of the Arabs in your submission’. It was unimaginable to say like the future because of the political changes which these words in the regime of Husni Mubarak or caused in making the Arabs more optimistic. any other dictators.

2 . من قصيدة “تونس الثورة” للشاعر التونيس محمود الغامني. )/http://ghanmimahmoud.blogspot.in/2012/03 1 . من ديوان “ارفع رأسك عالية...” للشاعر حلمي سامل، نرشتها blog-post_31.html( الهيئة املرصية العامة للكتاب.

Influence of the Arab Spring on the Arabic Poetry 59 They believe that there will be a creative boom poetry and built for it a safe and sound platform in all forms of the poetry. free from all shackles and fetters, to grow and flourish. Many changes were occurred in the Conclusion themes of the poetry, in its style and the words used in it. As a result of the Arab Spring the The Arab Spring, the Arab revolution to Arabic poetry broke its silence and came out to eradicate the dictatorial regimes in the Arab stand with the people, for the people, protesting world, was deeply influenced by the Arabic against the oppressing evils and demanding for poetry. People on the streets were inspired by the changes in all walks of life. It is expected that the revolutionary poems which shouted for the more creative boom will happen in the Arabic freedom, democracy and other human rights. Poetry as a result of continuing changes in the At the same time, these new movements in Arab world. the Arab countries gave a new life for the Arab

References

العامل”، تونس، Patrick Kane, ‘The Politics of Art in Modern Egypt: 2012 Aesthetics, Ideology and Nation Building’, I.B. Tauris. تالوي أحمد، “أمتنا بي مرحلتي: تأمالت يف الربيع العريب”، مركز February 2013 اإلعالم العريب، Layla Al-Zubaidi and Matthew Cassel (eds.), ‘Writing 2013 حسن عبد الرحمن الخرضي، “أثر الثورات التحريرية العربية يف ,’Revolution: The Voices from Tunis to Damascus I.B.Tauris. May 2013. الشعر يف كل من مرص وسوريا وليبيا”، 1975 John Bergeron, ‘Libya’s Intellectuals Under the Gaddafi Dictatorship’, Qantara (March 11, 2011) Siobhan Fenton, ‘How Poetry Fuelled the Arab Spring’, Jeannie Sowers, Chris Toensing (edited), “The Journey article posted in http://sluggerotoole.com, July, to Tahrīr: Revolution, Protest, and Social Change in 2011 Egypt”, Verso, London, 2012. Rachael Allen, ‘Poetry and Arab Spring’, article posted in http://www.granta.com/New-Writing/Poetry- عبيد البشري بن عبد الرحمن، “شمس الربيع ترشق من تونس عىل and-the-Arab-Spring, July, 2011.

60 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Nile is Still Mourning: the Arab Spring Blossomed in Egypt and Withered on the Shores of Nile

Asharaf A, Kadakkal Assistant Professor, Department of Islamic Studies, University of Kerala

shaab Yureedu Isqat al Nizam ‘People the counter-revolution. The singer of revolution Demand the Overthrow of the Regime’.1 did not come out of his home. He rendered his AThis slogan reverberated on the streets of demur and protest into notes and uploaded it in Tunis, Cairo and Sana’a three years ago. Ramy his website mahnashmindul- ‘we Don’t Belong Essam took the whole Tahrīr Square by storm to Theme ’-It got instant hit-millions in a day.3 by waking people up from their slumber by January 28. Ramy appeared with his guitar in the rendering the vibes of a revolution into the Cairo Book Fest, the cultural festival of Egypt. strings of his guitar. Yes, it was much like Peter He sang Mahnash. People carouled it. But the Seeger’s we shall overcome, which shook up police managed to silence Ramy within minutes. the Afro-America to liberation on the 1960’s. Egypt, where revolution had already been dead, People swayed to the songs of Ramy Essam witnessed the might of power in silence.4 and the musical notes of Irhal, irahal (Quit, Mohamed Morsī, the first democratically quit-oppressive regimes, you quit) had political elected president of Egypt, tarries in prison along overtones.2 The flames of revolution were lit by with tens and thousands of citizens arrested with the musical fire born of Ramy’s guitar on January him. As many as 1200 prisoners among them 25, 2011. That forced Hosni Mubarak, who had have already been sentenced to death. Of late, barricaded an oppressive regime with nothing Mohammed Badie, Supreme Guide of Ikhwanul but his military might, out of power. Three years Muslimoon () and 683 after that eventful day, Ramy and his team lost citizens were sentenced. What happened to the the square of liberation. Egypt now bears on its Egypt on July2013? Was it a counter-revolution fragile shoulder a more oppressive regime than or the second stage of the very revolution? Or that of Mubarak. On 25th January 2014, Ramy was it a coup d’état? Media and politicians was not able to sing the song of revolution. But all over the world have not yet been able to people still assembled in Tahrīr Square. And convincingly answer these questions, aligned as the whole square was trampled under the iron they are with the geopolitical developments in wheels of military tanks. There were posters and the West Asia. banners celebrating General as-Sīsī, celebrating The ouster of Morsī, who had been elected

Nile is Still Mourning: the Arab Spring Blossomed in Egypt and Withered on the Shores of Nile 61 with 51.7 percentages of votes, was also caused came into force with the mutual agreement of by a mass protest. The same Arab youth, who nationalists, liberals, left groups and Islamists infused energy and verve into the Arab Spring, ensures gender equality, and envisages a secular perturbed the Egyptian streets again. The polity in which religious and moral values are counter revolution, named Tamarrud, turned preserved. The constitution was drafted in out to be an uncontrollable popular agitation on consultation with the Islamist patriarch Rashid the anniversary of Morsī administration. With Gannushi. Such a pluralistic, broad minded Morsī not giving into the roadmap proposed political move was not visible in Egypt. That by the army, he was ousted on July 3. Defence was why people as a whole assembled on the Minister as-Sīsī took over the reins. People street. The argument that the protest was stage- who went out to the street argued that Morsī managed by the imperialists and the petro- was ruling the country for Ikhwan supporters sheikhs is only a half truth. Many well-wishers and the newly drafted constitution did not of Ikhwan acknowledges, albeit not publicly, safeguard the interests of a wide spectrum of that the administration failed to take all sections people. Though the protest was urban-centered, of people into confidence.5 it had all the attributes and features to defy the Ikhwan clarifies that the opponents of propaganda of Islamist media that it was just a democracy did not allow Morsī to rule and military show-up. kept on creating roadblocks. The exponents Of course, military made use of the of the earlier regime held key posts in the new opportunity. Morsī selected as-Sīsī as the administrative system. Supporters of army kept supreme commander of Army though he was creating mess with the help of secular-liberal not a senior officer in the army. He seems to have parties. Media too joined the fray adding fuel to planned all moves in advance. The question as fire. Eventually it became too difficult to carry to why all those who did not support Ikhwan the administration on. As many as 30 million oppose the administration is relevant. Financial people among a total of 80 million are poor management, foreign relations, relationship with who don’t earn a single dollar in a day. Such a neighbouring states, dissatisfaction among the country can’t help but rely on financial assistance most important minority group, the Coptic from neighbouring countries, especially the Christians, are all issues that deserve study. petrodollar of the Sheikhdoom. The two main Neither Morsī nor Ikhwan was able to learn pillars of the Egyptian economy is the annual any lesson from the efficient management of US aid of 2 billion, promised in the aftermath of similar problems in Tunisia by Al Nahda party Egypt’s acquiescence to the Camp David Accord and its ideologue Rashid al Gannushi. The and, thereby, to the Zionist-US interests and National Constituent Assembly of Tunisia the revenue generated by tourism. There was passed a new constitution on January 25, 2014, drop in the net income generated by tourism the very same date when the counter revolution after the revolution. The economic situation reared its head in Egypt. The constitution which was worsened by the uncertainty in the US aid.

62 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) The neo-capitalist powers for whose emergence their steps. In the face of choosing an alternative the Infitah (liberalization of economy) policy between autocracy and democracy, they had of Anver Sadath set the stage always resisted to choose the latter and could not disapprove change in power from either a Sadath or a popular agitation for democracy and civil rights. Mubarak. A more democratic and more popular With the prominence of Ikhwan and other political set-up hardly amuses the monopolists Islamic parties in the election, they acted the and the corporates. As novelist Ala al-Aswani role of Ikhwan’s cousins. Lately, with all the plans clearly illustrates in her Yacoubian Building, the broached in the backstage showing the signs of corporates prefer pleasing a power centre with a success, they took the same old stand. We are few reining hands to democracy, decentralization all forced, if misled, to think that diplomacy is and devolution of power.6 That is the reason standing by both the exploiter and the victim all why corporates in India backs someone like at the same time. Narendra Modi, who has autocratic tendencies It was the usual expression of condemnation and attitudes. With the support of the corporate and anger, and nothing beyond, that the global money, the media too played their role in powers who profess democracy and freedom had buttressing an autocratic centre. The propaganda to do, when those who protested against the coup of the media about the inefficiency of Morsī at Rabiya Adawiyya Square were all massacred; soon earned space in popular imagination. when even children-that too girls-were pegged Within an year after Morsī came to power, he as terrorists and harassed in prison; when the had to face around 4000 demonstrations, large freedom of press was shackled by the military; or otherwise. Morsī, a Ph.D holder in material when a woman gave birth inside the prison in science, was not allowed a breathing space to go chains; and when around 529 protesters against on. So it is meaningless, Ikhwan says, to make a the military junta for democracy and later 683 judgment on the efficiency or otherwise of his citizens were sentenced to death on March 24 regime. The Arab Spring which blossomed in and April 28 respectively without a fair trial. Egypt withered on the shores of Nile. After Morsī’s ouster, around 1400 civilians, Arab countries have witnessed developments including women and children were killed. for the last few years that stunned the global The military atrocities could be stopped with powers that controlled not only the global just an announcement from the White House politics but also the internal affairs of other that it would have to rethink of the aid, if the countries. Though initially taken aback, they atrocities went on unabated. Despite ceaseless were able to rewrite the script according to their torture and human rights violation by both the plan. In the initial days of revolution, global police and the army, only one policeman was powers put on the all too familiar cloak of booked so far in connection with the violence. protectors of government.7 Seeing that issues At the same time, charges against those who have fallen out of their control and the streets were sentenced to death, including Muhammad were getting more violent, they started to retrace Badie, were an attack orchestrated against a

Nile is Still Mourning: the Arab Spring Blossomed in Egypt and Withered on the Shores of Nile 63 police station and the death of a police officer. administration when the dirge of the Arab A token condemnation from the Amnesty spring had been written. General as-Sīsī flanked International or is not by al-Azhar Sheikh the Coptic Pope on the left sufficient against such a brazen travesty of side was performing the funeral of one of the justice. The UN, EU and the US could, if they most popular mass revolutions the world has translate their protest into pragmatic action, ever seen. control the military dictatorship from going Immediately after Israel was formed in 1948 ahead with their orgiastic fury. with the illegitimate declaration of the Zionist The Sheikhdom in the region had been leaders, Riyadh welcomed the declaration deeply worried in the aftermath of the Iran even sooner than the US. At the same hectic Revolution under Ayatollah Khomeini. The fear speed, the US declared a rescue package with lest the revolution might be exported to the gulf the support of UAE and Kuwait to bail out the region, which was spurred by the declarations Egyptian economy. Only Turkey and Qatar against monarchies, was the reason why the KSA disagreed, stating that Egypt had witnessed took the initiative to form the Gulf Corporation nothing but a coup. This led Saudi Arabia to Council (GCC). Though the council is renamed partially cut off its diplomatic ties with Qatar. Co-operation Council for the Arab States of the Saudi welcomed all deposed dictators, Bin Ali Gulf (CCASG), it is popular by its former name. of Tunisia, Mubarak of Egypt and Swālih of Though there had been Arab League in existence Yemen. With the declaration of as-Sīsī of his as a confederation of Arab countries, the decision to contest in the election, things have formation of GCC was aimed at safeguarding all fallen in the all the familiar line. the interest of the monarchies in the gulf region. How did as-Sīsī come to grab the star value Rulers of six Arab states such as Saudi Arabia, that he basks in? The role of print and electronic UAE, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait and Bahrain are all media in this regard needs to be closely studied monarchs. They feared Arab spring more gravely by social scientists. But there is a lesson oft- than the Iranian Revolution. The same Saudi repeated about Kuffans in Islamic history. Arabia which initiated the formation of GCC Kuffans invited Prophet Muhammad’s grandson started to douse the public anger unleashed by Hussain from Madina to Iraq to lead war against the spring. When the revolution which started the autocratic rule of Yazīd. Hussain and his in Tunisia reached Egypt, Saudi declared a spate family who accepted the invitation and reached of populist policies. So the Saudis, who did not Iraq were brutally murdered in Karbala. But they part of the spring, were able to draw its benefits. were more cruelly and cold-bloodedly ignored What needs to be proven is the source of wisdom by the Kuffans who invited him. Historians behind the declaration of policies. Was it Riyadh have analysed the event from many perspectives. or Washington? Similarly the people who came to fore pinning Hardly did the anti-Ikhwan front come their hopes on revolution instantly kneeled to street on the first anniversary of the Morsī down in military barracks and uniform. The

64 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) volt-face deserves more studied explanation than against terror after thewar on terror orchestrated harping on the media image of Sīsī. Though he by the US in Afghan and Iraq. exposed his true face of autocracy and fascism, April 6, a secular movement which brought much to the chagrin of the modern society and people against Morsī on June 30, was even its cherished values, it is almost sure that as- declared illegal and banned. Hundreds of Sīsī will be elected by a whopping percentage of leaders on the secular-liberal front, including people. His cut-outs and images have adorned the founder of April 6 Ahmed Mahir, Prominent the streets of Egypt in the same way that the activists Ala Abdul Fattah and Ahmed Duma Indian streets hold aloft the banners of Modi. and Muhammad Ādil are all languishing in Media who hesitate to carry a glossy picture of prison. There are reports in the media that as-Sīsī await the same misfortune that al Jazeera advocates, who come out to defend the accused, has gone through. Al Jazeera reporters like Peter are being arrested and jailed9. Human rights Greste, Muhammad Fahmi and Muhammad activists and their offices are being torched. The Bahar, who bagged international awards and apogee of these repetitive incidents of violence reputations, have all been imprisoned by as- was the ransacking of the Hisham Mubarack Sīsī administration. They are, in the book of Law Centre. Even those who raised their voice the administration, terrorists or supporters of to get Morsī deposed with the exhortation of terrorism. Though much clamour was raised Tamarrud have no shelter. for their release by the media all over the world The Leftists gained considerable influence and the international society, they have not yet in the Arab world in the 50s and 60s. But, been released. Peter is an Australian citizen opportunism and unprincipled political while Fahmi claims Canadian citizenship. They moves at times have rendered the Arab Leftist have been charged with offences punishable by parties insignificant. Except General Labour up to 15 years of imprisonment. In 2013, five Union in Tunisia, no other Left parties have journalists were killed and around 45 scribes any significance in the region. In other regions were attacked. The office of al Jazeera was they made compromise with the ruling parties, closed. Offices of around 15 media firms were rendering themselves unreliable. The Neo-leftist raided.8 These attempts were all made to scare Trotskyist Movements are the only alternative anyone who would expose the iron clout of the movements which voice their opposition. military regime. The west adopted a double Though leaders ofRevolutionary Socialist Egypt standard in this issue as well. The journalists and Revolutionary Left Current in Syria don’t who are reeling under accusations, charges and have wider acceptance, they seem to be much trails are only assisted by their parental media more realistic than other movements. As the firms. The international community has not yet mainstream Left party has compromised with the broken its silence, though the hunger strikes of ruling party in Egypt, as-Sīsī did not have to try several journalists have gone past 100 days. The hard to toe them in his line. Leftist thinkers like suppression of civil rights is code-named as war Samir Amin10, Slavoj Zizek11 and Aijaz Ahmed12,

Nile is Still Mourning: the Arab Spring Blossomed in Egypt and Withered on the Shores of Nile 65 who studied and analysed the Arab Spring them. Protests and agitation through democratic opined that the beneficiaries of the revolution means render the Kalashnikov culture were religious parties and the revolution had insignificant. With the military junta reclaiming initially gone off its track as it was high-jacked its power and resorting to endless violence and by the Islamists. Their analyses miss the crucial torture, a stage was set atop the very the layers point of compromises that the mainstream left of sands which slipped under extremists’’ feet. parties forged with the ruling parties as well as The Egyptian Ayman Al Zawahiri, the present their lack of a principled stance.13 supremo, might be glad to justify his theory that Recent events flatter and gladden mostly only an armed struggle would be relevant in a the Al Qaeda sympathizers. Arab Spring had country where democratic protests are brutally questioned the rationale and morale of the suppressed. vanguards of armed revolution and frustrated

Endnotes and References

1 Dabashi, Hamid (2012), The Arab Spring: The End York: Nation Books, 1-20 of Postcolonialism, London: Zed Books: i 8 For more details see the reports of MISA- Media 2 Lynsky, Dorian(2011), Ramy Essam- The Voice of the Institute of Southern Africa a non-governmental Egyptian Uprising, The Guardian, 19 July, available organisation with members in 11 of the Southern at http://www.theguardian.com/music/2011/ Africa Development Community (SADC) jul/19/ramy-essam-egypt-uprising-interview. countries. Officially launched in September 1992, 3 Video : New Song by Ramy Essam Captures MISA focuses primarily on the need to promote Anger Among Young Revolutionaries in Polarised free, independent and pluralistic media, as envisaged Egypt(2014),Ahram. Online, 26 Januuary, in the 1991 Declaration of Windhoek. available at http://english.ahram.org.eg/ 9 Al Jazeera and The Guardian give extensive coverage NewsContent/5/33/92657/Arts. on this matter. 4 Levine, Mark (2014),The Egyptian Revolution 10 Amin, Samir (2012), ‘The Arab Revolutions: A Still Grinds On , Al Jazeera,01 February, Year After’,Interface: a Journal for and about Social available at http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/ Movements, Vol.4 (1): 33-42 opinion/2014/02/egyptian-revolution-still- 11 Zizek, Salvoj (2012), The Year of Dreaming grinds-2014219140106673.html. Dangerously, London: Verso: 2-12. 5 See the articles written by Fahmy el Howeidy in Al 12 Ahmed, Aijaz(2012), “The Progressive Movement ahram and other periodicals. in its International Setting”, Social Scientist, Vol. 39, 6 Ala el Aswany (2004),The Yacoubian Building, New No. 11/12 (November- December 2011): 26-32. York,The American University in Cairo Press. 13 These three authors discussed this matter in many 7 Bishara, Marwan (2012), The Invisible Arab: The of their articles in academic and popular journals. promise and Peril of the Arab Revolution,New

66 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Literature and the Arab Spring: The Emerging Trends

Aftab Ahmad Programme Officer at the India Arab Cultural Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi-110025 E-mail: [email protected]

It is the literature that shapes the will of life and drives the masses to come out publicly against the oppressors. (Tunisian novelist, Ibrahim Dargauthi, b.1955)

Introduction powerful words and stories of differing shades in At the end of 2010, several countries of the Arab Arabic literature. No doubt that resistance and world witnessed an important event that was freedom have always been an important part of termed as ‘Arab Spring’ by the West. However, Arabic literature and we can easily find a number the Arab intellectuals and political scientists of Arab writers and poets who wrote against preferred to use different other terms for this oppressions, injustices, wrong-doings of their historical event. Initially it appeared as an act of rulers and oppressive regimes. It is a well known protest by the Tunisian fruit seller, Bouazizi but fact that this historical event in several countries it spread like wild fire in the region. of the Arab world was due to socio-economic The self-immolation of Bouazizi (29 March factors but it was fuelled by the literature both 1984– 4 January 2011) became a catalyst for prose and poetry. the Tunisian Revolution in particular and the This paper tries to revisit the literature (both wider Arab Spring in general and encouraged prose and poetry) that has shaped the minds of people to protest against the social and political the individual Arabs and encouraged them to injustices throughout the region. Many socio- take the streets. It will also attempt to focus on economic factors have contributed to this the role played by Arabic literature and Arab uprising but the feeling of being oppressed, writers during the Arab Spring. The paper will humiliated and not being free were the key try to study what kind of literature has been aspects of the frustration and anger that built produced during the popular mass protest up over many years. movements and thereafter particularly in those Persistent disillusionment that was a countries where protesters successfully ousted prerequisite for the revolutions was clothed in the long time dictators.

Literature and the Arab Spring: The Emerging Trends 67 Arab Spring got shattered through out the region by successive A series of popular protest marches in different regimes. It was noticed that the Arabs who took the streets shared a very important slogan that was parts of the Arab world, known as Arab . The demand for dignity and recognition Spring is being considered as a big event in the ‘dignity’ contemporary Arab history. It started with the of the rights of citizens by authorities were heard self immolation of a young Tunisian fruit vendor, in most of the Arab capitals where protest marches Tarek al-Tayeb Mohammed Bouazizi (29 March took place. In demonstrations all over the Arab 1984 – 4 January 2011) who set himself on fire world since December 2010, Karamah (dignity) 2 when he felt humiliation and his self respect was has been the key in the slogans. shattered by the local administration. Soon after his death, most of the state capitals of the region Arab Spring and the Arabic Literature witnessed people’s protest marches against Literature always plays important role in every their rulers. A few countries succeeded to calm society and the Arabic literature remained an down the protesters on the promise to carry important tool in the Arab society starting from out reforms but long time dictators of Tunisia, the period of its inception. It has guided the Egypt, Libya and Yemen were compelled to society towards right path and poets have gained step down. The term Arab‘ Spring’ is a western the status of the nobles in Arab society. We can one while the most of the Arab scholars and not undermine the relation between literature political scientists are not much interested to use and uprisings and revolutions. Literature has this term and they preferred to call it the Arab become a guiding force towards social, political ‘Thawrah’ (revolution), ‘Intifada’ (uprising), and cultural awareness. Jordanian writer, Nidhal ‘Sahwah’ (awakening), or ‘Nahda’ (renaissance). Al-Shimali says ‘the Arab literary works are full A number of factors have contributed to the of missing values of freedom, dream to end emergence of these uprisings in the name of repression, debate to achieve democracy and revolution and popular movements. Despite the vision to put an end to corrupt regimes.3 natural resources enjoyed by most of the Arab Arabic literature in 20th century covered countries, they have witnessed a big crisis in the almost all the themes of daily life and tackled distribution of wealth and a large segment of the issues of dire poverty, shattered dreams, Arab society has been marginalized. Arabs also despair, political oppression, torture in prisons suffer with oppression, tyranny, the absence of and suppression. Contemporary Arab writers rights and freedoms and massive violations of including Saadallah Wannus, Mohammad al- human rights with the concentration of power in Maghout, Ahmad Fouad Najem, Muzaffar al- the hands of narrow elites linked to a particular Nawwab, and many others spoke with boldness party or a ruling family.1 during the long years of dictatorships in several Unemployment was one of the main reasons countries of the region. It is said that Tawfiq The Return of the‘ (عودة الروح) of this uprising but the most notable cause was al-Hakim’s novel self respect and dignity of the common Arabs that Spirit’ and Naguib Mahfouz’s Cairo Trilogy

68 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) became the base of revolutions in the region that that the novel ‘The Yacoubian Building’of the were written after the 1919 revolution in Egypt. Egyptian writer Dr. Alaa al Aswaani has played a Poetries by Shaabi, Al-Barudi, Shauqi, Darwish major role in the uprisings. We can easily find the and Fuad Najem fuelled the anger among the glimpses of main demands of the common Arabs common Arabs against their rulers. in the writings of contemporary writers that Arab poets and writers including Naguib were raised during the uprisings in the region. Mahfouz, Taha Hussain, Taufiq Hakim, Abdur Nobel Prize winner, Naguib Mahfouz (1911- Rahman Munīf, Nizar Qabbani and Mahmoud 2006), in his literary works, offered critical Darwish have vehemently denounced tyranny, views of the old Egyptian monarchy, British oppression, corruption, ossified traditions colonialism and contemporary Egypt. Several and have pleaded for democracy, justice, the of his more notable novels deal with social issues liberation of man and woman and a moderate involving women and political prisoners.5 The type of Islam which would once again nurture five-part novel ‘The Cities of Salt (1984-89)’ of man from within. A series of popular marches Abdur Rahman Munīf (1933-2004)6 registers in almost every capitals of the Arab world had the history of the Arab world during the oil era denounced and appealed for what these writers and examines Munīf ’s theory that the Arabs have already done in their writings thought the were “the subjects of injustice, deprivation and last century. Literary critics believe that a true oppression”. A work saturated in symbolism, its artist is prophetic and deeply intuitive. ‘The message can be applied to any and each city in true artist feels and hears sounds which alert the Arab oil countries, where “Arabs have been him to dangers approaching. His or her natural the victims of their rulers and the foreigners”. antennae capture them, and he translates them This was the central theme of his writing, into his writings in a constant effort to heighten particularly the most celebrated of his 15 novels, people’s awareness and sense of responsibility’. 4 East of The Mediterranean (1975), in which Contemporary Arabic literature particularly, he revealed, in graphic detail, the torture and novels have impacted the Arab society abuse that prisoners suffered in Arab prisons and immensely in the context of popular Arab detention centres (and of which he had personal uprising in many of the countries of the region. experience). It highlighted the fact that “a human Literary works of the Arab writers have always being in the lands east of the Mediterranean is criticized the wrong policies of their rulers as cheaper than anything and a cigarette stub has well as raised the prevailing social problems like, more value than him”.7 torture, unemployment, restriction on freedom It is said the current Arab uprisings in several of speech, denial of legitimate social rights and countries of the region was the result of powerful self dignity. Novels and dramas have played Arab literature. The anger that came out on the an important role to incite the inner anger of streets was basically the production of modern common men and encouraged them to take the Arabic literature mainly the poetry. Many literary street against their powerful dictators. No doubt figures were tortured and sent to jail to speak

Literature and the Arab Spring:The Emerging Trends 69 against the rulers. Many of them have to take Writers, Poets and Poetry refuge in foreign countries. But their writings during the Arab Spring finally fuelled the anger among the Arabs. The most significant part of the Arab Spring was Arabic poetry was a strong tool during the the participation of literary figures and artists protests. Egyptian Poet and Journalist, Ahmed particularly at Tahrīr Square where a number Sarsawi stated that the literature has become of writers have personally participated in the a silent feature of the uprisings. His main protests while the others have expressed their contention is that the current uprising in several support to the uprisings by their writings. A Arab countries is the result of powerful Arabic huge literary impact had been seen on these literature whether in the form of prose or poetry. marches while the political changes had also 8 The most popular slogan on the streets of the influenced their lives and works. ‘Writers and region was a couplet of Tunisian poet, Abul poets have strongly contributed to the Egyptian Qasim al-Shabbi (1909-1934). They chanted revolution, whether we are talking about their ,from the poem physical presence in Egypt’s streets and squares ’اذا ُالشعب يوما أراد الحياة‘ his ‘The Will of Life’ that belongs to the poems that or their literary output’. 14 A large number of bear witness to what desire and spirit there are Egyptian writers and poets including Nawal in people to overcome the injustices heaped on El-Saadawi, Ahdaf Soueif, Mona Prince and Dr. them by France. The couplet reads ‘If, one day, Alaa al-Aswaani and a number of others directly people desire to live, then fate will answer their of indirectly participated in the Egyptian call’.9 People recited the verses of Amal Donkol revolution and turned the Tahrīr Square into (d.1980) about freedom on Tahrīr Square. an artistic or literary gathering. Literary works of Abdur Rahman al-Abnoudi Egyptian writer, Baha Taher15 recounts ‘I was and Sayed Hegab were also important, and of so incredibly happy when the revolution broke 10 course Naghuib Mahfuz. out, I have experienced enough joy over the 11 The poetry of Nizar Qabbani (1923-1998) past few weeks to last me 10 lifetimes. I am not and particularly his poem ‘Marginal Notes on exaggerating’. Evidently people are finding a truth is a stinging self-criticism the Book of Defeat’ in literature that is otherwise being withheld. He of Arab inferiority, drew anger from both the added ‘we will continue to put up resistance, even right and left sides of the Arab political dialogue. though we have already lost several martyrs to 12 Abdul Wahab Al-Bayati says that the poetry of the cause. There’s no going back now. Modern Nizar Qabbani has been a mirror of an entire Egypt was built on the shoulders of intellectuals. age and served as a history for Arab aspirations You can’t rescind that: it’s already cost too much and hopes that were crushed after the June 1967 blood’.16 Egyptian novelist Ibrahim Abdel Meguid Arab defeat. He stood alone in his poetic style (1946) participated in the Egyptian revolution 13 and diction with a unique texture. over 18 days and it had a profound influence on him that led him to write a book on Egyptian revolution. He said ‘this is because Tahrīr Square

70 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) and the first days of the revolution were like an When we called for freedom, artistic or literary gathering and a cultural forum. They branded us terrorists It served as an inspiration to all artists”.17 When we called for our rights back, Emerging poetry during the Arab spring They branded us fundamentalists had also played an important role to rejuvenate Syria is longing for freedom, the Arabs through out the region. Young poets Syria is demanding freedom and rappers have found more direct words and We will oust Bashar, an increasingly open ear among the younger With our strong will alone 21 generation in recent years. Tunisia can claim the slogan of the Arab revolts: “The people want The title of the song is Come‘ on, Bashar, to topple the regime.” Egyptians made famous Leave that treats the Assad family, especially street poetry that reflected their incomparable its head Bashar, as a bunch of thieves, asses, wit. “Come on Bashar, Leave,” is Syria’s robbers, infiltrators and cowards and exhorts 22 contribution to the pop culture of sedition, the the president to leave the country. raw street humour that mingles with the furore of Poetry has rediscovered its fighting spirit 23 revolt and the ferocity of crackdown.18 Hamada since the beginning of 2011. Saadi Yousef ’s Song Ben Amor, 21, nicknamed El Général, who from Tahrīr Square sums up the demonstrators’ uploaded his song “Rais Lebled” to the internet demands in simple words: in 2010 and became one of the most popular singers of the Arab revolution. Its opening lines On Tahrīr Square we stand, indicate the power and anger that the poet feels: Day in, day out Here we shall stay until we have made Mister President! a home again out of your name 19 I’m talking to you today You are protected by the workers, El Général became a symbol of the Tunisian By the people and by students revolution, and his songs became known across You are even protected by soldiers, almost the entire Arab world. Female Tunisian though they were trained by the Americans, singer Emel Mathlouthi declared, ‘My music Never mind, Baghdad may be soft, but I am a warrior on stage’. She You will make a home again out of the name ‘Iraq’ electrified her fellow protesters in front of 24 the Municipal Theatre during the Jasmine a homeland happy and free Revolution.20 In Tunisia, as in Egypt, rappers and artist more Syrian singer, Ibrahim Qashoush’s song generally were among the protesters involved became a popular one among the protesters in the demonstrations. Participation by these in Syria. He was a resident of Hamā who died groups of musicians alongside the internet- because of his revolutionary songs in 2011. His oriented youth made theses revolutions very song reads: modern. This type of music, a hidden subculture

Literature and the Arab Spring:The Emerging Trends 71 (as in Libya) became public through the and other art forms are available in public demonstrations and protests. 25 domain. The writers need some more time to Tamīm al-Barghouti26, at the time of the come out with their productions. The same uprising, faxed to an Egyptian newspaper a poem thing had happened with Naguib Mahfouz after with the title “O, Egypt, It is so Close!” This was 23 July Revolution in 1952 when he stopped during the days when the Egyptian government writing novels for almost 8 years. After that shut down the internet at the end of January- he wrote his novel on the incidents of 23 July early February 2011. His poem in vernacular Revolution. Egyptian novelist Ibrahim Abdel Egyptian immediately set to music and sung by Meguid stressed that writers often require time artist Mustapha Said in Maidan a-Tahreer says: to contemplate and digest a subject or even, whilst it takes even longer to write a novel. 29 O Egypt, it’s so close The nature and technical aspects of the Nothing remains of power literature that is in public domain following the but a few batons Arab Spring could be a matter of discussion but If you don’t believe it, the literary fraternity in the Arab world is very come down to the square and see optimist about the upcoming literary prose and The tyrant only exists poetry writings because of many reasons. They in the imagination of his subject now feel more confident after witnessing the Everyone who stays at home influence of literature on the current uprisings after this will be a traitor.27 and fall of corrupt dictators. They are also excited Al-Barghouti’s verses acknowledge the scars, about the new available free and fair atmosphere the wounds, the history of subjugation by slave to take fresh breath. Writers like Ahmed al- and master but refuses, as he always does in his Sarsawi are ready to paint a new sketch of the writings, to turn them into a list of weaknesses region. He says “if literature has revolted against that set up the fatality of reconciling oneself to the tyranny of old cultural forces and announced 28 injustices. its remorse from flattening extremism. A new era A number of poetry collections have been of intellectual and cultural freedom has started published in Tunisia that express happiness over that has adopted the pen and paper as the sword the overthrown of former president Ben Ali like of country and its shield’. 30 Munsif al-Wahyabi’s collection. Most of them Sinan Antoon opines on the Arab uprising are in free verses. Fathi al-Nasri’s ‘The Tunisian literature and says ‘I hope there will be increased interest in the modern and contemporary أبناء) Revolution’ and Mohammad Chalabi’s are most important ones. culture and literature of the Arab world. These (السحاب revolts have debunked the Orientalist myth that Arab Spring Literature: portrayed these cultures and societies as static, Is it in public domain? despot loving, eternally fundamentalist. Now we It is evident that the writers have not started to know how vibrant and dynamic they are. One produce their literary works but a few poetry

72 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) way to discover how rich and versatile they are eighteen days. The opening pages of her memoir is to read their stories and listen to them sing of are a collage of rendered news items, cartoons, life and liberty.31 jokes, warnings and Facebook posts by friends, each offering insight and opinion but not Literary Production of Tahrīr Square definitive judgment. In his memoir she seems and Egyptian Revolution to be confused about joining the protesters but records every thing very carefully. Prince’s Arab spring has created a positive environment memoir ends on February 11, in a carnival for the literature to flourish and diminished celebration of Mubarak’s ousting.33 In her the fear which was among the writers and poets memoir, ), and liberated them from interrogation, torture, ‘Cairo: My City, My Revolution’ (2012 Ahdaf Soueif34 navigates her history of Cairo secret killing and forced exile. It has opened and her journey through the Revolution that’s a broad horizon of freedom to the writers so redrawing its future. In this book, which stands that they can achieve their dreams. Arab Spring much more as a chronicle of that judgment, has offered the Arab writers to discover their or revolution, than anything else – a personal courage that were hidden due to the tight vigil testimony of time and place and experience – we imposed by the authoritarian regimes. A wave of are introduced to a writer who seems lighter, prison writing has already started in Arab Spring freer, less conscious of the weight of her prose countries. Several writers have started writing and the story she has set to tell. The closing line their bitter experiences that they had witnessed of the memoir is very touching and indicates during their stay in prisons and cells in several that how the people at the Tahrīr Square stood countries of the region. firm against the dictator. She ends with: ‘We Tahrīr Square had a profound impact on made a city square powerful enough to remove the Egyptian novelist Ibrahim Abdel Meguid a dictator. Now we must re-make a nation to lead that led him to write his book ‘Every Land has others on the road to global equality and justice. a Birth: Days in Tahrīr’. He is the author of a 84-year old Egyptian novelist, Nawal El number of critically acclaimed books including Saadawi (b.1931) who participated in her ‘No one sleeps in Alexandria’ and ‘Birds of Amber’. country’s uprising and whose writings have He was awarded the Naguib Mahfouz Medal for always insisted on the mandate to oppose Literature for his novel ‘The Other Place’. He said injustice wherever it may be. She has received ‘this is because of Tahrīr Square and the first days international prize for her contributions to of the revolution were like an artistic or literary Egyptian revolution.35 In her 2013 Tahrīr gathering and a cultural forum. It served as an memoir ‘ (The Arab inspiration to all artists”.32 Al-thawrat al-Arabiyah Revolutions), she says that her six-decade activist Revolution is My Name (Ismi Thawra) of career culminated in the 2011 revolution and Egyptian novelist, Mona Prince (b.1970) is claims that the time had made all of her struggles an important novel, published in 2012 that worthwhile. She writes with excitement about tells the story of revolution as it unfolds over

Literature and the Arab Spring:The Emerging Trends 73 her Tahrīr routine. She spent hours sitting in compulsion to fight this loathsome regime. tents at Tahrīr Square and chatting with the Endangering not only herself but also her people, including some heavily veiled women daughter, she follows the action, meets with and Islamists. She adds that ‘I can scarcely fighters from the Free and records believe that this is the same Egypt that caused me the government’s atrocities. Samar confirms that so much sadness and hardship. Tahrīr became the idea of a revolt against this regime had been my watan for which I have been searching since brewing for years. She meets with Syrians from all childhood. She writes in her diary that these walks of life and urgently records their witness to revolutionary days were the most beautiful days the regime’s brutality. She details her time with of my life despite the thugs who attacked us.36 the security officers, the indignities she suffered, and her shock at seeing the bleeding remains of Arab Spring Literature from Syria young men’s bodies hanging from metal clamps. Samar writes about her own fears and troubles. Arab writers in the countries, where popular She interviews a defecting lieutenant about the marches have toppled the regimes or trying regime’s recruiting of criminals to carry out the to, are now feeling more freedom and taking a killing. The memoir chronicles her evolution fresh breath. The have started producing literary from being just an idea, a character in a novel. 39 outputs in the form of memoirs, diaries and The latest novel of Khaled Khalifa40’ novels. A considerable amount of literature that ‘No though it is not related is an eye witness on the Arab spring is available. Knives in City’s Kitchens’, to the Arab Spring but after its reading any one I was able to come across of a small amount of can only wonder how was life possible under literature produced depicting the scenes of revolt the Asad regime and how life was crushed by in Syria. Maha Hassan’s novel Tubulul Hubb the brutal dictatorship. The novel uncovers the (Drums of Love) is the first novel on prevailing contradictions of the Syrian society. This work situation in Syria, published in 2012. The novel is a beautiful account of the reasons behind is considered as the first literary work on the the popular uprising in Syria, started in March ongoing uprising in Syria. The novel depicts the 2011.41 This novel has won launch of pro-democracy revolution in Syria in Naguib Mahfouz for the year 2013. Riyaz 2011 and position of the Syrian intellectuals Medal for Literature Mo’asas’s novel is another important (حامم زنوبيا) from the revolution and developments of novel, published in 2012. The novel is a mixture happenings. Hassan considers her novel as a of stories and thoughts and reflections on real prose fiction genre, despite the fact that it is events and ideas from the Syrian prisons. The based on real happenings, names of real activists, writer says that the motivation to write this novel prisoners and massacres are used in the novel.37 is just a feeling of deep concern and inclination to Samar Yazbek (1970)38 is another Syrian highlight the facts that the Syrian people suffered writer who wrote her memoir ‘A Woman in the on daily basis under the unjust and oppressive Crossfire: Diaries of the Syrian Revolution’. It regime. It is the story of all Arab heroes who describes survival under the bombs and a crazy

74 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) dared to say ‘no’ and those who have died under and especially his father who was kidnapped torture or lived their precious live in prison.42 by ’s agents in Cairo in 1990 is an and taken to Tripoli’s notorious Abu Selim (أيام يف باب عمرو) Abdullah Maksoor’s important novel of 2012. It tells the story of prison, and whose fate remains unknown. The the Syrian city of Homs which faced attacks novel is studded with little jewels of perception, by heavy weapons including guns, warplanes deft metaphors and details that illuminate and tanks. The novel narrates the events of the character or set a scene. Describing the narrator’s protests in the country in March 2011. In his mother’s funeral, he writes of his father’s faint of 2013, Abdullah effort to lighten the moment with humor.45 (عائد إىل حلب) another novel Maksoor documents the details of the current Zaman al-Akh al-Qaid of Faraj Ashsha is prevailing situation in Syria. It tells the sufferings another important novel of 2012. In his latest of Syrians who have been displaced and were novel (that can be translated as the Regime of forced to take refuge in neighboring countries. Our Leader), depicts the contemporary situation is an of Libya. The novel tells us about the current (من ال يعرف سيمون) Omar Qaddur’s novel important novel that tells the story of the fear socio-political situation of the country where a man feels when he intends to return to Syria. the political oppression and social injustices The novel explores the wrongdoings of a police had reached to its heights. The novel raises the state. Other Books include Suad Sughandu question of identity and existence in the police al-Hallaq’s Stories from Syrian Revolutionand state of Gaddafi. The novel depict not only the Mujahid Rifaai’s Nation’s Revolution. past and present of Libya but whole of the Arab region. It sheds the light on the psychology of an Literary Narratives of Libyan Uprising individual Arab how he feels suffocation in their countries. It is a remarkable historical journey Libyan writer and novelist, Ibrahim al-Koni43 is from a rural life to the urbanization and finally one of the Arab world’s most prolific writers and the discovery of oil. It narrates the history of the one of the most translated authors. His novel country and gives details of the atrocities and Knights of Faded Dreams of (فرسان االحالم القتيلة) tortures carried out by the Gaddafi regime.46 2012 is a comic novel that revolves around the prevailing situation in Libya. It narrates the story of Libya in a comic style starting with the fall of Literary Depiction of Gaddafi and reasons behind public opposition Ben Ali Regime in Tunisia towards the regime. Tunisian literature was either banned or Hisham Matar’s 44 novel ‘Anatomy of a distributed on the black market before the Disappearance’ is one of the most important Jasmine Revolution. A fair amount of Arab novels appeared soon after the fall of Muammar spring literature has been produced in Tunisia Gaddafi. It was originally written in English where the Arab spring started and reached to and soon got translated in Arabic as ‘Al-Ikhtifa’. the other parts of the region. It has been noticed Matar’s novel revolves around his parents, that most part of literature is Tunisia comprises

Literature and the Arab Spring:The Emerging Trends 75 on poetry. A number of poetry collections have surprised not only the Arabs but the rest of the been published in Tunisia that express happiness world too. The success or failure of Arab Spring over the overthrown of former president Ben could be a matter of discussion but it had a long- Ali like Munsif al-Wahyabi’s collection. Fathi al- lasting socio-political impact on the region. Long Nasri’s ‘The Tunisian Revolution’ and Al-Munsif time dictators like Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak, Ali al-Wahayabi’s ‘14 January 2011 and other Abdullah Saleh and Muammar al-Gaddafi were collections’ are important ones. 14th January has thrown out from their thrones and people in become a historical day for Tunisians when their Syria are still busy to change the guard in their dictator Ben Ali fled the country. Most of the country. Arabic literature has successfully shaped poetry collections are in free verses. the minds of the common Arabs for this revolt There is not much literary prose publication and encouraged them to take the streets against on the Arab spring but a few very important their corrupt dictators. The writings of stalwarts novels are in public domain that are some how of Arabic literature and the contemporary Arab related to the Arab spring because they deal writers have played an important role in this with the police attitude of Ben Ali regime. In event particularly in Egypt. A fair amount of literature on Arab spring احباب) this regard, Kemal Sharni (1965)’s novel ,is an important novel that highlights his is in public domain, comprising on poetry (الله personal experiences of persecution, repression memoirs, daily dairies and novels. Contemporary and torture meted out to him in jail for 5 years poetry collections are spontaneous expression of when he was a student under the regimes of their happiness over the fall of corrupt rulers president Habib Bourqeeba and ousted president and celebrations on their victory. A few are Zain el Abdin Ben Ali. He was jailed due to his to challenge the dictators and encourage the participation in a student protest march during protesters to carry forward their struggle for his student days. His novel is a witness on the their dignity. While the most of the memoirs miserable history of Tunisia when the police state and novels depict the ongoing socio-political had put the students in the prisons and treated situation in respective countries and the scenes mercilessly due to their participation in anti state of Tahrīr Square. Subsequently, the Arab writers demonstrations.47 It exposes the highest amount are now feeling more freedom and they have of prevailing corruption and dictatorship in the started documenting their observations on this country. Mohammad Chalabi’s ‘The Sons of historical event. Arab Spring has offered them Clouds’ is another important novel dealing with to rediscover their courage that was hidden due prevailing socio-political situation under Ben Ali. to the tight vigil imposed by the authoritarian regimes. A wave of publications of prison Conclusion writings has already started in the Arab Spring countries and many writers have started writing No doubt, Arab spring is one of the biggest their bitter experiences that they have witnessed events of the 21 century Arab world. Popular in prison and cells. uprisings in a number of Arab countries have

76 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Notes and References

1. Nidhal Al-Shimali, Contemporary Arabic Literature volumes of poetry and in regular contributions to and the Arab Uprisings, Al-Rewaia Magazine, the Arabic-language newspaper Al Hayat, but in (Arabic), online http://www.alrewaia.com/show. lyrics sung by Lebanese and Syrian vocalists who php?p=post&id=1690 helped popularize his work. 2. Mona Takieddine Amyuni, The Artist’s Role in 12. Abdul Wahab Al-Bayati (1926-1999) was a great Society, Arabic and Middle Eastern Literature, Vol. poet of Iraq and the pioneer in the free-verse 2, No. 2, 1999, Rutledge, p 219(Online) movement that swept the Arab world in the 1950s. 3. Nidhal Al-Shimali, Contemporary Arabic Literature 13. Nizar Qabbani more powerful than all the Arab and the Arab Uprisings, Al-Rewaia Magazine, regimes put together, Al-Hayat Wa Dounia (Arabic), online http://www.alrewaia.com/show. Newspaper. http://alhayatwadounia.wordpress. php?p=post&id=1690 com/2011/05/01/nizar-qabbani-more-powerful- 4. Mona Takieddine Amyuni, The Artist’s Role in than-all-the-arab-regimes-put-together/ Accessed Society, Arabic and Middle Eastern Literature, Vol. on 13/03/2013 2, No. 2, 1999, Rutledge, p 219(Online) 14. Shaban Yusuf, The Arab Spring: Between the arts 5. Naguib Mahfouz, Encyclopedia of Britannica and political activism, (Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, 15 http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/ December 2011) http://www.asharq-e.com/news. 358178/Naguib-Mahfouz asp?id=27709%20%20 6. Abdur Rahman Munīf was one of the great novelists 15. Born in 1935, he played a decisive role to topple the and a political activist who highlighted the Arab Mubarak regime. He has been involved in all major plight. periods of upheaval in Egypt over the years, firstly 7. Abdul-Hadi Jiad, Abdul-Rahman Mounif: Novelist as a journalist and later as a writer with political and political activist who highlighted the Arab plight ambitions. He was a co-founder of the grassroots (The Guardian, February 05, 2004) movement Kifaja which called for the end of the http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/2004/feb/05/ Mubarak regime and laid the foundation stone for guardianobituaries.booksobituaries. Accessed on the January revolution. 15/03/2013 16. Interview with Egyptian poet Baha Tahir, published 8. Ahmed Sarsawi, 25 January Uprising and the on May 24, 2012 in Qantra. de, http://en.qantara. Literary Discourse (Diwan Al-Arab) de/Modern-Egypt-was-built-on-the-shoulders-of- http://www.diwanalarab.com/spip. intellectuals/19160c20211i0p/ (Accessed on 16 php?article27653 April, 2013) 9. Khadija El Alaoui, Chanting Tahreer and 17. The Arab Spring: Between the arts and political Compassion: People as Poetry, In Tensions Journal, activism, (Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, 15 December 2011) Issue 5 (Fall/Winter 2011), York University http://www.asharq-e.com/news.asp?id=27709%20 (Toronto, Canada), pp-12-13 %20 http://www.yorku.ca/intent/issue5/articles/pdfs/ 18. Anthony Shadid, A lyrical message for Syrian leader: khadijaelalaouiarticle.pdf ‘Come on Bashar, Leave, (NYT) & The Indian 10. Interview with Egyptian poet Baha Tahir, published Express, July 26, 2011. on May 24, 2012 in Qantra. de, http://www.indianexpress.com/news/a-lyrical- http://en.qantara.de/Modern-Egypt-was-built-on- message-for-syrian-leader--come-on-bashar- the-shoulders-of-intellectuals/19160c20211i0p/ leave-/822214/1, Accessed on May 3, 2013 (Accessed on 16 April, 2013) 19. Stephan Milich, Literature and the Arab Spring, 11. His work was featured not only in his two dozen Qantar.de (13.01.2012)

Literature and the Arab Spring:The Emerging Trends 77 http://en.qantara.de/An-Uprising-of- review-interview-with-sinan-antoon-on-liter Words/18317c504/index.html Accessed on April 32. The Arab Spring: Between the arts and political 17, 2013 activism, Asharq Al-Awsat, 15 December, 2011 20. Farhad Khosrokhavar, The New Arab Revolutions http://www.aawsat.net/2011/12/article55243981 That Shook the World, Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, 33. Elliott Colla, Revolution Bookshelf: Revolution is My USA, 2012, pp 238-239 Name, (Jadaliyya) 21. Stephan Milich, Literature and the Arab Spring, http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/12588/ Qantar.de (13.01.2012) revolution-bookshelf_revolution-is-my-name http://en.qantara.de/An-Uprising-of-Words/ 34. Born in Cairo in 1950, she is the author of the best- 18317c504/index.html Accessed on April 17, 2013 selling novel The Map of Love.Her other novels 22. Farhad Khosrokhavar, The New Arab Revolutions include Mezzaterra: Fragments from the Common That Shook the World, Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, Ground and In the Eye of the Sun. USA, 2012, p 241 35. In November 2012, the International Peace Bureau 23. He is an Iraqi master of Arabic poetry. Born in 1934 in Dublin awarded Nawal the Sean MacBride Peace and lives in London. He wrote a short revolutionary Prize. poem in March 2011 and dedicated to the protesters 36. Miriam Cooke, Feminist Revolutionary Narratives at Tahrīr Square. from Egypt and Syria: Hopes and Disappointment, 24. Stephan Milich, Literature and the Arab Spring, (July 10, 2013). For full article: http://www. Qantar.de (13.01.2012) juancole.com/2013/07/revolutionary-narratives- http://en.qantara.de/An-Uprising-of-Words/ disappointments.html 18317c504/index.html Accessed on April 17, 2013 37. Adib Abdulmajid, First Book on Syrian Uprising, 25. Farhad Khosrokhavar, The New Arab Revolutions (ARA News, December, 2013) That Shook the World, Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, http://maha-hassan.blogspot.in/2013/12/first- USA, 2012, p 239 book-on-syrian-uprising.html 26. He is a young, revered poet and political science 38. Yazbek is a prominent Alawite opposition writer professor in Georgetown University who directly defied the Alawite regime. In 27. Khadija El Alaoui, Chanting Tahreer and October 2012, she was awarded the PEN/ Pinter Compassion: People as Poetry, In Tensions Journal, International Writer of Courage prize for this work. Issue 5 (Fall/Winter 2011), York University 39. Miriam Cooke, Feminist Revolutionary Narratives (Toronto, Canada), p-18 from Egypt and Syria: Hopes and Disappointment. http://www.yorku.ca/intent/issue5/articles/pdfs/ For full article, click on http://www.juancole. khadijaelalaouiarticle.pdf com/2013/07/revolutionary-narratives- 28. Ibid, p-21 disappointments.html 29. Ali Znaidi, (Jadaliyya, February 23,2012) 40. Khaled Khalifa is a prolific writer, novelist and poet. http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/4466/the- He was born in 1964 in Aleppo. Some of his works international-symposium-on-the-arab-spring-thr which are critical of the Syrian government have 30. Ahmed Al-sarsawi, 25th January Uprising and the been banned by the Syrian government. Literary Discourse, Diwan Al- Arab, http://www. 41. http://www.rayaagency.org/clients-list/khalifa- diwanalarab.com/spip.php?article27653 khaled/there-are-no-knives-in-the-kitchens-of-the- 31. This quotation is from an interview with Sinan city/ Antoon, the Co-Editor of Jadaliyya on the 42. Iman Adil, New Novel of Syrian Novelist, Riyaz relationship between the Arab uprisings and Mo’asas, ( Al-youm al-Saabe, September 21, 2013) literature. You can see full interview on: http:// http://www1.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID= www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/1680/kenyon- 1259338&#.U2xaD4GSygQ

78 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) 43. Born in 1948 in the Fezzan region of Libya, Al- and a Vanished Father, (The New York Times) Koni had published more than 80 books and http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/11/books/ received numerous awards including Al-Gaddafi review/anatomy-of-a-disappearance-by-hisham- International Prize for Human Rights in 2002. Most matar-book-review.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0 of his books have been translated into 35 languages. 46. Al Hayat Newspaper, http://daharchives.alhayat. 44. Born in 1970 in New York and brought up in Tripoli com/issue_archive/Hayat%20INT/2013/4/17 and Cairo. His first novel ‘In the Country of Men’ has 47. Iman Mohaddab, (Al-Jazeera, 23 February 2012) got translated in more than 20 languages and won http://www.aljazeera.net/news/pages/b20a8553- many awards including 2006 Man Booker Prize. bac1-4de9-ae68-74efa52753b7. 45. Robert F. Worth, A Libyan Author Writes of Exile

Literature and the Arab Spring:The Emerging Trends 79 The Causes of Arab Spring: An Analytical Study

Dr. K M A Ahamed Zubair Assistant Professor of Arabic, The New College, Chennai-600 014. E-mail: [email protected], Mobile :094454 12993.

he Arab Spring is a revolutionary wave of was witnessed and the name “Arab Spring” Tdemonstrations and protests (both non- became famous in most Arab countries. violent and violent), riots, and civil wars in The protest movement of 2011 was at its core the Arab world that began on 18 December an expression of deep-seated resentment at the 2010.By December 2013, rulers had been ageing Arab dictatorships, anger at the brutality forced from power in Tunisia, Egypt , Libya, of the security apparatus, unemployment, and Yemen;civil uprisings had erupted in rising prices, and corruption that followed the Bahrain and Syria;major protests had broken privatization of state assets in some countries. out in Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Protesters in monarchies like Jordan and and Sudan; and minor protests had occurred Morocco wanted to reform the system under in Mauritania, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Djibouti the current rulers, some calling for an immediate Western Sahara, and the Palestinian territories.1 transition to constitutional monarchy, others The Arab Spring was a series of anti- content with gradual reform. People in republican government protests, uprisings and armed regimes like Egypt and Tunisia wanted to rebellions that spread across the Middle East in overthrow the president, but other than free early 2011. But their purpose, relative success elections they had idea on what to do next. and outcome remain hotly disputed in Arab The impact of the Arab Spring concerns countries, among foreign observers, and between protests or by the way attempts to organize world powers looking to cash in on the changing growing protest movements that were inspired map of the Middle East.2 by or similar to the Arab Spring in the Arab- The term “Arab Spring” was popularized majority states of North Africa and the Middle by the Western media in early 2011, when the East, according to commentators, organisers, successful uprising in Tunisia against its former and critics. These demonstrations and protest efforts have all been critical of the government 1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arab Spring retrieved in their respective countries, though they have on 3rd May 2014. ranged from calls for the incumbent government 2 http://middleeast.about.com/od/ to make certain policy changes to attempts to humanrightsdemocracy/a/Definition-Of-The-Arab- Spring.htm retrieved on 3rd May 2014. bring down the current political system in

80 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) its entirety. In some countries, protests have source material within the library and beyond. become large or widespread enough to effect The sentiments of Arab Uprisings were change at the national level, as in Armenia, prevalent in Modern Arabic Poetry, and the while in others, such as Djibouti, were swiftly Poets namely Baoodi, Shaabi and Sayyab suppressed. Protests considered to be inspired expressed their feelings on this issue. The by the Arab Spring have taken place on every Tunisian poet Abul Qaasim al-Shaabi (1909 – inhabited continent, with varying degrees 1934) has quoted: of success and prominence. On 15 October إذا ْالشّع ُب يَ ْو َماً َأر َاد الْ َحيَـاةَ the subsidiary “Occupy” and Indignant ,2011 movements inspired protests in 950 cities in 82 فَال بُ َّد ْأن يَ ْستَ ِج َيب َالق َـدر countries.1 َوال بُ َّـد لِلَّيـْ ِل ْأن يَ ْن َج ِلــي Since December 2010 the world has watched as demonstrations and protests spread across َوال بُ َّد َللقيْ ِد أَ ْن يَ ْـن َك ِسـر countries in North Africa and the Middle East. These pro-democracy movements rose up against If people are willing to endure the dictatorial regimes and corrupt leaders that (on one day or another) had ruled for decades in some cases. Someone The fate must answer the peoples’ call called these revolutionary events “Arab Spring,” And the night must fade and the phrase stuck. The specificity of these And the chain must break Arab revolutions is that they have been popular uprisings, leaderless and uncompromising In Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Yemen, protesters in demanding total change. Why have the forced the replacements of dictatorial events in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, governments with democratic systems. In etc. followed such different paths? What are other countries, the waves of protests forced the long-term political, social, and economic governments to offer political reforms or to ramifications of these revolutions? What are start dialogues about political change. Some of their intended and unintended consequences these movements have proven more successful as countries across the region seek political and than others, and the political future of many social reforms? What’s the future of the Arab Arab nations remains uncertain, but the power revolution with regard to the crucial issues of and importance of this unprecedented pro- freedom, democracy, secularism, and tribal democracy movement is beyond question. power? There are a lot of questions and there is Several elements preceded the Arab Spring, much to study in the causes and factors that led include economic conditions, demographic to these large-scale movements. This guide will trends, and social and political influences. attempt to provide direction to the appropriate The motivations for change are as varied as the countries in which the events took place.

1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impact_of_the_Arab_ However, the Arab Spring ultimately was a series Spring retrieved on 3rd May 2014. of revolutions by frustrated populations, most of

The Causes of Arab Spring: An Analytical Study 81 which suffered for many years with oppressive privatisation of a corporation previously run by leaders, government corruption, high rates of the government. unemployment, and poverty. These factors increased the pressure in 3. Political Oppression countries already suffering from long time No distinction shall be made on the basis of the political repression. Across the Arab world were political, jurisdictional or international status leaders who had held power for decades on end, of the country or territory to which a person or were members of political parties that ran belongs, whether it is independent, trust, non- virtually unopposed and crushed dissent among self-governing or under any other limitation of citizens. sovereignty. The causes of Arab Spring are as follows 4. Absence of Political Dissent 1. Inflation and Shortages The lack of political dissent is the hallmark of any Hike in the prices of food, transportation, repressive government. Similarly, the freedom of electricity, rent, raw materials etc. and erode assembly and association is the individual’s right the purchasing power. While prices of the daily to come together with the others to express, usage commodities go up immediately, the wages promote, pursue and defend common interests do not necessarily see an increase, both in the collectively. Suppression of political dissent is public and private sector, and a worker takes very common in the Middle East before the home the same amount of wages but less of value Arab spring. that can help him/her meet the expenses. The cost of living keeps on rising that affects the 5. Foreign Interference consumer confidence and also jolts the socio- economic plates. Due to reduced earnings and Acts of foreign interference can be described rising food and non-food items, a family that as activities carried by or on behalf of, are once enjoyed the middle class status will feel directed or subsidised by or are undertaken in relegated to a lower economic level whereas the active collaboration with, a foreign power. Such working class will be driven to the extent that activities are usually clandestine or deceptive it will not be able to cope with the day-to-day and are carried on for intelligence purposes. living expenses. As a result, there is social unrest. They are also carried on for the purpose of affecting political or governmental processes. 2. Unemployment Such activities are detrimental to the interests of a nation and involve threat to a person, group Unemployment arises when a person loses of people or the nation as a whole. Middle East a job and is unable to find another one for a stands to be one of the most active regions of long period of time. The job may be lost due to foreign interference. a business going bankrupt, downsizing in the public sector announced by the government or

82 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) 6. Kleptocracy and accountability of state institutions. The kleptocratic ruling class consists of moneyed elite that usurps justice, liberty, equality, 8. Restrictions on Communication and sovereignty, and other democratic rights from Censorship the people. Just as the Middle East and North In today’s world, the young generation is growing African nations are flush with oil wealth, the up on social media networks such as Facebook, region is also a haven of kleptocratic rulers from Twitter, MySpace etc. and is aptly labelled as the the shores of the Atlantic to the warm waters ‘2.0 generation’. The young people, under the of Persian Gulf. Kingdoms upon kingdoms are age of 30, form the bulk of the population in ruled by dynasties that are at least a few centuries the Middle East, above 50% in many countries. old and owe their existence to the 19th century With unemployment levels soaring despite imperial powers. In fact it was the very imperial higher education credentials, the youth have system that not only gave birth to them but also taken refuge in the ever-powerful world of propped and saved them from the adverse winds the Internet, which provides them not only a of political change and democracy. voice but also the skills and qualifications to get employment and improve their social standing. 7. Autocracy Many governments in the Middle East In an autocratic system, one person or group region, instead of addressing the frustrations holds all the power, without the participation, of the youth and solving their problems, tend or sometimes even the consent, of the people. to ignore them or tackle with half-hearted It is considered as the opposite of democracy, measures. And when such measures backfire, autocracy lacks political competition, the first step a government takes is the silencing transparency, freedom of expression, right to have of the voices of dissent and discontent by any a different opinion, human rights framework, means possible.

References http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arab_Spring Context. Web. 3 June 2014.Online available at “Arab Spring.” Global Issues in Context Online http://find.galegroup.com/gic/infomark. Collection. Detroit: Gale, 2014. Global Issues In

The Causes of Arab Spring: An Analytical Study 83 Democratisation and the Arabs: A Historical and Political Study

Dr. Samuel J Kuruvilla & Dr. Suhail Ebrahim Department of Political Science and Arabic, University of Kerala. Email: [email protected]

Abstract

The origins of the modern unrest in the Arab world known as the Arab Spring had its beginnings in Tunisia in protests against the long running and dictatorial rule of Ben Ali. These protests against the ruling dispensations later spread to neighbouring Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Jordan and many other Arab states. Different factors played a role in the disturbances and civil unrest in various countries such as dictatorial rulers, widespread unemployment, poverty, the influence of the West and self-empowerment. The US by and large remained a silent spectator to these changes, while actively supporting the rebels in Libya that took up arms against the long-running rule of the dictator Gaddafi. The so-called Arab spring also coincided with the economic downturn in the US and many countries in the Western world, and so there was much less appetite among Western nations to actively participate in the revolutions in the Arab world. The Arab Spring also coincided with the slow pull-back and withdrawal of US troops from Iraq as well as Afghanistan, ensuring that the democrat-led US administration of President Barack Obama had little appetite to contemplate activist intervention in any other Arab state. Israel too was obsessed with the so-called ‘Iranian nuclear threat’ and was equally concerned that the Arab Spring unrest should not spread to the Palestinians living within the state of Israel as well as those in the West Bank and Gaza. Wealthy Arab states such as those comprising the GCC were concerned enough to announce a slew of economic and political-legislative sops meant to assuage the political feelings of their individual populations. The Arab spring also had an impact on states where the Arab populations were a minority such as Iran and Israel. In the West, there was a debate whether the so- called Arab Spring was also the Arab Winter as Islamist parties took control of power in many countries where the old regime was toppled such as Egypt and Tunisia. It remains to be seen what the long-term impacts of the Arab Spring will be for the region concerned

84 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) as well as the wider world. Will there be a flowering of democracy across the region and the associated areas such as Iran and parts of sub-Saharan Africa not to mention Central Asia, or will the so-called ‘spring’ of Arab democracy give way to a hot summer of Arab discontent as currently visible in regions like Bahrain and Syria before simmering down into an ‘autumn’ of disillusionment and a bleak ‘winter’ of renewed despair at the hands of regional despots, Kings, Sheikhs and Islamists of many hues and colours. The future of the Arab Spring is open to many predictions and interpretations, but ultimately the future of the region lies in the hands of the people of the region and their wish for responsible and democratic government, Islamist or otherwise.

n the period after the end of the Second World democracy. However the most spectacular IWar, many movements for democracy have phenomenon was the fall of the Berlin Wall and swept the world. However till recently, the Arab the associated spread of popular government world seemed to be immune to the call for the across all the states of the former Warsaw Pact in installation of democracy in their respective the late 1980s and early 1990s. This was known countries. While the Arab people were quick as the so-called Velvet Revolution.1 to liberate themselves from centuries of foreign While there were projections that the Arab rule in the last century, they seemed to be at a world would be next in line for democratic loss as far as the installation of true democracy transition, this did not materialise at that time was concerned. Democratic changes occurred in due to many reasons, such as the rigidity of the many parts of the world in the 20th century. The various regimes of the region and the extent first wave in the post-WWII era transformed, of support that Western developed nations albeit under Western supervision, Japan, extended to them. The Middle Eastern/West Germany and Italy into democratic governments Asian region is of extreme strategic importance responsible to their respective peoples, while at to the West primarily because of its location at the same time countries such as Israel, India, the crossroads of the East and West (North and Pakistan, Burma, Sri Lanka and other states South), but also because of the large quantities in Asia and Africa achieved independence of hydrocarbon wealth possessed by many of and an initial transition to democracy during these nations. this period. Democratic stabilisation was not Algeria was a test case for democratisation possible in all of these countries, however. The in the Arab-North African world in the 1990s. second wave of democratisation was a primarily When we think of Islamists winning political European phenomenon as long-standing elections, often the best example that comes to dictatorial regimes in Spain, Portugal and Greece mind in that of the Islamic Salvation Front in gave way to popular democratic governments in Algeria. Known popularly by its French acronym the 1970s. In the 1980s, many nations in Latin as the Front Islamique du Salut or FIS, this party America, such as Brazil and Argentina embraced is credited with winning the first round of free

Democratisation and the Arabs: A Historical and Political Study 85 parliamentary elections in Algeria on December threat to the security of the Middle East, with an 26, 1991, cornering around 48% of the popular emphasis given on propping up various absolutist vote and getting 188 of the 231 seats that they Kingships, Sultanates and Emirates not to speak contested, naturally putting them in a position to of Sheikhdoms as the acceptable form of rule win the subsequent round as well.2 The Algerian from a Western point of view in the region. The army that had always dominated the state as in fact is that absence of a state defined by the rule the case in Egypt took fright at this Islamist of law and lasting governmental institutions is party success and quickly cancelled the whole the real danger to democracy and stability in all electoral process. What happened after that was the problem regions of the world, such as the the rapid slide of Algeria into a state of civil war Middle East, South West Asia, Central Asia and with a multitude of groups, Islamist-oriented parts of Africa.4 as well as pro-Government forces fighting Thus in the case of the Algerians, it was each other as well as committing horrendous clear that no Western power would interfere massacres of civilians, abetted in part, it would in the situation as an alliance between local generally seem by the internal security services ruling military-political elites and external of the ruling Army establishment. In a Civil powers such as France strengthened the role War spanning almost two decades, more that of the state and weakened the emerging civil 100,000 Algerians lost their lives.3 society in the region. This situation prolonged This would also probably reflect the view in military dictatorships and tyrannical regimes the West during the period from the early 1980s in the region more than any other part of the to the latter part of the 2000s that it would be world. Western democracies such as France too dangerous to allow Islamist parties to come and Great Britain were and have been major to power by democratic means, as they might obstacles to the process of the shift to democracy then seek to the rewrite the whole democratic in the Arab world. As far as foreign policy is process to their advantage in the future. In concerned, the US Government has for long short, that Islamists might then emerge as the been practising what can only be classified as new dictators. In the contest between a secular- ‘democratic exceptionalism.’5 nationalist approach and an Islamist approach, Another apt example of the above it was generally felt that preference should syndrome was the case of Palestine. Legislative be given to the secular-nationalist approach, and presidential elections have been held democracy or no democracy. It was this attitude consecutively since 1996 in Palestine. The first in the Western security establishments that presidential election in 1996 was won by the acquiesced in the rule of so many ‘secular’ non- late former Chairman of the PLO, Yasser Arafat. democratic nationalist dictators in the Arab Following his fall from favour with the West world for so long. There was also a time in the and in particular with America and the state not so distant past when it was felt by the West of Israel, the incumbent President Mahmoud that Arab Nationalist leaders posed the main Abbās was first elected as Palestinian Prime

86 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Minister and later on the untimely death of Hamas mentions that the state of Israel would Arafat, was re-elected as Palestinian President. In be eventually destroyed by Islam.7 2005, Palestinian municipal elections to various Hamas has never to date formally repudiated town and area councils were held after a long this founding Charter of principles that seek to lapse. The 2006 legislative elections were held guide the Palestinian Islamic Movement. Hamas on 25 January 2006. For the first time ever in and Fatah have periodically sought to bury their the history of Palestinian democracy, the radical differences and come together in a show of unity Islamist grouping Hamas won 74 seats out of the to form a pan-Palestinian national government 132 seats in the Palestinian Legislative Assembly of unity, but these efforts have also been stoutly that were in the public electoral sphere.6 opposed by Israel and also by the US under Fatah, the main Palestinian Liberation the pretext of having nothing whatsoever to Organisation grouping along with the US and do with a ‘fundamentalist’ Islamist grouping Israel sought to sideline, boycott and deny Hamas such as Hamas.8 It remains to be seen whether its electoral victory in the January 2006 elections Hamas and Fatah will really be able to cooperate and the right to form the next Palestinian together in forming a national government as government. The resulting clash between the being envisaged in the present future as the two two rival Palestinian factions led to Hamas taking parties have never had a history of collaborating over the Gaza Strip in June 2007. Palestinian effectively with each other and indeed have internal politics since then has been characterised only had an experience of intense political and by a fractured polity, with Hamas’s control of the sometimes fratricidal rivalry and conflict. Gaza Strip meaning almost total isolation for the The best examples of the US Government’s people of the Strip from the outside world, as support for dictators and unsavoury rulers were Israel has enforced a strict blockade of the area witnessed in its own backyard of Latin (Central from both land as well as sea to put pressure on and South) America. Western nations have the radical Islamist grouping, thereby putting the long been acting under the false assumption people of the Strip under incredible economic that their interests are best served across and social hardship and suffering. the non-European and Anglo-Saxon world Hamas’s control over the Gaza Strip under autocratic regimes and not democratic and virtually half of the Palestinian political establishments. Another misconception that spectrum has also given the Israelis a good excuse was long prevalent in the West (something to desist from serious or meaningful peace that the Arab Spring has hopefully corrected) negotiations with the Palestinians on the pretext was that Arabs and Muslims cannot establish of not having a suitable partner for peace in the democratic governments and societies as their region, Hamas being ideologically committed to political culture is incompatible with modern the establishment of an Islamic state on all of the norms of democracy. There are two schools of historic territories of Palestine, much of which is thought that are dominant in the debate over the now the state of Israel. The founding Charter of predicament of democracy in the Arab world.

Democratisation and the Arabs: A Historical and Political Study 87 One is known as the ‘exceptional’ and the other would appear that the Orientalist main aim was is known as the ‘compatibility’ discourse. The to discourage endogenous democratic forces or ‘exceptional’ discourse recommended the thesis external voices from proceeding in their struggle that the Arab Middle East was largely immune to for democratisation in the region.10 democracy because of the incompatibility of the It was in the aftermath of the September Arab-Islamic political culture with the universal 11, 2001 attacks on the United States that the values of democracy. Arab political culture and Bush Administration reversed the policy of Islam were held responsible for the democratic ‘democratic exceptionalism’ in the Arab world ‘gap’ in the region. Samuel P. Huntington along and started to strongly call for democratisation with others were the main advocates of this in the region. This was again a policy change view. Their writing dominated the intellectual that was undertaken as it gave the best excuse for discourse of the 1990s. Huntington’s ‘Clash intervention in the internal affairs of many Arab of Civilisations’ was taken for granted in nations, predominant among which was Iraq. It Orientalist scholarship towards the region. The was also a policy that was directed against the ‘compatibility’ discourse or school of thought various despots and autocratic regimes of the led by area specialists to the region presented region. The Bush administration publicly stated the thesis that Islam and Arab political culture that democratisation was the best instrument were no less compatible with democracy than for stability and coexistence, as well as the best other cultures and religions. The main scholars answer in dealing with terrorism.11 who advocated this view were Esposito, Hudson, Following the Bush administration’s invasion Ibrahim, Norton, Richards and other scholars.9 of Iraq in 2003, there was hope that the winds Much of the literature about democratisation of change would spread through out the region. in the Middle East that came out before the However those who felt so were disappointed Arab Spring, sought to explain the ‘why’ aspect as even the Bush administration’s crusading rather than the ‘how’ aspect, that is, researching desire to democratise the Arab-Islamic worlds why the countries of the region and the greater seem to fade in the light of the intransigence Islamic world are undemocratic instead of trying to true democracy shown by two key leaders to investigate how to bring about a successful of the Arab world at that time, namely Hosni transition to a democratic setup for these Mubarak of Egypt and King Abdullah of Saudi particular countries. Huntington’s writings Arabia. President Obama In his speech to the as well as those of Bernard Lewis and Francis Islamic world in Cairo on June 2nd, 2009 also Fukuyama reflected this position. Tim Niblock made it clear that democratisation in the Arabo- attempted as early as 1998 to change the dialogue Islamic worlds would be very high in his foreign by calling for an investigation of the instruments policy agenda.12 It is probably significant that of democratisation, instead of investing decades change when it happened in the Arab world in a fruitless search for the reason why Arabs can through the medium of the Arab Spring took never be democrats. His call fell on deaf ears. It place during the US Presidentship of Barack

88 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Obama, a President who himself embodied the interests were best protected by autocrats, and principle of change in Washington, D. C. felt threatened by democratic governments, It was the obstinate and obdurate nature of should democracy indeed triumph in the region. the leadership and government of many Arab Oil consuming countries need to realise that states that caused the change that occurred to democratic countries will sell oil as well and will be revolutionary and violent. These uprisings be more stable and free-market oriented. Free in the Arab world were not surprising to Area governments are more likely to abide by abide by specialists who had for the last thirty odd years market mechanisms in terms of oil production, been warning of the dangers of ignoring popular pricing, supply, demand, and marketing. Such demands for change and freedom in the Arab free trade mechanisms would reduce the heavy world. However the Arab Spring came as a shock investment in armaments to protect oil routes to policy makers and leaders in western capitals and the need to maintain a military presence who had for so long ignored such demands. in the Middle East, especially for the United Not only that, they had openly supported States. The US security support of Saudi Arabia, tyranny in the region and had provided local Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, the UAE, and despots with the military, political, diplomatic, other oil producing countries can only be and financial aid necessary to strengthen understood from an oil perspective. Therefore, their autocratic regimes, and simultaneously democratic authority would free both producers weakened democratic forces and the emerging and consumers from unnecessary fear over the civil service institutions in the Middle East. The flow, pricing, and marketing of oil, within the uprisings in the Arab world indicate one thing context of free trade that protects the interests that at last the Arab people have realised that any of both sides.14 democratic change must come from within the The second factor that hinders the growth civil society system and not without.13 of democracy and democratic institutions in the What are the main factors that hinder the Arab and Islamic worlds deals with the issue of growth of democracy in the Arab and Islamic Western fears of Islam and Islamists as a political worlds? The first and most important issue that force in the region. The West continues to hold one has to deal with from a global perspective unfounded imagery about Islam as a religion, and is the issue of oil and energy resources in the Islamists as a political force in the region over Arab Middle East. Global interest in the oil- the past millennium. The most misunderstood producing countries was the main factor in the movement, and by far the most popular, is the West propping up and supporting tyrants and Muslim Brotherhood, a mainstream reform despots in this region. Oil producing countries movement established in 1928 by a schoolteacher tended to be countries where small elites named Hassan al-Banna.15 The movement has controlled the entire economy and skimmed been an integral part of the socio-economic off the profits from the oil industry as well. Oil and political struggles of the region since then. consuming countries also believed that their Its marginalization from politics is unrealistic

Democratisation and the Arabs: A Historical and Political Study 89 and counterproductive. The aim of the Muslim multiculturalism, cultural dialogue, interfaith Brotherhood was to restore God’s sovereignty, dialogue, and Civilisational dialogue. There is aspiring for a government that operated on the no room in the current world for clandestine basis of Muslim values and norms.16 Its landslide behaviour, isolationism, or self-imposed electoral success in several Arab and Islamic confinements as long as individuals seek an countries is a testament to popular support and active participation in the political life of their trust placed in this Islamic current. Therefore, nation. Islamists must also modify their political instead of excluding Islamists from politics, they discourse, tactics, and strategies in dealing with should be assured of their right to participate in local, regional, and international affairs.18 politics, and engaged in constructive dialogue By the same token, rather than viewing them with the West; its members should be trained as foes, the West ought to accept Islamists as in parliamentary processes, and assisted in active participants in the political milieu of the moderating their platforms to better serve the region, and deal with them on equal footing, cause of democracy.17 as partners in the process of transition to While Arab ruling elites and military democracy. Islamists platforms are similar to dictatorships understand the Islamic movement Christian Democrats in Europe and Republicans and its goals and methods very well, the West in in the US as they are inspired by faith, but are particular needs to better understand Islamists. practical enough to ensure good government, Regimes exploit this gap by exaggerating the such as in the case of Turkey and Malaysia.19 threat of Islamists to western interests. Therefore, Another element in the democratization they present themselves as a better alternative to process deals with the War on Terror. Lack of Islam. The burden of taking steps to ensure mutual democracy is fully responsible for terrorism, understanding lies on the shoulders of both extremism, and instability in the region. Prior sides. Islamists must make themselves known to the momentous changes in the Arab Middle to and well understood by the entire world. They East of the last two years, Western policy must initiate and accept an open dialogue with makers continued to hold Islam and Islamists the West. They must work openly, as secrecy only fully responsible for terrorism, while autocrats creates an atmosphere of suspicion, mistrust, in the region were considered close allies. and antagonism. Islamists need to realize that However, a closer examination reveals that there are no divine or scriptural impediments to the direct response to tyrannical rule was the accepting western initiatives for such dialogue. radicalisation of segments of Muslim society. There are no religious impediments to talking Dictatorial regimes create terrorism, extremism, with the United States in particular on formal and violence, and democratization is the best or informal levels. Islamists must know that way to combat them. In Egypt, state tyranny has the current world operates under the rules been a major element in radicalising mainstream of compromise, openness, dialogue, mutual Islamists and moving them toward extremism understanding, mutual interests, globalization, and terrorism.20

90 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) The security of Israel and its survival is the region represent the yearning of the Arab another element in the current democratization people for freedom and dignity. For so long, debate in the West Asian region. The US and the world has ignored the 11 wishes of the Arab the Israel government were concerned that if people prolonging the reign of dictatorship in the governments of Egypt and Jordan fall, Israel the region. will have to shoulder the burden of securing If we scrutinise the developments of the hundreds of miles of borders. However even last two years, western decision-makers seemed after the change of regime in Egypt, no radical traumatized by the developments occurring in change has taken place in Egypt’s relation the Arab world. The Obama Administrations with the Zionist state. Therefore, the Israeli response to the Egyptian Revolution changed government should view democratic change as a in a week’s time from support of Mubarak to positive force, and attempt to build on it. In fact, an ‘orderly change’ to pressuring Mubarak to democratic forces in Israel, as well as the Israeli resign. In other parts of the Arab world, the civil society, are in a better position to build administration was clear in calling and acting bridges of friendship, peace, and coexistence for regime-change especially in Libya. While with their neighbours. Democracies do not the US administration seemed to understand the fight each other, and democratic people aspire necessity for change in the region, it remained to similar sets of values and goals.21 reactive rather proactive, and lagged far behind Overall, democratic change in Egypt, the developments in the region. The issue of Jordan, Syria, and other countries in the region understanding the depth of resentment to would provide both Israelis and Palestinians some regimes still seems too difficult for some with confidence and an incentive to engage in Western governments to comprehend. The serious negotiations to resolve the Arab-Israeli Saudi situation, Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, and conflict. Israel would be more inclined to accept Oman will be the real challenge. In the long the two-state solution, while Palestinians would run, the solution to world stability vis-à-vis the be more willing to accept an independent and Middle East seems rather simple: promoting democratic state of Israel that lives in peace with democratization and political development, its neighbours. In the long run, Israel would be accommodating all political forces in the region more secure in a democratic context than in an including Islamists and resolving the Arab-Israeli autocratic neighbourhood.22 conflict. The main instrument for such stability While international concerns are legitimate, is democracy, the rule of law, transparency, so as the concerns and the ambitions of the Arab employment, and good governance. people as well. The revolutions occurring in

Democratisation and the Arabs: A Historical and Political Study 91 Notes

1. Steven Saxonberg, ‘The ‘‘Velvet Revolution’’ and Muslim Hearts and Minds: the Road Not (Yet) the Limits of Rational Choice Models,’ Czech Taken,’ Middle East Policy, 14 (1), Spring 2007: Sociological Review, 1999, 7 (1): 23 27-41. In Muhamad Olimat, ‘The Fourth Wave: 2. Nohlen, D., Krennerich, M & Thibaut, B (Eds.), Revolution and Democratization in the Arab Elections in Africa: A data handbook, (Oxford: Middle East,’ Journal of International Women’s Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 54 Studies, 12 (3), p. 2. 3. International Crisis Group (ICG) Report, ‘The 10. Ibid, Olimat, p. 2. Algerian Crisis: Not over yet,’ ICG Africa Report 11. Ibid. No. 24, October 20, 2000, p. 1. 12. Ibid, Olimat, p. 3. 4. Amr Elshobaki, ‘Building democracy or confronting 13. Ibid. the Islamists? The case of the Muslim Brotherhood 14. Ibid, Olimat, p. 4. in Egypt (Chapter 2),’ in Esra Bulut Aymat (eds.), 15. John Turner, ‘Untangling Islamism from Jihadism: ‘Egyptian Democracy and the Muslim Brotherhood,’ Opportunities for Islam and the West after the Arab European Union Institute for Security Studies, Spring,’ Arab Studies Quarterly, 34 (3), Summer Report # 10, November 2011, p. 15. 2012, p. 176. 5. International Crisis Group (ICG) Report, p. 2. 16. Lawrence Davidson, Islamic Fundamentalism: An 6. Geries S. Khoury, ‘Palestinian Legislative Elections Introduction (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2006,’ Al-Liqa Journal 26 (June 2006): 174. 2003), p. 98. In Turner, John, ‘Untangling Islamism 7. ‘Hamas Covenant 1988: The Covenant of the from Jihadism,’ ASQ, p. 177. Islamic Resistance Movement,’ The Avalon Project: 17. Muhamad Olimat, ‘The Fourth Wave,’ p. 4 Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy. Yale 18. Ibid. Law School. August 18, 1988. Retrieved February 19. Ibid. 24, 2012. 20. Ibid, Olimat, p. 5. 8. Ehud Yaari, ‘The Agony of Hamas,’Times of Israel, 21. Ibid. February 27, 2012. 22. Ibid. 9. Esposito L, John and Dalia Mogahed, ‘Battle for

92 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Political and Cultural Representation of Sufi Missions in the Arab Spring

Abdul Jaleel PC Research Scholar in Sufism, Email: [email protected]

ufi leaders wield enormous influence in all a prophet in Islam, is seen by many initiates as Saspects of religious, economic and social life the archetypal Sufi - while also struggling against in various Muslim countries. The complex and oppressive regimes, whether they be Wahhabi often controversial role they play in mediating fundamentalists or secularists like Kemal Atatürk between the government and their own disciples in Turkey. Women, too, have enjoyed a relative is often viewed as the source of relative political degree of freedom within the Sufi tradition, stability. So the rise and spread of Sufi missions particularly in sub- Saharan Africa, where against Islamist political movements have been there are several Sufi orders, whose members topics of focal concern for scholars and analysts collectively number in the millions, led by female in recent years. shaykhas. In fact, Sufism exists within the social and cultural fabric of many Muslim communities, Arab Spring and Sufis particularly in North Africa and Turkey, and What has all this to do with the Arab Spring? has long been adopted by those Muslims who Well, one of the most intriguing and positive have taken a pluralist view of other religions. phenomena of recent events in the Islamic world Famous Sufis like the Persian poets Rumi and has been the prominence of Sufi groups on the Hafez, and philosophers writing in Arabic like political stage. In August, Sufis in Egypt gathered al-Ghazali andibn al-‘Arabi, adopted a religious with Copts and Liberal politicians at an event world view that was grounded in the Qur’an titled ”In Love of Revolutionary Egypt”, calling and the Hadith (traditions) of the Prophet for a civil state based upon universal values. Muhammad, yet which celebrated the underlying In Algeria, long a hotbed of Islamist violence, unity of existence and the equality of all people, the shaykh of the al-‘Alawiyya order, Khaled male and female, before God. And Sufism is Bentounes, has called for Sufis to challenge the not just mere theory; organised into distinct official Islam propagated by corrupt governments orders, Sufis throughout history have offered and to engage in dialogue in an effort to promote comfort, shelter and hope to the poor and the reform. He told Reuters, “Let the Salafi, the marginalised - it comes as little surprise that Jesus, Muslim Brother, the secularist, the agnostic and

Political and Cultural Representation of Sufi Missions in the Arab Spring 93 the Sufi speak freely and suggest solutions.” that the “memory of the “Sufi king” is deeply engrained in the Libyans.” While the presence of Morocco Islamist figures amongst the higher echelons of the NTC is undeniable, it must be hoped that this In Morocco, king Muhammad VI has patronised long standing tradition of Sufism can engender the successful Festival of Sufi Culture, held in dialogue amongst the Libyan people. Even in Fez every year since 2006 under the guidance of Afghanistan, Sufism appears to be making a scholar Faouzi Skali, which presents the music comeback after the oppression it endured in of the Sufi orders to a diverse audience and aims, the years of Taliban rule. The position of the through talks on topics such as this year’s “Women Afghani shaykh Luftullah Haqqparast, who told in Sufism”, to provide a spiritual dimension to Eurasianet.org, “This traditional society needs globalisation, while at the same time offsetting Sufis to show it a more open-minded path but the extremist tendencies of Moroccan Salafists. also the West to teach it logic,” is typical of the The king, not immune to criticism himself, enlightened attitude of many Sufi leaders. nevertheless deserves credit for recognising the Crucially, the vast majority of these leaders vital role that Sufism can play in engaging the recognise the importance of grounding this Moroccan youth in a more tolerant version of open-minded approach in traditional Islamic Islam than that proposed by the increasingly teaching. Sufism is by no means a western form influential Salafists. For a young person growing of Islam, adapted to suit the expectations of up in a Muslim majority country, there need not a globalised capitalist society. Rather, it is a be a stark choice between the values of Islam traditional form of the religion, authentically and the west, and events like the Festival of Sufi grounded in scripture and the life of Muhammad, Cultural and the even more successful World whose wisdom is passed down from generation Sacred Music Festival, also held every year in to generation through the great Sufi shaykhs. By Fez, can help remind us that there need not be a engaging with other religious groups, Sufis have clash of civilisations. Similar cultural events, vital invited criticism from many Muslims for offering to the spread of the Sufi message of tolerance and a watered down version of Islam based upon human values, can be seen in Cairo, where the opinion rather than text, a critique that is over a International Sama’ Festival of Sufi Music was thousand years old. Yet it is clear that those Sufis recently held, and Pakistan. who are grappling with the issue of how to live as a good Muslim while recognising the rights Libya of others are part of a vital wider project, led Regarding Libya, the American Sufi scholar in Europe by public intellectuals such as Tariq Stephan Schwartz noted in an article for the Ramadan more than by Sufis, which aims to Huffington Post that King Idris, whom Colonel reconcile Islam with the modern world, showing Gaddafi ousted in 1969 and whose flag became that this is by no means an impossible task. If the the symbol of struggle against the Libyan ruler, 21st century is truly to be religious, and there is had been head of the Senussi Sufi order, and

94 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) no suggestion that it won’t be, then Sufis have (Renaissance) Party and offshoots of the long- a key role to play in ensuring that universal banned Muslim Brotherhood in post-revolution values can be upheld within the framework of a Tunisia and Egypt respectively. Moreover, religious society. with the Islamist AKP in Turkey asserting its neo-Ottoman ambitions in the region under Uprisings across the Arab world its powerful Prime Minister Recep Erdogan and Mahmoud Abbas petitioning the United Analysis of the underlying causes and potential Nations for Palestinian Statehood, Israel looks effects of the series of uprisings across the increasingly isolated in the Middle-East, further Arab world that commentators have dubbed fuelling the scaremongers’ protestations. the “Arab Spring” has been based upon the acceptance of one of two familiar narratives. The first view is that taken by the Twitter Egypt community, western broadcasters and exiled So, where does the answer lie? Is the Arab Spring Arab- European intellectuals like Amin to be welcomed by those who support human Maalouf and Raafik Schami. The Arab Spring, rights and democracy, or is it, like the Iranian according to them, is about the struggle of the Revolution of 1979, to be hijacked by Islamist long oppressed Arab peoples for basic human hardliners? The answer, as ever, probably lies and civil rights. The grievances of Arabs from somewhere in between, particularly if one Morocco to Yemen are explicitly secular, with considers the as yet ignored possibility that a protesters calling for democracy, freedom of truly democratic process in the Middle East speech and constitutional reform. might, like in Turkey, see a party rooted in The second, more cynical, view notes the Islamic values emerge victorious. As it is, on potential dangers lurking beneath the benign the ground little appears to have changed for surface of the revolutionary movements. The the ordinary Arabs whose revolutions these Arab Spring may have begun as a genuine push were meant to be, and in all likelihood it for democracy by ordinary Arabs across the won’t, particularly in those cases where western region, yet by removing or challenging Arab powers and their multinational corporations are leaders sympathetic to western interests, has hovering, scenting a share of the spoils of victory. left a void that could likely be filled by parties What is clear, however, is that Islam, perhaps with Islamist and extremist tendencies. Analysts more so than in recent years, will come into who subscribe to this position, including many the equation in the political arrangement of the religious minority groups and secular groups post-revolutionary states. We should not forget in Muslim majority nations, have noted the that, despite being officially banned in Mubarak’s links of prominent Libyan rebels to the Al- Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood have long been Qaeda affiliated Libyan Islamic Movement well established as an influential movement (formerly Libyan Islamic Fighting Group) and across the Middle-East, often providing public the surge in popularity for the Islamist Ennahda services to the people in the absence of state

Political and Cultural Representation of Sufi Missions in the Arab Spring 95 welfare. Even Turkey, the most avowedly secular regime’s strategy of taking control over all state of Muslim majority countries, recently re-elected institutions to pave the way for Mubarak’s son an Islamist party by a huge margin. “The 21st to inherit power. The custom had been that the century will be religious or it will not be,” said oldest of the elected members of the Supreme Andre Malreux, and in the case of Muslim- Council of Sufi Orders would be appointed majority countries he was probably right. the Sheikh Mashayikh. The regime, however, While the likelihood of an Islamist trampled on this tradition in its insatiable resurgence may appear a worrying prospect, quest for the father-to-son succession. The particularly for the religious minorities of the Sufi Reform Front decided legally to challenge region for whom a state governed on Islamic Qasabi’s appointment, and filed complaints principles necessarily means second class status, with the competent government authorities. there exists an alternative narrative that has been The judiciary, however, delayed in issuing a largely overlooked up until now. Embedded into ruling, and the authorities manoeuvred out of the religious history of Morocco, Libya, Egypt, responding to the complaints clearly. When Syria and elsewhere is a traditional form of Islam news spread about his failing health after his that has proven itself to be fully compatible with operation in a hospital in Heidelberg, Germany, modern values. This type of Islam is known as in March 2010, Mubarak used the Sufi issue to Sufism, and is usually termed “Islamic mysticism”, demonstrate that he still held the reins of power as if it were a kind of cross between Christian and was continuing with his presidential duties. monasticism and esoteric Kabbala. He issued a decree appointing Qasabi in May 2010. For the Sufi Reform Front, that decree Two factors determining the Sufi was the last straw. Tension within the ranks of position towards the revolution the various orders increased, and led to Sheikh ‘Alaa Abu Azayim, leader of the Azmiya order, There were two major factors that concretely contesting a parliamentary seat in the Sayyida contributed to the determination of the Sufi Zainab riding against Dr. Fathi Sorour, president position towards the revolution: of the People’s Assembly (which was dissolved 1. The Sufi Reform Front, which was after the revolution). Azayim made his intention established by some Sufi elders in response to clear. ‘I know that my chances of winning are the Mubarak regime’s violation of the norms, slim,’ he said, ‘but with this candidacy I want traditions and rules that had been in force in to send a message of protest to the authorities the selection of the Sheikh Mashayikh(Chief that pay no attention to our complaints against Elder) of the Sufi orders. The Mubarak regime their blatant interference in the affairs of Sufis.’ had favoured the sheikh of a new order, Abd 2. The rising influence of the Salafi current, al-Hadi Qasabi, who was a member of the whose followers had been hiding behind the ruling National Democratic Party—which Mubarak regime’s walls of oppression and was dissolved after the revolution—to be tyranny. With the outbreak of the revolution, the chief elder. This was in the context of the

96 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) they left their hiding spots, and their ideas were large strides from the announcement of the publicised, sweeping through the public sphere group’s programme for the 1995 parliamentary unabated. It was in this context that old tensions elections by the Brotherhood’s former leader, and differences between the Salafis and Sufis Mamoun al-Hudaibi, until the programme of the reappeared, resulting in a great Sufi fear that Freedom and Justice Party, which is considered the Salafis or the Muslim Brotherhood would the finest political document ever produced by attain power, especially after both began to the Brotherhood. form political parties. The Muslim Brotherhood Politics based on the language of interests, formed the Freedom and Justice and al-Nahda one that knows compromises, aspires for (Renaissance) parties, and the Salafis formed al- the middle-ground and engages in the art of Nur (The Light) and al-Fadheela (The Virtue) negotiation is no doubt superior to frozen or parties, all of them preparing to vie for victory in ossified political stances espoused by those who the upcoming parliamentary elections. see positions as absolute and irrefutable before even entering the political arena, and upon Sufis and the organisations of whom reality imposes its harsh and inescapable “Political Islam” fetters. What exists on the ground is relative, and this relativity undoubtedly withdraws the more In order to gain an accurate understanding it interacts with the words and deeds of political of the Sufi role in the wake of the Egyptian actors, bringing forth negative or positive results. revolution, it is necessary to map out the Islamic Such an approach also applies to the Salafi forces with a predilection for excessive political groups that rushed to form the Nur and participation in this period, how each can Fadheela parties. Even though these groups are negatively or positively affect the Sufis, and how new to legal political practice, their entry into entry into the political playing field can work to the corridors of politics will force them gradually change the ideas, visions and practices of Islamic to abandon some of their most repeated closed- movements, including those of the Sufis. minded statements. They will come to recognise The answer that appears at first glance is that that the reality of life has requirements that differ the legal entry of the Muslim Brotherhood into from what is written in books, spoken from the political arena has resulted in a remarkable pulpits or discussed within study circles. These renewal of the movement’s political ideas. groups may be a burden on democratic life in the If we compare the perspectives of leading beginning, especially insofar as their desire for Brotherhood members before the movement’s democracy is limited to its procedural aspects, alliance with the liberal Wafd Party in the 1984 to be used as an instrument to reach power parliamentary elections to the views expressed without a commitment to the value system after that and up to the revolution, we discover that represents the essence of public political the magnitude of the continuous positive freedoms. They follow a pattern that we can call change in the political discourse of the Muslim ‘Kleenex democracy’ – democracy that is used Brotherhood. This discourse has taken relatively

Political and Cultural Representation of Sufi Missions in the Arab Spring 97 once then thrown away. Over time, however, term ‘democracy’ is now commonplace in the they may acquire these values, especially given statements of the group’s leaders. their lack of a modern political project or a The Salafis are found in Egyptian social life comprehensive political theory, thus making through their charitable associations and schools them vulnerable to constant contradictions of Islamic jurisprudence, using two models. The that confuse their discourse and causes it to first is exemplified by the ‘Legitimate Association lose coherence, weakening it in the face of more of workers for the Book and Sunnah’ (the Book complete and coherent political discourses. being the Qur’an, and the Sunnah being the If we follow the political discourse of Islamic- compilation of sayings and deeds of the Prophet based political groups and organisations, we Muhammad). The second is the ‘Ansar al-Sunnah’. discover that it is based in the civil or reformist Both organisations appeared in the 1920s, movement, and not the other way around. As followed in the 1970s by the ‘Alexandrian Salafis’, such, the belief that the Islamists will remain and then in the 1980s by Jama‘at al-Tabligh wa forever an obstacle to democracy seems mistaken, al-Da‘wa (Society for the Spread of the Faith). as evidenced by these groups’ ability to develop This charity-proselytising work has remained modern political ideas as reflected in the Turkish the core of Salafi activity. After the revolution, and, to a lesser extent, in the Moroccan experiences. however, they also entered the political arena But these groups and organisations are not all – without having the ideas and experience to on the same level in terms of democratic values qualify them for a process that was borne by ??and procedures. The Muslim Brotherhood a revolution with the slogan ‘freedom, justice is closer to these values by virtue of its longer and dignity’, and without developing a political involvement in political life and its continued vision that would assure the society that the idea interaction with civil discourses. The Brotherhood and practice of democracy had been established is followed by al-Jama’a al- Islamiyyah(the Islamic in their minds. In no way does this imply that Group), which changed many of its ideas in the they be deprived of engagement in politics; it context of the process of revision that followed implies that they should be pushed to accept its initiative to stop its violence. After having the terms of the political game as stipulated completely rejected the idea of a political party, by the constitution and the law, as this is what and arguing that there were only two parties – inevitably will lead to the rationalisation of their the party of God and the party of Satan, after social and political ideas. This is one of the great considering the parliament an ‘infidel institution’ achievements of the 25 January revolution for because it passed legislation that differed ‘from the entire society, including the Sufi orders. what God has revealed’, and after holding that democracy is ‘an abomination of Satan’s The road to the “Party of Liberation” doing’, al-Jama’a al-Islamiyyah now stresses the and the “Coalition of Egyptian Sufis” importance of establishing a political party, and Even if Sufis differ from the Brotherhood and expresses aspirations to enter parliament. The some Salafis in that Sufis have not engaged in

98 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) long-term opposition to the Mubarak regime, the Salafis or the Brotherhood take power, they the regime was never receptive to the idea of Sufis may eliminate the Sufi leadership, and for this entering normal political life as competitors for reason there should be a party for Sufis.’ parliamentary seats and government positions. Thus Sufis did not independently develop Instead, the regime had insisted on using Sufis the idea of establishing a Sufi political party. as important social assets for the benefit of the Their initiative is a reaction to the actions of the ruling National Democratic Party. The regime’s Brotherhood and the Salafis who established position deprived Sufis of the opportunity to political parties. The atmosphere surrounding establish the kinds of political organisations that this competition is charged with accusations and could represent them. Furthermore, given that condemnations flung by both sides. While Sufis the Supreme Council of Sufi Orders includes accuse the Salafis and their favourite scholar, Ibn representatives of the ministries of the interior, Taymiyyah, of blasphemy, and accuse them of information and culture, local development seeking to consolidate the Wahhabi ideology in and awqaf (religious endowments), as well as Egypt, Salafis accuse Sufis of being Shi’as and of a representative of al-Azhar Mosque, the Sufis practising folkloric rites that are alien to Islam. had also surrendered to the involvement of the The conflict is not limited to words. For example, executive branch in their organisational structure. some Sufis blamed some Salafis for an attack on In terms of their fear that other Islamic certain tombs of saints. Sufis then formed popular forces would dominate the political arena and committees to defend these shrines, and organised the public sphere after the January revolution, protest vigils at the Al- Hussain Mosque. Sufis sought to form a political party called the As with other Egyptian reformist Liberation Party of Egypt, that was started by movements, the Sufis aligned themselves with the Azmiya order, and includes representatives of the ‘Constitution First’ call, and opposed the other Sufi orders. Dr Ibrahim Zahran, a leader of conservative political forces, parties, groups the party, indicated that the party was born out and organisations that took their ideology from of the conflict between Sufis and other Islamic Islam and which demanded ‘elections first’. parties, when he said: ‘There is no doubt that Egyptian Sufis want a party similar to the coming Islamic flood frightens them, as does Turkey’s Justice and Development Party any clear political movement that represents (AKP). They view this young Turkish party a departure from the conduct of Egyptian as an inspiration, especially given the Turkish Sufis who have tended to comply with the will party’s Sufi roots. It was for this reason that of political leaders for a very long time.’ The Abu Azayim travelled to Turkey to examine its leader of the Azmiya order, Alaa Abu Azayim, political experience closely, armed with the hope confirmed this. ‘The efforts of the Muslim of creating an organisational and political body Brotherhood and Salafist groups to engage in that could reflect the numerical strength and formal political life threatens religious tolerance, voting power of Sufis that largely benefited the forcing Sufis to take a similar path,’ he said. ‘If ruling party’s candidates before the revolution.

Political and Cultural Representation of Sufi Missions in the Arab Spring 99 The Sufi party’s programme focuses on general The other reason for the establishment of the principles such as freedom, justice and equality. coalition in the opinion of its founder is the need Its vision is summarised as ‘the establishment of a to reform the Sufi orders from within. To the community that derives its strength and dignity elders, he said, ‘Raise only the Sufi banner and from the Islamic religion.’ drop the others; throw your differences to the Although politicians and political parties ground.’ He followed this statement with a letter have long ignored the voting power of Egyptian in which he said: ‘If you do not distance Sufism Sufis, these parties have begun to change their from your internal differences, we will organise way of mobilising. The potential candidates a public demonstration in the courtyard of al- for the Egyptian presidency now pay special Hussain Mosque in which we will announce our visits to Sufi elders seeking their endorsement. demands, the most important of which is the The Nasserite Party announced an ‘election demand for an amendment to the Law Regulating agreement’ with a number of Sufi orders. Sufi Orders Number 118 of 1976, to bring about They then expanded the deal to include the an end to hereditary leadership of the Sufi orders, remaining political parties of the Nasserite and replace it with a system in which the best and current, such as the Karamah Party, National most knowledgeable in Sufism be chosen to lead.’ Reconciliation Party, Egypt Arab Socialist Party, Egypt 2000 Party, the General Nasserite Conclusion Congress, Independent Nasserites and the Bringing together an estimated 11 million Popular Nasserite Organisation (that is still in followers in Egypt, Sufism today is undergoing the process of being established). a transformation: the ages old religious practice Sufi engagement with the Egyptian which has thus far remained apolitical is fast- political revolution has not been limited to the delving into the political equation. This is the establishment of a political party. Mustafa Zayed, experience of other Muslim countries also. secretary of the Rifā‘ī order, founded the Coalition Despite the fact that Sufism is still associated of Egyptian Sufis with a similar structure to that with an ascetic and spiritual approach to life, of the revolution’s youth coalitions. Around today’s Sufis are no longer the simple folk of 10,000 (initiates or disciples) have muridin yore, in their patchy galabeyas carrying incense joined this coalition, embodying the nucleus for burners, crying ‘hayy’ urging people to remember a Sufi youth revolution against the deteriorating that God is indeed alive. For many Sufis believe, conditions within the Sufi orders, and against the future of the Muslim world hinges on the the ways in which the orders are being targeted spread of Sufi ideals which have offered serenity by other Islamic organisations. In outlining the and psychological relief to Muslims through the reasons for the Coalition’s establishment, thirty- ages, as well as peaceful participation in political year-old Zayed said: ‘For many years, the elders life at a time when fundamentalists have wreaked of the orders have not been able to defend the havoc and instigated violence likely to endanger Sufi mission nor repel attacks on the shrines.’ Egypt’s stability.

100 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Islamism After Arab Spring: The Discourse of Compatibility Towards Democracy Marginalised It’s of Extremism

Noufal Konnakkattil Jamia Millia Islamia - New Delhi

ABSTRACT

The question on the issue of Islamism has been a prominent discourse of the politics of the Middle East. The term ‘Islamism’ as in the case of the term ‘fundamentalism’ in its general usage has dualistic applications which are categorically in contradiction with each other, and that itself being the non-real prominent and widely applied. In first, Islamism is a term that has been used to describe the non-violent quest for an Islamic friendly society based on the ‘principles of Islam’ which can involve a more liberal application of Islamic teachings and tradition or a more strict interpretation. In the second, Islamism is associated with violent extremism, most notably that of Al Qaeda or other extremist groups in the promotion of terrorism. What is important and fascinating here is that the Arab Spring has demonstrated the marginalization of the political appeal backed by extremist ideology. The discourse of Islam and its compatibility towards democracy in its own possible outlook –as the democracy itself has variety of idea and of course application according to the differential characters of regions-is emerging and getting enough attention by the inclusion of Islamist political parties in the political process of the countries in the region and by playing important role in the forming of governments. In this paper, we are mainly concerned with the changes happened in the main stream academic discourse in understanding the compatibility of Islam towards democracy and in looking at the term ‘Islamism’ in post Arab spring era. It is of course would necessitate some discussion on sharia and its political ideology as it is needed to look at democracy and its variety. A categorical analysis of the present Islamist political parties of the region would be helping to define the new trends in the discourse.

Islamism After Arab Spring: The Discourse of Compatibility Towards Democracy Marginalised It’s of Extremism 101 he Arab Spring started as a cry for freedom democratic system, the power is shared by all Tin response to entrenched authoritarianism. people not by a specific class or group1. Across North Africa and the Middle East, According to Robert A. Dahl, one of the individuals and groups joint together and outstanding authorities on modern democracy mustered the courage to stand up in the face of and administration, “modern democracy is a the repression machines of dictatorial regimes. system of governance with specific practices, Virtually nobody could see any Arabic-speaking strategies and rules. The members of that system country remained unaffected. Then, the notion treat each other as political equals, govern of an Arab “exceptionalism” — tracing back collectively, and have at their disposal rights, political apathy to some authoritarians — was resources and institutions that guarantee their fundamentally challenged. While the turmoil capacity for self government. In this political and unrest continues, a distinct change in the regime, the rulers are held accountable for what outlook of the visible actors at the forefront they do in the public sphere by citizens and of the Arab Spring is evident. It could be seen citizens are political actors who act indirectly that the Islamists play an important role in through the competition and cooperation of the regions. It has some outstanding impacts their elected representatives”2. The point of on Islam and Muslim world. It reshaped the deference between both democratic and non structure of main stream academic discourse on democratic rulers is the procedure that is why Islamism, democracy and terrorism, and that is they come to power and the norms by which what we are dealing in this paper. they are responsible and accountable of their actions so long as they are in power. When we Islamism, shari’a and democracy visualizes the basic feature of democracy as this, in its practical sense we are capable of seeing The discourse of compatibility of Islam towards variety of applications with various other features democracy could be analyzed only after having according to the changes of circumstances and understood the definitions of the terms used behavior of people. here. It would necessitate a categorical brief We, to discuss the compatibility of a analysis of the terms such as democracy and religious understanding to democracy, would Islamism or Islam. It would be better to define better discus its features which are directly or democracy at first primarily because of its indirectly deals with belief and theology. The widespread understanding. concept of secularism gets more attention in In epistemological route, democracy is a this regard especially in a world order where is Greek word that means ‘people’s rule’ and it assumed as it is a pre-condition for democracy conceptualizes a contradictory stand toward though it is of course not. It was given a face aristocracy and monarchy. It is needed here deep for religions especially like Islam as it is not understanding and analysis how it is deferring from the governing system put forth by Islamism 1 Sarmazdeh 2012 and Islam and we will do it later. Under the 2 Malinova 2012

102 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) compatible towards democracy by widespread course needed to know the terms like Islam and practical notion of the idea all over the world, shari’a. and especially in west who are considered as Before coming to the definitions of these the propoundants of modernism including terms let me come to the common awareness of democracy. This widespread notion was a kind today that the term ‘Islamism’ as in the case of of secularism which does hardly accommodate the term ‘fundamentalism’ in its general usage any religion or its identity. has dualistic applications which are categorically However, nobody can ever deny that the in contradiction with each other, and that itself democracy with regards to secularism has its own being the non-real prominent and widely applied. various applications according to the nations and In first, Islamism is a term that has been used to its proportionate population of some religions. describe the non-violent quest for an Islamic In a multi-religious country like India which is friendly society based on the ‘principles of Islam’ the largest democracy in the world, the notion of which can involve a more liberal application of secularism institutionalized by constitution, is of Islamic teachings and tradition or a more strict upholding acknowledgement of special religious interpretation. In understanding this notion the identity and special rights, and toleration among real concept of the religion and the term shari’a these communities regardless of mainstream should be analyzed. In the second, Islamism is western notion. In countries like USA, UK, associated with violent extremism, most notably Israel and Iran majority religion plays a deep role that of Al Qaeda or other extremist groups in the in democratic politics and its implementation. promotion of terrorism. It could be proved by a statement of British The term Islam could be defined simply as a prime minister as he stated very clearly Just way of life including rituals, ways of worshiping, a couple of days that Britain was a Christian rules regarding social life and belief in here country. Indeed the Queen the head of the state after life, which has been revealed by Almighty is the head of the Church of England, divinely Allah to the people by the way of the prophet ordained rendering Britain far from secular. Muhammed( s) in Quran. It is also included The US despite claims to the contrary in a more the rules regarding relationship between human performative way can be seen as a Christian state, being and himself, with God, with nature and with the official and much repeated line of ‘God with society. Bless America’, the feared and revered Bible The term shari’a is one of the terms which belt that influences the outcome of elections, are undergone for many interpretations, opposition of abortion and homosexuality on miss interpretations and then by the way religious grounds. Then we have Israel a Jewish misunderstanding. As it is commonly known state, explicitly and unapologetically for Jews, among Muslim believers and practitioners it slowly disenfranchising the non-Jewish Arab is a system that aims to uphold, promote and citizenship yet allegedly democratic. spread goodness and justice. It is the common To understand the term Islamism it is of moral code and religious law of Islam and it

Islamism After Arab Spring: The Discourse of Compatibility Towards Democracy Marginalised It’s of Extremism 103 deals with many issues including crime, politics, The discourse of compatibility of Islam economics and personal matters. In a nutshell with democracy and labelling terrorism it could be called as the legal science of Islam 20th century has undergone for two of the that is mostly developed by religious scholars most important developments that have through the Quran and the traditions of Prophet gained momentum from the final decades of 1 Muhammad . the 20th century, namely Islamic resurgence and When we come to the political ideology of democratization sharīa it could be found out that sharīa does Within these two developments, the never stubborn one common political structure question of the relationship between Islam regardless of time and place. On the contrary and democracy, or the compatibility and co- it says of some values and norms which should existence of the teachings of Islam with the be preserved across the globe. The major four principles of democracy became a critical issue school of thought of Islamic jurisprudence facing the Muslim world – a theme that is clearly developed some categorical methodology undergone for hot debates and discussions by on how should be the idea in times. The idea of variety of academicians and philosophers. politics is also could be developed and practically Especially after the events of 9/11, and developed under these structural methods. It the subsequent policy of “war on terror”, the could be seen from Islamic history and from the relationship between Islam and democracy came mainstream school of thoughts. when we look to be highlighted much, discussed more, and back into the Islamic history, from the demise thus, it not only intensified but is still going-on of Hazrat Ali, the fourth caliph, and with the with much fervor and eagerness. In the post- emergence of Umayyad, and then Abbasids, 9/11 world, as Islam has been frequently used/ Islamic history has seen a number of forms of described as a “violent” and “terrorist” religion governing structure(s): from the city-state of having no concern with peace, human rights, Medina and Khilafah to numerous empires and justice, tolerance, pluralism, democratic values, sultanates such as the Ottoman, the Saffavid and etc., it accelerated widespread discussion within Mughal Empire; or in other words, most diverse and outside Muslim world about the relationship ruling political systems exist in the Islamic world, between Islam and democratic principles and at present, like: traditional and constitutional therefore, these issues have got attention as monarchies, dictatorships, secular and (at least the focal points of worldwide public debate. some) liberal democracies, and Islamic republics. The discourse and its history could be found However, it is highly unfortunate enough to see out through the terms as “Islamic democracy” the widespread stigma on Islamic world that its “spiritual democracy” and the like were used by ideological backing is only for authoritarianism. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Allama Iqbal respectively in their writings in undivided India, and the discussions that revolved around the relationship between Islam and democracy, 1 Berger 2006:335-336

104 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) although only theoretically. Especially Maulana new discourse also accelerated mushrooming Maududi wrote about this issue at a great length, growth of literature on the relationship and coined the term “Theo-democracy” (Ilahi between Islam and democracy. There are several Jumhuri hukumat) for the mixture of the two, examples like of Larry Diamond et al., Islam on the grounds that Islam is neither theocracy, and Democracy in the Middle East (2003); nor democracy, but has the elements of both: Abid Ullah Jan, The End of Democracy (2003); sovereignty belongs to the Almighty and man Mishal Fahm Al-Sulami, The West and Islam: is His caliph on the earth. Western Liberal Democracy versus the System of The history of the discourse in middle east Shura (2003); Khaled Abou El Fadl, Islam and could be seen in the writings of Jamal al-Din the Challenge of Democracy (2004); Muqtedar ‘Al-Afghani’ having wrote against “the Despotic Khan, Islamic Democratic Discourse (2006), Government” and in support of “republican Sayed Khatab and Gary D. Bouma, Democracy government” and his colleagues, like Muhammad in Islam (2007); Zoya Hasan, Democracy in Abduh and Rashid Rida, both emphasized that Muslim Societies (2007); Shiping Hua, Islam implementing Shura; and gradually turning it and Democratization in Asia (2009) Nader into parliamentary democracy. There are their Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal like-minded Muslim scholars who wrote and Democracy (2009); and many others. discussed this and related issues. It could be summed up; therefore, Muslim scholars and Present Islamist political parties thinkers have been writing and arguing for an of the region and its stand towards ‘Islamic democracy’ from the very beginning democratic set up of 20th century in its own special condition. What is emphasized here is that we are seeking However, the discourse was given prominence for transitional change in the new circumstances in the west only when Noah Feldman – Law created by the celebrated Arab spring which is Professor at Harvard University wrote his work of course articulated in the democratic idiom in the title “The Fall and Rise of Islamic State” of freedom, liberty and justice. Whether it The history of the discourse of Islamic is doomed to a takeover by Islamist parties terrorism could be traced back after 9/11. in an ideological set up of compatibility of Islam was frequently discussed and described their religious views with secularism? Is it as a “violent” religion, connected with the marginalized the discourse on Islamic terrorism? ideological background of Al Qaeda and other When one tries to find out answers for terrorist groups. Though there is a stubborn these queries, it could be seen falling in to intention from the part of Orientalists to spread the wide area of speculations having so many worldwide this labelling Islam and Muslims as uncertainties. However, taking in to account terrorists or extremist religion we will never all given trajectories of the historic Arab spring be able to reject the influence of some Islamic started from Tunisia and still its continuation is movements or organizations as noted above. The on the way in several countries, some inferences

Islamism After Arab Spring: The Discourse of Compatibility Towards Democracy Marginalised It’s of Extremism 105 and findings could be made. As it is well known roots that is committed to democracy. It could Islamist parties are the main beneficiaries of the be stated here that for these parties, democracy new circumstances. bestows not only political opportunity of It has paved the way to the democratic set inclusion and forming government but a turning up of the governing system of the area and has face of Islamists that is with a commitment to thrown open the opportunity for Islamist groups democracy in their own possible extant. to win seats in the representational institutions Turkey and its Justice and Development and the prospect of them forming a government. Party (AKP) recently acquired higher profile The features such as free and fair election and in the Middle East. It could be seen at least two the possibility of forming governments for the dimensions regarding the country’s relevance to groups having majority in the election became a the course of the Arab uprisings. First, Turkey has new trend and custom of the region. The Islamist been identified both locally and internationally groups and political organizations started to as a potential paradigm for democratic change in became a part of the democratic system in the the Arab world. In particular, the capacity of the era after the celebrated spring season. Turkish political system to conduct democratic Let me come to the prominent Islamic group elections with the participation of a moderately in the Middle East with powerful ground level Islamist political party has occasioned renewed people support. Al-Nahda in Tunisia, whose great interest in the country as a potentially viable leader Rashid al-Ghannushi, has argued for years local model for democratization. It’s an impact is on the compatibility of Islam with democracy. an upholder notion of the possibility of Islamist If we go to Egypt, The Muslim Brotherhood empowerment without Islamist dictatorship. with its newly established political party, the Second, as a regional actor in its own right, Freedom and Justice Party, has embraced the Turkey is actively developing new policies— accommodative stand with democracy and sometimes at odds with its Western allies. !e non violent political way with engagement in much touted Turkish policy of “zero problems” political process of representational institutions in the region, its efforts to create a free trade with greater transparency. Let it be suitable to zone with Syria, Lebanon and Jordan, and even see the vibrancy of moderate Islamist parties its increasingly strained relationship with Israel in engaging democratic political process. I have all required adaptation over the course of can put before you the examples of the parties 2011. That also created a new face for Islamist who participated in parliamentary elections of political parties. their own countries as the Party for Justice and Another outcome which is more important Development in Morocco, the Islamic Action could be seen in this regard. The Islamists Front in Jordan, al-Islah in Yemen and Islamic who are long excluded and marginalized from Constitution Movement in Kuwait. Turkey’s political power and are having borne the brunt Justice and Development Party (AKP) offers a of the repression carried out against them by leading example of a party with strong Islamist the Arab authoritarian regimes at one hand, and

106 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) were attached a stigma of fundamentalist and developed and practically developed under these terrorist especially by west on the other, could structural methods. The new political history of marginalize the discourse of Islamic terrorism. Arab emergence accelerated the idea through Coming to power through people’s ballot possible accommodation of democratic system by adult franchise, an outstanding feature of of political process. modern democracy, the Islamists of the region What is fascinating here is the question could moderate the tenure of political Islam. on the character of democracy under Islamist The idea of people’s voting and representative political parties. There is an ongoing discourse system, being accommodated by Islamists would on the compatibility of Islam and democracy, became a new pulse in acknowledgement of the started decades ago and gained momentum with way of legitimizing power in the middle east. No the Arab spring, upholding negative assumption doubt, the long history of praetorianism and to the discourse with the prime argument that authoritarianism had made an institutionalized there can be no pure democracy in Islamic lands system in the area against peoples’ opinion. But given that the philosophical premises of both the new circumstances played a crucial role in Islam and democracy are different. It is the the process of democratization of the area. grimmer irony could be seen in the academic One of twisting historical fact is the discourse, being understood the fact that some newly spread idea emerged after the Arab sort of synthesis between eminently possible, spring regarding the ideological base of as it is common regarding all over the world, political Islam under shari’a law. The absence especially the mainstream western countries of accommodation of democracy in Muslim have its own variety in application of democracy. majority area and continuous traditional The discourse of terrorism and its stigma political structure of kingships created an on Islamism and its stand in post Arab spring understanding on Islam and its political ideology period gets analytical importance here. The as it is anti democratic. By the way, it was given historic stigma which was tagged in after the a common face that of authoritarianism and events of September 11 and the hegemony of an ideological misconception on its political west in this regard in spreading the notion were stand, regardless of its true stand on political in a question, though it is not so deep, through structure. Truly speaking sharia does never the revolutionary events in the Middle East stubborn one common political structure and North Africa- the so called Arab spring. regardless of time and place as we discussed The discourse of accommodative democracy above. On the contrary it says of some values of Islamists then challenged in its central and norms which should be preserved across assumptions, questioned its relevance and the globe. The major four school of thought of marginalized the discourse1. Islamic jurisprudence clearly developed some Let’s come to these challenges and the categorical methodology on how should be the previous assumptions. idea in times. The idea of politics is also could be 1 Valentina 2011

Islamism After Arab Spring: The Discourse of Compatibility Towards Democracy Marginalised It’s of Extremism 107 • post Arab spring period, a decade after insensitive to democratic change. It was the September 11, 2001 events, towards also widely believed that real democracy, everything and anything associated with as understood in the ‘west’, cannot take Islam and Arab, it is still common in west in root in Arab countries, traditionally more particular to find terminological confusion sympathetic to authoritarianism. The and overlapping between ‘Arab’ and ‘Muslim’ recent Arab uprisings oriented to have more in their various declinations. The common freedoms and access to basic human rights. amalgam that ‘all Arabs are Muslims – all The non-violent character of most of these Muslims are Arabs’ was firstly reinforced revolts forces ‘westerns’ also to reconsider the in 1995 with the Oklahoma bombings, assumed violent character of Arabs. firstly attributed to ‘Muslim extremists’ • There is common tendency in the west to then identified in an Arab American man, illustrate Muslims as they too are intrinsically and even more so with the 9/11 attacks. It associated with violence. There is another forced us to reconsider these terminological stereotype depiction as the visions of west conflations in post Arab Spring period, as secular, advanced and civilized and Arab presenting itself as an Arab revolution but Muslims as barbaric, uncivilized and hostile as totally nondenominational. to democracy. With the Arab uprisings, the • The above discussed nondenominational people presently fighting in North Africa character of the Arab uprisings also disproves and Middle East – the majority of which another very common assumption in are Muslims – are variously presented as political science according to which Arabs ‘martyrs’, ‘rebels’, ‘fighters for democracy’ or are ‘exceptional’ not ultimately in virtue of ‘freedom fighters’. the fact that they are moved by ideological • Islamist terrorism is perceived as the biggest slogans along religious or sectarian lines. The threat worldwide. There is common saying revolts on the contrary are non sectarian that ‘not all Muslims are terrorists, but and not directed at establishing ideologies, (nearly) all terrorists are Muslims’. This has but rather fought for basic freedoms and become axiomatic in many circles. The Arab dignity. The ideologies, though it influenced revolts clearly show that Muslims themselves in, was an inherent one and relating the new are victims of a certain kind of terrorism being circumstances to that is vague. in a permanent state of fear and coercion and • The new history made that the Arab they too want freedoms, rights and dignity. countries with their revolutions have been It paved the way to understand the terroristic able to demonstrate that they are able to stigma on the identity is not justices. produce something different from terrorism It is a new understanding that the countries and authoritarianism. For the last ten years in which the cultural space shaped by Islamic at least, Arab countries have been commonly discourses and traditions could be capable represented in the ‘west’ as being at best of forming a political structure with possible

108 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) inclusion of the major idea of liberal democracy marginalized the widespread discourse of Islamic characterized by freedom, liberty and justice. terrorism and violence. It also highlighted the The new discourse of compatibility of Islam or attempts of Orintalists in particular and of west Islamists with democracy especially with the in general to deface Islam and its ideology as it face created in the regions after Arab spring is a deliberate attempt with no needed proofs.

References

Abu, Laila. (2000) Local context of Islamism in popular democracy? Al Jazeera Center for Studies, media: Retrieved from http://studies.aljazeera.net/ Retrieved from www.mafhoum.com/press9/282c37.pdf ResourceGallery/media/Documents/ 2013/3/5/ Azzam, Maha. (2011) Islamism: extremists or democrats? 201335103758486734 Mariana Malinova.pdf Retrieved from www.cmec.org.uk/cmec/arabspring.pdf Parray. Tauseef Ahmad.(2013) Islam-Democracy Bali.u.Asli. A Turkish Model for the Arab Spring? ‘Compatibility’: A ‘Decades-Old Discourse’ to which Retrieved from http://cdacs.georgetown.edu ‘Arab Spring’ bestowed a ‘Momentum’. Bartolucci. Valentina, 10 years after 9/11: Reconsidering Retrieved from www.opendemocracy.net dangerous assumptions through the Arab Revolutions Qazi. Wajahat.(2011) Arab Spring: political Islam or pdf democracy? Berger, M. (2006). Sharia - a flexible notion. retrieved from www.opendemocracy.net Rechtsfilosofie & Rechtstheorie, 35(3), 335-345. Sarmazdeh, J. K. (2012). Islam and democracy. Journal Retrieved from of American Science, 8(1), 591-595. http://www.clingendael.nl/publications/2006/ Retrieved from http://www.jofamericanscience. 20060000_cdsp_art_berger.pdf, org/journals/amsci/am0801/ Malinova, M. (2012). Is islam compatible with 082_8066am0801_591_595.pdf

Islamism After Arab Spring: The Discourse of Compatibility Towards Democracy Marginalised It’s of Extremism 109 Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia

Dr. Obaidullah Fahad Department of Islamic Studies A.M.U., Aligarh-202002. Email: [email protected]

Introduction be labeled as that by those who oppose women’s eminism can be most simply defined as the rights but would not admit to it. Many Muslim Fbelief that women have been thought to be women who may support women’s rights may (or have been treated as if they were) secondary not choose to identify themselves as feminists. or inferior to men and that this situation must For many women there may be a perceived change. This leaves room for many kinds of psychological, social, and physical danger even feminism, and indeed, feminist movements in expressing the desire for equal rights. have been extremely varied in their diagnoses In the recent past there has been an urgent of the present situation and the prescriptions attempt to understand the definitive political they offer for its improvements. But whatever defeat and colonization of Muslims at the hands the precise content they give to their agenda for of the Christians West, as this shattered the social change, feminists have insisted that the imperial Muslim self-image. Modernist male full range of social institutions be confronted. Muslims forced to study and understand their Thus, although feminism is often thought of in subjugation, and thus feminization, began to reference to legal and policy issues (such as the name its causes. Some identified the malaise Equal Rights Amendment, abortion rights, or of the Ummah (community of believers) as educational opportunities for girls), feminists intellectual backwardness and lack of dynamism, find work to be done elsewhere as well. As the whereas others identified it in falling away from feminist’s slogan goes, “the personal is political”: the path of the earliest generations of Muslims social institutions make their impact felt in whose political success was seen to stem from personal life, and vice versa. No sector of society, their adherence to a certain static conception of then, is off-limits for feminist reform. Islam. The former steam of thought endeavoured There is a struggle within Islamic societies to study and emulate the West whereas the latter over the definition of Islam and the role of warned of its moral decadence and sought only women within it. This struggle has accompanied to appropriate its material technologies of power Muslims throughout their history. The term to regain Muslims’ freedom, dignity, and even “feminism” is controversial. It may conceal a supremacy. Western attempt at cultural hegemony or it may It was from among the reformist modernist male thinkers that the first proponents for the

110 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) education and rights of Muslim women arose. Jendoubu. These elections, held on Sunday 23rd Women raised in reformist homes became in the same month, where 90 per cent of the the first Muslim feminists. As anti-colonial registered voters polled, followed a popular nationalist movements took over the Muslim uprising which ended decades of authoritarian world women participated in them along with Zainul Abidin bin Ali. men. However, the disillusionment of the post- On November 25, 2011 Islamist Justice and colonial era with its dire economic problems, Development Party (PJD) in Morocco won the political instabilities, corruption and military parliamentary elections, spurring speculation or dynastic dictatorships, as well as covert about the coalition the party would forged to and overt interference from the superpowers, lead a new government. It had won 107 out of militated against civil liberties and human rights the parliament’s 395 seats. The Koutla, or “the in Muslim countries. Under such conditions Bloc”, a three-party alliance between Istiqlal, the Islamic Movements gained ascendancy in many Socialist Union of Popular Forces, and the Party of the Muslim countries. The situation was of Progress and Socialism, comes in second. explained by the Western scholars and social Because of a peculiar electoral system based scientists as one causing women to lose many of on “local” and “national” lists of candidates that the rights that they had gained in earlier decades. the parties put together, the party that wins the The Arab Spring in West Asian countries majority of votes in a given constituency does exposed the western propaganda of Islamism not take all the seats contested. This forces the vs. feminism. The Islamists in the post-Arab winning party to form a coalition government spring era realized and became champion of in Morocco. human rights, democracy, and constitutionalism The PJD’s secretary general, Abdelilah and especially of women’s rights in the Muslim Benkirane, said on Saturday November 26, countries. The discourse over Islamism and 2011 that his party was on good terms with feminism now provided with a new horizon to the Koutla. But a question left unanswered is the issues of women’s rights in Islam and in the whether Benkirane would be named head of Muslim countries. the government by the Moroccan monarch Mohammad VI, who has the final say in naming Post-Arab Spring Era the prime minister. “I have nothing to concede. The decision is with His Majesty the King and Hizb al-Nahda in Tunisia has won 41 per cent we are a party that respects His Majesty and of the seats of the Tunisian constituent assembly we interact with his initiatives and decisions”, (90 seats in the 217-member assembly). The the independent daily quoted leftist Congress for the Republic (CPR) won Akhbar al-Yaum Benkirane as saying. “There is a custom, indeed”, 30 seats and the centre-left Ettakatol (the Benkirane said referring to two previous occasions Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties) when a Moroccan king named the leader of the won 21 seats as announced on Thursday, 27th winning party as head of government, including October 2011 by chief election officer Kamel

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 111 the 2007 elections in which the PJD came in Egyptians had equal rights. While calming fears second. “But I am not interfering with the King’s of Egypt’s possible slide into theocracy, echoing, prerogatives. The Constitution is clear on this”, however faintly, the 1979 Islamic Revolution of Mr. Benkirane added. Under the country’s new Iran, Mr. El-Erian on 26 November 2011, served Constitution passed by the wide margin in July notice to the military to give way to elected 2011, the king is entitled to choose the new head representatives. In an op-ed in TheGuardian , of government from the party that won the most and was posted on the Muslim Brotherhood votes – not necessarily the party leader. But if website, he said: “It is impossible for millions King Mohammad VI does not give his blessing of Egyptians to go to the polls and vote for a to Benkirane, “there would be some trouble”, parliament without authority. So the military Mr. Ahmad Reda Benchemsi, a visiting political council must now announce the handover science fellow at Stanford University in the U.S. of legislative powers to Parliament, and the said.1 caretaker government must present any new legislation to the Parliament for approval”. He Freedom and Justice Party added that the military council “must also affirm that any government that does not enjoy the The election in Egypt, which started on confidence of Parliament will not be able to November 28, 2011 is the country’s first since remain in office and that the formation and Hosni Mubarak’s 32-year dictatorship ended. survival of a government will be decided by the This election was started in a profoundly Parliament’s majority”.3 Some analysts say, there uncertain political climate. may be more to come. This pattern will repeat Analysts point out that the result has alarmed itself whenever the democratic process takes its minorities such as the Coptic Christians as well course in Yemen, Libya and other countries. They as leftists and secularists. But Islamists, including argue that from Tunisia to Egypt, “Islamists are those belonging to the Al-Nour coalition, are gaining the popular vote. Far from threatening emphatic in these fears as groundless, which stability, this makes it a real possibility”.4 they say, result from the complete ignorance over the past 60 years. “Some people are promoting the idea that Islamists would diminish women’s Turkey’s Model rights and freedom of speech, damage the The Islamists in Tunisia have been announcing country’s relationship with Israel and also from the beginning the experiences of Justice and prevent non-Islamic forces from being politically Development Party (AKP) in Turkey as their involved. That is among other allegations which model. The AKP had won elections in 2002 for are baseless”, said Essam Darbala of Al-Jamaah the first time. It did not describe itself as Islamic, al-Islamiyah, an Al-Nour alliance partner.2 its 10 years of ruler ship in Turkey have led to a In an earlier statement, Essam El-Erian, Vice model that many Islamists regard as successful. Chairman of the Freedom and Justice Party The model has three important characteristics: a (FJP), reassured minority groups by saying all general Islamic frame of reference; a multi-party

112 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) democracy; and significant economic growth. participation is not at odds with democracy. In A number of other events have led to the the West, however, the term routinely describes maturation of political Islam, argues Wadah those who use violence as a means and an end – Khanfar. “The much-debated Islamic Revolution thus Jihadist salafism, exemplified by al-Qaeda, in Iran in 1979, the military coup in Sudan in is called “Islamist” in the West, despite the fact 1989, the success of the Islamic Salvation Front that it rejects democratic political participation in the 1991 elections in Algeria and the army’s (Ayman al-Zawahiri, the leader of Al-Qaeda, subsequent denial of its right to govern, the criticized Hamas when it decided to take part conquest of much of Afghan territory by the in the elections for the Palestinian Legislative Taliban in 1996 leading to the establishment of Council, and has repeatedly criticized the its Islamic emirate, and the success in 2006 of Muslim Brotherhood for opposing the violence). Hamas in the Palestinian Legislative Council This situation was often exploited by despotic elections”, all these historic events had a deep Arab regimes to suppress Islamic movements impact on the collective Muslim mind. Muslims’ with democratic political programmes. understanding of the Islamic movements as well Second, the west should understand the as of the West is now more sound and realistic. history of Islamists in the Arab world. In the Muslims realize that the West is suspicious western discourse Islamists are seen as newcomers of this phenomenon of rising of the political to politics who, motivated by a radical ideology, Islam. In the Arab world, too, this has mounted lack experience. This is not true. The Islamists tension between Islamists and secularists. Many have played a major role in the Arab politics voices warn that the Arab spring will lead to since the 1920s, and since the 1940s they have an Islamic winter, and the Islamists, though participated in parliamentary elections and claiming to support democracy, will soon turn entered alliances with secular groups. against it. In the West, stereotypical images that took root in the aftermath of 9/11 have come West should Realize! to the fore again. In the Arab world, a secular There are the political analysts in the West too, anti-democracy camp has emerged in both who have been urging a tolerance and welcome Tunisia and Egypt whose pretext for opposing to political Islam. In a write up published in the democratisation is that the Islamists are likely to Guardian July 29, 2005, Jonathan Steele while be the victors. A clam and well-informed debate talking of Muslim Brotherhood, had analysed about this phenomenon is long overdue, says that Egypt must tolerate open debate, and Wadah Khanfar. Two points in this regard are political Islam must be given the air to breathe. considerable : Only an open debate can tackle the dangers of First, the terms should be defined clearly. fundamentalism. “Islamist” is used in the Muslim world to describe The writer was of the view that Mubarak’s Muslims who participate in the public sphere, old arguments that stability was more important using Islam as a basis. It is understood that this than democracy, and only he stood in the way

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 113 of fundamentalism, were wearing thin. The future of women in the Arab world at a recent economy could not find jobs for millions of conference in France in 2011 addressed the school – and university – leavers, and pressures young women from Tunisia and Yemen directly, from the international financial institutions ‘Look at Iran. Do not repeat our mistakes. Did to end subsidies on cheap food and fuel could anyone say we are against polygamy? That lead to a social explosion. In this climate the we want divorce rights ? That we are human attraction for political Islam was growing. beings and need equal rights? You are making It was not just the Muslim Brotherhood, the same mistakes Iranian women made. We Jonathan Steele argued. Ultra-puritanical Salafis, thought we could demand women’s rights financed largely by Saudi Arabia, were the new after the revolution”. Ms. Ebadi said that the force gaining ground on Egypt’s campuses, Iranian women who participated in the 1979 as well as in smaller towns and marginal revolution that overthrew the Shah of Iran, communities in Cairo. The writer concluded knew what they did not want. They wanted an that the right answer to religious conservatism end to dictatorship. What they did not demand and militancy both is to let political Islam have and insist upon were the rights that they did the air to breathe.5 want. They did not go on the streets and demand In case of Tunisia too, the West should an end to polygamy, or the right to divorce. It demonstrate that it will no longer support was taken for granted that these rights could be despotic regimes by supporting instead the negotiated later. democratic process in the Arab world, by “I am a practicing Muslim woman”, said Ms. refusing to intervene in favour of one party Ebadi, “but when a government is based on against another and by accepting the results of Shariah law, it can be interpreted in different the democratic process, even when it is not the ways”. She said that she did not believe the result they would have chosen. Democracy is Shariah law against human rights and democracy. the only option for bringing stability, security But when it is left to men within a patriarchal and tolerance to the region, and it is the dearest system to interpret that law, inevitably the thing to the hearts of Arabs, who will not forgive suppression of women’s rights is justified. The any attempts to derail it, says Wadah Khanfar.6 best way to prevent that, she advised her Arab sisters, was to push for women’s rights during Feminist Voices the struggle. “Don’t wait for the victory. Choose your allies. Dictate these conditions before the Arab feminists and human rights activists are alliance”, she said. worried of women’s rights in the new political She reminded the Tunisians about a recent arrangements emerging in the Muslim world. incident where a TV channel was attacked for They are speaking out, emphasizing that a telecasting the film “Persepolis”, an animated guarantee of their human rights is prerequisite feature film about women’s rights in Iran. The to a just society. Shirin Ebadi, the 2003 Noble director of the channel had to give a public Peace Award Winner from Iran speaking on the

114 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) apology. “These are not good signs”, she said. Karman, who lived in a tent in the Square. Ms. Ms. Ebadi was of the opinion that although Dawsari said there was an assumption that in Iranian women had succeeded, even under a tribal societies, like the one in Yemen, women fundamentalist regime, in wresting many rights, had no rights. Yet, over 30 per cent of the these are not enough. “We are expecting a bigger protesters in Freedom Square were women. The victory. Aim for complete equality between the young people of Yemen wanted a civil state, not rights of women and men”, she said. an Islamic state, she said. She insisted that what Moushira Mahmoud Khattab, an impressive was important now was to get the dictator to woman from Egypt who has been a diplomat leave Yemen and for free elections to be held. and a Minister for Family and Population and Other issues could be tackled later, even if the is now a human rights activist, pointed out election brought the Islamists to power. that even under Hosni Mubarak, women had What primarily concerned the Tunisian won many rights. In fact she was one of those feminists like Amira Yahyaoui, a young blogger central to bringing in laws to criminalise female and militant human rights activist and others genital mutilation (FGM) that is widespread was that the women’s rights in Tunisia ought in Egypt and other north African countries, not be compared to other Arab countries but raise the minimum age of marriage to 18, give to those where women are better off. “We want women allow children born outside wedlock women and men to have real equality. Women to be registered. But now, after the January 25 need to be considered not as women but as uprising that led to the overthrow of Mubarak, human beings. What we have at present is not she says, there are voices that have been raised enough”, she said. Currently, although Tunisian against these rights calling them “Suzanne’s women have more rights than their counterparts laws”. Suzanne was Mubarak’s wife and all in some other Arab countries, they do not have these changes were initiated in her name. But, equal rights of inheritance. They also can not asked Ms. Khattab, why should rights that marry non-Muslims. women had won after a struggle be negated just Miss Yahyaoui was also not confident that because that had been initiated during a hated women would have enough of a say in the process dictatorship? The role of women in the January of constitution-making in Tunisia. Under the list 25 revolution was crucial, she said. Women system of proportional representation, women challenged tradition when they went out and did not stand a chance of winning in substantial protested and even spent nights out in Tahrīr numbers as political parties tended to push male Square. Yet, today in Egypt, women’s rights are candidates to the top of their lists.7 being questioned. Nadwa al-Dawsari is a young activist from Democracy Paradox Yemen. She has spent many days in Freedom Kristine Goulding in the article pasted on June Square in the Yemeni capital o Sana’a with 14, 2011, has questioned: “Will democracy in the 2011 Noble Peace Prize Winer Tawakkul Tunisia be good for women’s rights”. The ‘Jasmine

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 115 Revolution’ could yet spell disaster for women, and president of the International Federation for who must not be sidelined if Tunisia’s growth Human Rights. and prosperity is to be sustained. The writer is The predicament faced by the women of of the view that while the social and political Tunisia, concludes Kristine Goulding, is rightly movements gaining momentum in the Middle not centred on the inclusion or exclusion of East and North Africa appear to be opening religion in the political sphere. Instead the the door for democracy, initially progressive focus is on ensuring women’s participation in a revolutions do not often result in sustained future Tunisian government. To sustain Tunisia’s improvements for women’s rights. While Arab growth and prosperity, it is important that women have been crucial in the revolutions everyone, Tunisians, Islamists and westerners that have shattered the status quo, their role in alike, put any outdated views they may have the future development of their own countries about women aside, and welcome every-one remains unclear. In Tunisia, for example, the fear into the creation of transformative social policies is that women will be sucked into an ideological that prioritise equitable job creation, social and religious tug-of-war over their rights, protection and inclusive development.8 reducing the complexities of democratization into a binary secular/non-secular battle. Development Keystone The author quotes Valentine Moghadam, an Barbara Crossette, a senior news analyst in expert in social change in the Middle East and her article In the New Tunisia, Women’s Rights North Africa, who describes the first months of are in Play has considered women’s rights a post-revolution Tunisia as a “democracy paradox” development keystone. Tunisia is now in the – a post-protest period of democratic freedom spotlight, she says. On November 2, 2011 that simultaneously witnessed the disappearance about 200 Tunisian women demonstrated in of women’s representation. The lack of female downtown Tunis in defence of their rights, voices in Tunisia’s transitional government fearing a threat from the victory of Islamist seemed an early warning sign of such a trend of Ennahda Party. exclusion. “Unless women are visible during the Tunisia has 10.6 million people, according negotiations”, Moghadam argues, a nation’s new to the United Nations Population Division, sense of freedom may not be shared by all”. the New York based - keeper of global census From the onset of the protests in December statistics, argues the writer. That number is split 2010, women played an active and visible role as evenly between male and female citizens, with no bloggers, journalists, tweeter and demonstrators. evidence of the widespread “son preference” that “Women massively participated in the Jasmine leads to the abortion of female fetuses and the uprising to make sure their demands would neglect of little girls in parts of Asia and elsewhere. be taken into account, that they would get to That’s a good start for Tunisian women. be represented in post-revolutionary political In 2008 (the latest available UN figures) the institutions” said Souhayr Belhassen, a Tunisian maternal mortality rate in Tunisia – the deaths

116 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) of adolescent girls and adult women in any stage people looking for clues to why some countries of pregnancy and immediately after giving birth develop faster than others have pointed to was 60 in 100,000 live birth. In Arab nations the status of women and their involvement in generally, the rate was 247 in 100,000. Ninety- national life, including in economic development five per cent of Tunisian births are attended and politics. The belief that women are key to by skilled health personnel. The Arab world’s development, and the demand that their rights average is 72 percent. Virtually all Tunisian girls be foremost in matters of reproductive health, go to primary school; 76 per cent are enrolled were the main message of the 1994 International in secondary education. Female teens and young Conference on Population and Development. women in the 15- to 24 age range enjoy literacy That watershed meeting was held in Cairo, at rates that are roughly on a par with their male the centre of the Arab world.9 counterparts. Ninety-eight per cent of men can read and write, and 96 per cent of women can CEDAW the Criterion as well, roughly 10 per cent age points ahead of women in a region that stretches across North Catherine Hamington instigates women’s Africa and the Middle East. activists to fight play a substantial role in the By some measures, Ms. Crossette continues, post-revolution Tunisia and to achieve the rights Tunisia ranks among developed nations. Its set forth in the United Nations’ Convention on total fertility rate, statistically at 1.9 children the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination per women, is lower than that of the United Against Women (CEDAW), the most States, at 2.1 per cent, and nearly in line with the comprehensive women’s rights treaty. Written in average of 1.7 children in the richer countries, 1979 and entered into force in 1981, CEDAW including Europe. (The United States is the has been ratified by 187 nation-states, including exception to the rule, with its higher rate. A every Arab country except Somalia and Sudan. fertility rate of 2.1 children over a woman’s However, each Arab state has ratified the treaty reproductive years is known by demographers with substantial reservations that undermine as replacement fertility, meaning that the two the treaty’s spirit. parents will replace themselves while keeping CEDAW is a critical tool in the fight to population growth stable). advance women’s rights in a democratizing Arab Further, a majority of Tunisian women world. Across the region, Hamington argues, are urbanites, living in homes with modern women have been using CEDAW to pressure sanitation and household conveniences. In old governments to take meaningful steps to advance age, a Tunisian woman can expect, statistically women’s rights, and to push new governments to live to 77, five years longer than the world to live up to their countries’ commitments average and 21 years longer than her counterpart under the treaty and withdraw all reservations. in Sub-Saharan Africa. Many governments in the region need to take Why do all these measures of a woman’s life further steps to align national laws with existing matter ? questions Ms. Crossette. For decades international commitments under CEDAW.

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 117 However, while area governments have yet to it will not enforce CEDAW provisions deemed live up to CEDAW’s principles, women’s rights contrary to Article One of the Constitution, activists continue to leverage governments’ desire which stipulates Islam as the state religion. to appear to be in compliance with CEDAW a Tunisia ranked highest in all four categories of way to advance their cause. a 2010 Freedom House report on women’s rights A coalition of women’s rights organizations in the region.13 Catherine Hamington then in the Middle East and North Africa has been concludes that the Arab spring has called for working to achieve full implementation of democratization and women’s full participation CEDAW in the region, which would result in a in the public life and this has provided golden leap forward for women’s empowerment. As part opportunity for the feminists to fight for their of this effort, feminists across the region met in rights.14 Rabat, Morocco in May 2011 to review regional To Ida Lichter, the author of Muslim Women changes and strategise for the future in the wake Reformers : Inspiring Voices Against Oppression, of the Arab spring transitions. Together, they are published by Prometheus Books, New York, monitoring changes in the region and working there are reasons for Tunisian feminists to to ensure that constitutional reforms clearly be cautious in a post-revolutionary period. protect equality between women and men in The Tunisian feminists such as Munjiyah al- both the private and public sphere, legitimize Sawahili, Fawzia Zouari and Raja bin Salama, women’s role in politics and public affairs, and have criticized ‘Islamic extremism’ and the include implementation mechanisms to achieve subjugation of women. Bin Salama, who these efforts.10 called for the nation’s laws to be based on the The Tunisian feminists mobilized the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, was transitional government to pass a revolutionary vilified in a campaign by the Tunisian ‘extremist’ law on April 11, 2011, that established full parity leader Rashid al-Ghannouchi, living at that and compulsory alternation of male and female time in London and head of the then banned candidates on all lists for the October 23 election ‘fundamentalist’ Ennahda (Renaissance) party. of the Constituent Assembly.11 On August 16, Ghannouchi has allegedly threatened to hang 2011, after Minister of Women Lilia Laabidi bin Salama in central Bajis Square in Tunis, submitted a draft decree, Tunisia withdrew all together with Lafif Lakhdar, a Tunisian reformer specific reservations to CEDAW.12 This was and male supporter of Muslim women’s rights.15 a significant milestone for Tunisia, which the convention in 1985 and is the only country in Westernization of Tunisia the region other than Morocco to eliminate all The leader ofEnnahda , Rashid Ghannouchi has specific reservations. been confronted with the secularists and the However, women’s rights groups such as westerners from the inception of his founding Association Tunisiennedes Femmes Democrats of the Islamic Tendency Movement (MTI) in (ATFD) oppose the government declaration that 1981. Most of the observers and analysts in the

118 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) West as well as in the Muslim world had been revivalism did emerge as a force to be reckoned convinced that North Africa in general and with Esposito unveils the history.16 Tunisia in particular, with its strong western secular orientation would not experience the Rashid Ghannushi impact of contemporary Islamic revivalism in any Ghannushi was born in 1941 outside a small significant manner. By the 1990s, Ghannushi’s village, al-, in the province of Qabis in movement had proven its effectiveness emerging Southern Tunisia. He began his primary school as the voice of political opposition, a voice the at the age of ten with the two languages Arabic government progressively sought to silence. and French. In 1956 he joined the Zaytouna Tunisia, which gained the independence in madrasa in the city of Gabbas and earned a 1956, had but one ruler for more than 30 years, diploma in theology. After completing his Habib Bourguiba (1956-1987), its nationalist secondary education in 1962, he studied religion hero. More than any other Muslim ruler, except in the faculty of theology at the Zaytouna perhaps Turkey’s Atatürk, who established University of Tunis. However, his tendency to totally a secular state, Bourguiba set Tunisia on challenge his teachers with questions drawn a path of modernization that was heavily pro- from his study of western philosophy led to his western and secular and in the process became a withdrawal from the university in his last year valued friend and ally of France and the United there. He obtained a job as a primary school States, elaborates John L. Esposito. Tunisia’s teacher for two years and toyed with plans to Arab-Islamic heritage was overshadowed by an become a journalist.17 official Francophile culture. French rather than In 1964, Ghannushi enrolled at Cairo Arabic was the official language, the language University, Egypt studying agriculture. He of higher education, and the language and was forced to leave Egypt by the Bourguiba culture of elite society. Bourguiba carefully government and to complete later on a bachelor’s circumscribed the presence and influence of course in philosophy from the University of Islam. Shortly after independence, Tunisia passed Damascus in Syria. In Syria he was devoted the Personal Status Law (1957), which went to study western philosophy and as an Arab farther than any other Muslim country except nationalist he joined there the Syrian Nationalist secular Turkey in banning polygamy. Even more Socialist Party (SNSP). During this period his symbolic of Bourguiba’s approach to religion seven month trip through Europe turned him and modernization and his wholehearted to an Islamic activist who, disillusioned, became acceptance of Western values were the abolition convinced that Europe was not the model of of Shariah courts, the ban on the wearing of the civilization to be emulated by the Arab world. (headscarf ) by women, and his attempt hijab He concluded that Arab nationalism was to get workers to ignore the fast of Ramadan. imported from the West and ultimately was That attitude was rigorously challenged to its “empty”. He studied in this period, and was logical conclusion in the 1980s when Islamic greatly inspired by Muhammad Iqbal (1877-

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 119 1938), Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), Muhammad pamphlets like “What is the West”? and “Our Qutb, Hasan al-Banna (1906-1949), Sayyid Path to Civilization”) drew heavily on the Abul Ala Maududi (1903-1979) and Said al- interpretations and ideological worldview of Hawwa (d. 1409/1989). Then he discovered a the modern Islamists. The Islamic movement new kind of Islam, “an Islam that was alive”, the during these days was confined to religiocultural antithesis of the stagnant, passive (“museum”) change in the society. It was Bourguiba’s use of Islam that he had so hated during his studies at the military to brutally crush demonstrations Zaytouna.18 in the ‘food riots’ of January 1978, and the In 1968 Ghannushi moved from Syria to subsequent victory of Islamic Revolution in Iran Paris to obtain a master’s degree at the Sorbonne, in 1979 that compelled Ghannushi to politicize since study in France and mastery of French the Islamic movement and relate Islam directly could open the door to a good position when to the everyday problems of the people. This he returned to Tunis. In Paris he was associated convinced him to lay the foundation of the with Tablighi Jamaat and became a religiously Islamic Association (al-Jama’ah al-Islamiyyah) in practicing Muslim. The Tabligh provided him 1979, since he and the like-minded leaders were first experience of organized Islamic activism. expelled from the Quran Preservation Society, In 1970 he returned home to visit his mother and denounced as inflexible reactionaries.19 after a five years’ absence. His involvement in The transformation of Islamic movement some dawah activities in Tunis and Laconia and into a socio-political organization in this phase his meeting with Shaykh Abd al-Fattah Morou, enhanced its popularity and attractiveness. The a lawyer and Islamic activist, led to his decision Association preached the message of a holistic to remain in Tunis and work in a small group Islam relevant to issues of political and economic with Morou and other likeminded, Islamically rights in the mosques and seminaries. oriented young men. Here he obtained a position as a philosophy teacher in a secondary school in Islamic Tendency Movement Tunis and he began to preach in many of the In April 1981, when the Bourguiba government local mosques. For this purpose he joined the briefly liberalized Tunisia’s one-party political Quran Preservation Society, which had been system, the Islamic Association was transformed founded at the Zaytouna mosque in 1970. He into a political party, the Islamic Tendency proved a popular preacher and teacher, drawing Movement (MTI). Though the government large crowds from among the poor working class refused to issue a license legalizing the party, to his sermons as he moved from one mosque to MTI declared its religio-political goals: the another. His mission to restore Tunisia’s Arab- reassertion of Tunisia’s Islamic way of life Islamic roots and civilization was to be activated and values, re-emphasis on moral values and by this Quran Preservation Society. restriction of Tunisia’s westernised (Francophile) Ghannushi’s preaching and writing (in profile, democracy and political pluralism, the Society’s magazine , and in al-Marifa economic and social justice. MTI now attracted

120 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) successfully not only workers, but also students Zeinul Abidin Ben Ali, Bourguiba’s prime and young, middle-class professionals, teachers, minister, a former military man who had served engineers, lawyers, scientists and doctors. In the as interior minister and overseen the suppression same year MTI was subsequently banned and its of MTI, seized power from the aging dictator in leaders were imprisoned or went underground November 1987. or into self-imposed exile abroad. The release of activists in 1984 general Hizb al-Nahda amnesty saw a new period of vitality and growth In order to consolidate his power, Ben of MTI leaders who realized their past mistakes Ali promised political liberalization, and were confronted to survival. MTI now democratization and a multi-party political attracted the support of opposition group and its system, precisely what all the opposition commitment to the common cause enhanced its parties had been claiming for. In contrast to imagine as a moderate group. The government, Bourguiba, he deliberately appealed to Tunisia’s however, within three years once again moved Arab/Islamic heritage. MTI responded to the against MTI in March 1987, arresting Ghannushi governments announcements. It offered to work and setting off street battles and clashes between with the new ruler and participate in his call for a Islamic activist students and leftists in the National Pact in exchange for official recognition universities. Bourguiba charged MTI with as a political party. Moreover it changed its initiating an Iranian-inspired plot to overthrow name to Ennahda (Arabic Hizb al-Nahda) or the Tunisian government, and arrested its more the Renaissance Party, signaling its acquiescence than three thousand members. Although the to Ben Ali’s demand that no political party be Bourguiba government tried to discredit MTI allowed to appropriate or monopolize Islam. But as “Khomeinists”, as Dirk Vanderwalle observed, Ennahda was never recognized officially. It could “the Islamic Tendency Movement… posed no be recognized only on March 1, 2011 after the threat to the country’s rulers or its political government of Ben Ali collapsed in the wake of system. But the movement’s criticism of personal the 2011 Jasmine Revolution. power, economic mismanagement, corruption Two events in particular were responsible and moral lexity allowed it to become a symbol- for the government’s repressive attitude: (i) the perceived especially by the younger educated impressive performance of Ennahda candidates generation as an alternative in a country void of as independent in national elections of 1988 political alternatives”.20 demonstrated the appeal of political potential The repressive attitude of Bourguiba of the Islamic movement, and (ii) the stunning government toward MTI radicalized some of victory of Islamic Salvation Front in the 1989 its members and they started to advocate the municipal elections in Algeria realized the worst violence as the only response to the regime. The fears of Ben Ali that democratization would members of MTI were now divided over the enhance the power of political Islam. proper strategy or response. In the meantime Ben Ali’s so-called political liberalization

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 121 programme proved far from democratic: “His “We have a distinct culture that can offer its own party the Constitutional Democratic Rally, solutions to its own problems”25, Ghannushi says. rigged the poll in the 1989 general election and took every seat in parliament. Far from legalizing Liberating the women the leading opposition group, the Islamic party, Ghannushi does not hesitate to criticize Islamic Ennahda, the president has sought to crush movements for their deficiencies. They failed it… There is no real democracy and no press to establish Islam as “a way of life beyond the freedom”.21 In May 1991, shortly after security mosque” and make it part of the everyday life of forces had killed several students at a university the people, and thus to “liberate all the powers demonstration, the Ben Ali government charged and strengths of Islam so that it becomes the that it had uncovered an Ennahda plot to seize driving force of the people and gives energy power and establish a theocratic state. Ben Ali to the people”.26 He, thus, concluded: “The called for unity in the face of a fundamentalist problem is that societies have evolved while the threat.22 Now Ghannushi was in exile and Islamists have not”.27 his movement driven underground. Only on The major factor for failure of Islamic Sunday 30 January 2011 Rashid Ghannushi movements, according to Ghannushi’s thinking, could return home after 22-year exile in London. has been their inability to move beyond the models of the past, models from the age of Islamic Worldview decline (whose) only connection to reality is To Ghannushi Islam emerges as both a through texts, whose understanding became reaffirmation of faith in the absolute unity of petrified, whose concepts crystallized centuries God and a source of liberalization. The problem ago under circumstances quite different from our of Tunisian society is rooted in the European time. Thus a Muslim of this mentality is afflicted colonization that undermined the identity, unity with what resembles paralysis in understanding and development of the Muslims. The Muslim reality and in appropriating the strategies and secular states have ignored the traditional Islamic energy necessary to progress”.28 culture and attempted to cut off the people from The same has been charged by Ghannushi their identity and values.23 To Ghannushi, the in respect of Muslim women as interacted ad process of modern change or development is addressed by the Islamic movements. Rather one of the synthesis. While it may borrow freely than offering a liberating vision, many Islamists from other cultures, it must be ultimately rooted remained ignorant and insensitive to the in Tunisia’s indigenous, Arab-Islamic heritage.24 “oppression, degradation, abasement, (and) For Ghannushi, the restoration of Islamic restrictions of their horizons and roles….during identity and power can only come from a process the long centuries of decline… (in which) of change that incorporates modern change woman’s personality was obliterated and she was within an Islamic paradigm. Muslims do not transformed into an object of pleasure – in the need to follow blindly the West for solutions: name of religion”.29 Thus, Ghannushi argued, is

122 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) it any wonder that many women looked to the where Muslims were poised to come to power West, since they were suffering under the yoke of through the ballot box, runs the risk of fueling an oppressive, false Islam, sustained by the silence radical politics: “It as if there is a plan to force the of ‘the men of religion’ …. It had been inculcated Islamic movements to lose faith in democracy in the minds of women that … Islam meant only and resort to violence”.34 the veil, seclusion within the house, fulfilling the desires of men, lack of freedom”.30 In contrast, he Liberal Islamism maintains that Islam’s recognition of the equality Ghannushi’s return to home after a long exile of men and women means that women like men in London was considered by some media have not only a right but also a duty to participate persons as the advent of liberal Islamism in the in finding solutions for the political, economic, country. He was regarded to represent the most and social problems of their societies.31 liberal and progressive strand in Arab Islamist politics. His return to Tunisia looks set to bring Democracy and Islam about important changes not only in his native Ghannushi sees no contradiction between country but North Africa more broadly and democracy and the traditional Islamic tenets perhaps even further a field. Coupled with wider such as ijtihad, ijma, baya and shura, which developments in the region it marked the point governs the relationship between the political at which Islamists are gradually allowed to fully authority and the people. In an attempt to find participate in the politics and governance of a historical link between the development of North African states. western democracy and Islam, he maintains Responding to the trendy variety of street that democratic notions and liberal democratic protesters in the pre-revolution Tunisia, values were derived from medieval Europe, Ghannushi acknowledged: “Islamists can be which in turn was influenced by Islamic trendy too. The Tunisian Islamists are different civilizations. Democracy offers the means to to Islamists in other parts of the Arab world. implement the Islamic ideal today: “Islam, which They have been fiercely harassed and repressed enjoins the recourse to Shura (consultation)… for decades and as a consequence they are finds in democracy the appropriate instruments reluctant to show themselves or to adopt an (elections, parliamentary system, separation Islamist appearance. For the past 22 years they of powers, etc.) to implement the Shura”. 32 have kept their Islamic identity in their hearts Consensus (ijma) provides the basis for as opposed to wearing it on their sleeves in the participatory government or democracy in form of head-scarves and beards”.35 Islam. Ghannushi believes that democracy in “On a more serious note, you are adamant the Muslim world as in the West can take many that Islamists played a leading role in the street forms. He himself favors a multiparty system of protests that forced Zein El Abidine Ben Ali government.33 He warned that suspending the from power?” He was asked by the interviewer. democratic process, as in Tunisia and Algeria, Ghannushi replied: “No one can pretend

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 123 that this revolution has been led by Islamists monopoly of wealth and resources. The notion or communists or any other group for that of brotherhood has profound socio-economic matter. This is a popular revolution and all the implications in so far as it points to the equitable trends in Tunisian political society are present distribution of economic resources. In the on the scene. At the same time it is clear that economic sphere Islam is closer to the left-wing the Islamists are the biggest political force in outlook, without violating the right to private Tunisia. The former regime suppressed all groups property. The Scandinavian model is closest to and in this transitional period all the groups are the Islamic vision”, he argued.40 concentrating on rebuilding themselves”.36 Ghannushi is widely regarded as a reformist Erdogan not Atatürk who rejected the classical Islamic caliphate in Some analysts have resembled post-revolution favour of modern democracy, in an interview Ghannushi to Erdogan (the recent prime with Al-Jazeera TV. He also criticized Hizb al- minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey) who Tahrīr for exporting a distorted understanding opposed by his thought and struggle Mustafa of Islam.37 He repeated his stand in a later Kemal Atatürk (1881-1938). Habib Bourguiba interview saying: “This is the authentic and had implemented the ultra-secularist model realistic position. The notion of Khilafah of Atatürk in modernizing and westernising (caliphate) is not a religious one as some groups Tunisia since its independence in 1956, while claim. It reflects a period of time”.38 Ghannushi is wholeheartedly responsive to the Responding to the question that his embrace Islamic model of Erdogan government.41 In of democracy was strategic or tactical, Ghannushi an interview conducted by Anthony Shadid was clear: “It is strategic. Democracy is crucial in in Istanbul where he attended a conference, dealing with and reconciling different and even Ghannushi was wholeheartedly welcomed by conflicting interests in society. Islam has a strong “Turkey’s ‘conservatives’ who looked to him democratic spirit inasmuch as it respects religious, as an inspiration and ally”. Ghannushi said he social and political differences. Islam has never admired the success of Turkey’s Justice and favoured a monolithic state. Throughout their Development, a group with roots in political history Muslims have objected to the imposition Islam that disavows the term. Conservative is the of a single all-powerful interpretation of Islam. preferred word. He sees the moment as bigger Any attempt to impose a single interpretation than Tunisia, too, as economic woes rack Europe has always proven inherently unstable and and the United States, riots flare in London temporary”39 and protests gather in New York, Rome and In his youth, Ghannushi was Nasserist having elsewhere. Old models are crumbling, he said, a left-wing outlook and rhetoric especially in and he and other Islamists believe they offer an the 1970s and 1980s, later he realized the alternative embedded in morality and a sense of notions of justice in Islam itself: “In my youth community. “Capitalism is now facing a crisis” I was a Nasserist. Islam is against injustice and he said.42

124 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Most analysts of Turkey attempt to explain of culture for 2010, has the highest number of a complex socio-political transformation using mosques of any city, a vibrant art scene, a bustling caricaturized dichotomies. But the reality is night-life, as well as sprawling shanty towns that different, says Karabekir Akkoyunlu, a PhD are lately being replaced by government-funded candidate at the London school of Economics.43 housing blocks. It has a growing civil society On September 12, 2010, 58 per cent of the that bravely confronts national taboos, as well as electorate that went to the polls in Turkey voted nationalist movements that fight to keep them in favour of a constitutional reform package put intact. forth by the governing Justice and Development Mr. Akkoyunlu argues that Erdogan’s AKP Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP). The has managed to dominate Turkey’s political life symbolism was lost to none: the referendum for the past year, because it embodies most of its took place on the 30th anniversary of Turkey’s last contrasts. It is the only party that has significant direct military intervention. Its interpretations, electoral presence in the country’s industrial though, varied widely. The government along west, conservative heartlands, and conflict-torn with the United States and the European Kurdish southeast, as well as across most social Union, hailed the result as a step toward greater and political divides. In 2007, when the party won democracy and a blow to the country’s junta nearly one of every two votes in a general election, made 1982 Constitution. The opposition, which its supporters included liberals, social democrats, had framed the amendments as a sugar-coated and business people, Islamists, nationalists as well attempt by the Islamist-rooted AKP to wrest as a significant number of Kurds.44 control of the country’s fiercely secular judiciary, The democratizing reforms of Erdogan’s bemoaned that the outcome would take Turkey government have significantly trimmed the closer to a one-party dictatorship. military’s political tentacles, and won Turkey the A member of G20, Turkey’s economy grew EU candidate status in 2005. Its economic and fastest next to China’s in the first half of 2010; fiscal policies attracted record levels of foreign a stark contrast to the gloomy picture across the investment, and helped avert the worst effects of European Union, which has long been keeping the latest financial crisis. Turkey’s multi-faceted Turkey at the door. Ankara is also strengthening transformation is therefore acknowledged by the its ties with most of its neighbours, while Islamists all over the world and that is why some mediating conflicts further afield. There is an western analysts have defined Turkey’s Islamism increase talk of Turkish ‘soft power’, defined by as “creeping Islam”.45 The Arab analyst Al-Munji a flurry of cultural, economic and diplomatic al-Saeedani has well appreciated the thought hyperactivity in all directions. and reformative ideas of Rachid Ghannushi and Turkey has more Facebook users than most called his movement as Erdogani one as opposed western countries, yet YouTube remains banned to Kemalism.46 by a court decision for broadcasting videos that Ghannushi declared “the model of democracy insult Atatürk. Istanbul, the European capital as adopted by the ruling AKP in Turkey the

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 125 best one” which is western in the structure and Responding to a question that how does he working style, but closer to Islam in spirit.47 To position his party Ennahda in the wider global him, his thoughts had influenced the Justice and Islamist experience, Ghannushi said: “Ennahda Development Party: “ A few months ago when represents the mainstream of the Islamic I visited Istanbul I was approached by many movement in so far as we struggle to overcome people on the streets, so much so that I joked a range of religious, ideological, political and why should I go back to Tunisia when I can start institutional obstacles to bring about democracy a political campaign here! The successful AKP to the Muslim world. The movement is at the experience has influenced Islamists everywhere. forefront of this trend not only in the Arab world The other examples of Islamists in power, for but also in the broader Muslim world. Ennahda example in Iran, Afghanistan and Sudan, are not has devoted a lot of effort to develop Islamic associated with success”, he clarified.48 political theory. We stand for Islamic democratic thought, Islamic democracy if you will”. No Khomeini The interviewer then observed : “In that case you are an ideological ally of religious Ghannushi rejected any comparison to more intellectuals like the former Iranian president radical figures, including the hardline father of Sayyid Mohammad Khatami who expanded a the Iranian revolution. Telling The Associated lot of effort to popularize the theme of Islamic Press in his first interview on arrival at home from democracy at the highest level of international exile he declared that his views were moderate politics”. and his Westward looking country had nothing “Yes”, Ghannushi replied, “I belong to that to fear: “Some western media portray me like trend but unlike Khatami I do not believe in (Ayatollah Ruhollah) Khomeini (1902-1989), (rule of the jurisconsult)”.51 but that’s not me”, he told the A.P. Ghannushi Velayat-e-Faqih said, “He seeks to reinforce women’s rights set out by Tunisia’s Westward-looking modern-day Islamist Friends or Foes founder, Habib Bourguiba”. He said that his “Now is the time” was the title of the news party will support that historic turning point, analysis published in The Economist, London along with freedom of religion”.49 “So why are briefing women and the Arab awakening. “In (certain) women afraid of me?” Ghannushi said. Egypt and Tunisia women are both hopeful and In a reference to Muslim headscarves, he also fearful about what the Arab revolutions might said: Why do not “liberated” women defend the mean for them”, it was the conclusion drawn from right of other women to wear what they want?” the write-up. In Tunisia Lina Ben Mhenni, an In this interview he also compared his politics activist, travelled round the country documenting to those of Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip protests on her blog, ‘A Tunisian Girl”. Besides Erdogan: “why do people want to compare me photographing the dead and wounded, she to (Usama) Bin Ladin or Khomeini, when I am included pictures of herself with male protesters closer to Erdogan” ? Ghannushi said.50 at sit-ins in the Kasbah in Tunis. Tawakkul

126 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Karman, awarded the Noble Peace Prize at the Even if Mr. Ghannushi’s soft words are beginning of October 2011, has been a leading sincere, the writer argues, women are worried figure in the pro-democracy demonstrations in by Nahda and its more extremist elements. “May Yemen, camping out for months in front of San’a be its leaders have the right visions”, says Emna University, calling for Ali Abdullah Saleh, Yemen’ Ben Jemaa, a journalist and blogger, “but we president, to step down. Defying their stereotype do not know about the rank and file”. And, she as victims of oppressive patriarchies, Arab women continues, “no one knows who will succeed Mr. have made their presence a defining feature of the Ghannushi. “That is the problem with Nahda; Arab spring, the analyst emphasies. we have no guarantees about the future”.52 The condition of Tunisia’s women is In the next issue, The Economist published unmatched, however, argues the writer. That “An Apology to Rachid Ghannushi”, when the is mostly thanks to Habib Bourguiba, who magazine was notified its horrendous error, outlawed polygamy, granted women equal saying: “In our briefing last week on women divorce and custody rights for women and and Arab Awakening (“Now is the time”), promoting their education and employment. we said that Rachid Ghannushi, the leader of But now in the post-revolution Tunisia people Tunisia’s Nahda party, opposes the country’s have worries. The women and the feminists liberal code of individual rights, the Code of who have been campaigning for many decades Personal Status, and its prohibition of polygamy. remain queasy. The Islamists who are winning We also said that he has threatened to hang a the elections, are to be watched closely to see if prominent Tunisian feminist, Raja Bin Salama, they make the legal and constitutional system in Basij Square in Tunis, because she has called less friendly to women. for the country’s new laws to be based on Rachid Ghannushi, Nahda’s leader, says the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. the writer, “has attacked Tunisia’s liberal code We accept that neither of these statements is of individual rights and its prohibition of true: Mr. Ghannushi has expressly said that he polygamy. Now he has pledged that his party will accepts the Code of Personal Status; and he “defend the gains” that Tunisian women have never threatened to hang Ms. Bin Salama. We made and has stated publicly that the women’s apologise to him unreservedly”.53 rights can not be touched. Some fear, however, Now is the time for the west to recognize that this sort of remark is mere pandering to political Islam in order to fight terrorism and moderates and the West. They suspect that Mr. extremism. It is the time for the Islamists too to Ghannushi’s real feelings were revealed when realize the past shortcomings and demonstrate, Raja bin Salama, a Tunisian feminist, called in practice and execute Islam which is peace-loving, January 2011 for the country’s new laws to be tolerant and accommodating. This will form based on the Universal Declaration of Human no compromise; it will be the activation and Rights rather than Sharia: he threatened to hang realization of the basic Quranic key-concepts her in the capital’s Basij Square”. such as takrim, adl, musawat and muasat.54

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 127 Notes and References 1. El-Bahi, Achraf, Islamist Justice and 25, 2011) http://www.opendemocracy. Development Party wins Morocco’s elections, net/5050/kristine_goulding/ tunisia_arab_ pasted on November 28, 2011. Visit: www. spring_islamist_summer thenational.ae The author can be contacted at: 12. Tunisia : Government Lifts Restrictions [email protected]. on Women’s Rights Treaty, Human Rights 2. Editorial, The Hindu, December 3, 2011 (Egypt’s Watch (Sept. 6, 2011), http:www.hrw.org/ Problematic Election). news/2011/09/06?tunisia- government_lifts_ 3. Aneja, Atul, The Hindu, December 2, 2011 restrictions… (Egypt’s Islamists Swear by Secularism). 13. Sanje Kelly and Julia Breslin, eds., Women’s 4. Khanfar, Wadah, The Guardian, November 28, Rights in the Middle East and North Africa 2011. (New York, NY: Freedom House; Lamhan, 5. Steele, Jonathan, The Gaurdian, July 29 2005. MD: Rowman & Little field, 2010) http:// 6. Khanfar, op.cit. freedomhouse.org/uploads/special_report/ 7. Quoting all these Arab women and feminist section/269.pdf voices, Kalpana Sharma, argues that, as the 14. Catherine Hamington, www.demos.org Arab world goes through a political churning, (November 1, 2011, Women’s Learning the voices of these women need to be heard, Partnership, The Leadership Conference). and heeded. See, Kalpana Sharma, the Other 15. Lichter, Ida: www.theaustralian.com.au (from: Half: Women and the Arab Spring, The Hindu, The Australian January 28, 2011) Ms. Saida October 30, 2011 (Sunday, Magazine). The Garrach too is not ready to accept women’s writer may be contacted at: sharma.kalpana@ exclusion from the process of true democracy, yahoo.com because the latter is not limited to the superficial 8. This article was originally published in the concept of a mere process of elections and power independent online magazine visit: www. transfer, as much as it is a reflection of political, opendemocracy.net economic, cultural and community choices 9. Crossette, Barbara http://www.womensenews. hold the unquestionable meanings of equality, org/ (November 4, 2011). non-discrimination and justice. Visit her article 10. Activists in the Arab world such as the founder of “Post-revolution in Tunisia: Are Women’s rights Egypt’s New Women Foundation, Amal Abdel at stake?” at: magharebia.com Hadi, are making demands rooted in CEDAW 16. Esposito John L, and Voll John O., Makers of principles. She calls for women to be added to Contemporary Islam, Oxford University Press, the constitutional committee, for “equal and 2001, pp. 91-92. fair representation of women and young people 17. Ibid., p. 94. in all representative bodies”, and for freedom of 18. Ibid., p. 95. expression. The latter, she says, “should allow 19. Ibid., p. 99-100 women to participate more effectively in all 20. Vanderwalle, Dirk, “From New State to the areas of public life and will provide them with New Era: Toward a Second Republic in Tunisia”, the opportunity to give their perspectives on Middle East Journal (Autumn 1988): 603. health, the economy, the environment, working 21. “The Autocrat Computes”Economist , 18 May conditions etc. 1991, pp. 47-48. 11. Kristine Goulding, “Tunisia: Arab Spring, 22. “Useful Plot”, Economist, 01 June 1991, p. 38. Islamist Summer, Open Democracy (October 23. Ghannushi in an interview conducted by John

128 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) L. Esposito and John O. Voll at Wayland, 33. Esposito, Op.cit., p. 114. MA, in December 1989 clearly declared: “We 34. Ibid., p. 114. need to define our identity. Tunisians are not 35. Ghannushi, interview with Mahan Abedin tourists who live in a hotel. They have a history conducted in London on 27 January, 2011 and background that form their identity. The (Witness unto Mankind pasted on 30 January, rules on which they live should come from that 2011 Visit: http://imbd.blog.com background. One of the biggest problems that 36. Ibid. Tunisians had during the rule of Bourguiba was 37. Rachid Al-Ghannushi against Islamic Caliphate that he tried to link them with the West and and against Hizb ut-Tahrīr but supports make them forget their Arab-Islamic identity. democracy. http://www.youtube.com/watch? He believed that Islam was an obstacle to 38. Ghannushi, interview in London, op.cit. change and modernization. He tried to interpret 39. Ibid. Islam in a way that would make Islam serve his 40. Ibid. purposes, his government and his programme 41. Al-Saeedani, al-Munji, Al-Ghannushi Erdogani of westernization. In effect, he tried to destroy fi muajahat-e-Atatürki (Arabic) Al-Sharq al- Tunisian-Arab-Islamic identity”. Esposito, Awsat, October 28, 2011, No. 12022, Visit: Makers of Contemporary Islam, op.cit., pp. 105- http://www.aawsat.com/print.asp 106. 42. Mr. Ghannushi is not running the elections, 24. On this point Ghannushi was quite clear: and he has promised not to run for president “When we should try to keep this (Tunisia’s or serve in the cabinet. Revolutionary politics, Islamic civilization) identity, we do not refuse he said, should be left to those with “dark hair”. to interact and learn from other civilizations. But that conviction does not diminish the We should do this while also keeping our prospect of casting his vote. “It will be the first own identity. The way to civilization is not to time in my life”, he said, “when I am at the end completely follow the western way or become of my life”. Visit the article “Islamists Imagine completely westernized. We have our identity a Democratic Future for Tunisia”: http://www. and we learn from modern life and science and mytimes.com/2011/10/20/word/africa/rachid- try to improve within the framework of Islamic al-ghannouchi-imagines_democratic_future_for- civilization”, Ibid., p.107. tunisia.html 25. Shahin, Emad, Political Ascent: Contemporary 43. Akkoyunlu, Karabekir, Turkey: the country of Islamic Movements in North Africa, Boulder, contrasts, The Hindu, Tuesday, October 5, 2010. CO: Westview Press, 1977, p. 229. 44. Ibid. 26. Ghannushi, interview, December 1989. 45. Qazi Hussain Ahmad, former amir of Jamaat- 27. Ghannushi, Rachid, “Deficiencies in the Islamic e-Islami of Pakistan has mentioned this western Movement”, Middle East Report, July-August analysis of Turkish Islamists’ experience. For 1988, p. 23. the full version of the author visit: qhahmad@ 28. Ibid., p. 23. gmail.com 29. Ibid., p. 24. 46. Al-Saeedani, op.cit. 30. Ibid. 47. http://imbd.blog.com 31. Ghannushi, Rachid, “The Battle against Islam”, 48. Ibid. Middle East Affairs Journal 1, 2 (Winter 49. Rubin, Barry, “Tunisia and Moderate 1992/1413) p. 7 taken from Esposito, op.cit., Islamists”: Rachid Ghannouchi says it all. Visit: pp. 110-111. rubinreports.blogspot.com (posted on Monday, 32. London Observer, 19 January 1992. February 7, 2011).

Feminist Discourse in the Post-Arab Spring West Asia 129 50. Ibid. 54. For a detailed study of these Quranic concepts, 51. http://imbd.blog.com see: Fahad, Obaidullah, Culture, Science and 52. The Economist, London, October 15, 2011 Violence: The Quranic Approach, Jnanada (Defining Women and the Arab Awakening: Parkashan, New Delhi, 2009, pp. 1-17; ___, Now is the time.) Redefining Islamic Political Thought: A Critique 53. The Economist, October 22, 2011 (An Apology to in Methodological Perspective, Serials, New Rachid Ghannouchi). This apology was titled as Delhi, 2006, pp. 1-32; ____, Diversity, Dissent ‘half-backed’ one by some analysts. Visit: http:// and Dialogue: Some Islamic Readings, Jnanada www.islamophobiatoday.com/2011/10/28/ Prakashan, New Delhi, 2012, pp. 1-14. theeconomist.

130 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Arab Spring: The Role of Civil Society in the Arab world in Social Development and Democratization

Alavudheen K M Executive Editor, Annahda Arabic Bimonthly

I. State and Civil Society in Tunisia culture, which allowed for private expression of ince the ouster of authoritarian leader, religious life, but guaranteed governance that SBen Ali, in January 2011, Tunisia, with its was markedly non-Islamic in its day-to-day vibrant landscape of civil society organizations business. (CSOs), continues to distinguish itself from other MENA states affected by the Arab Spring. Micro-level civil society before the Indeed, since its independence from France in revolution 1956, Tunisia has long been an exception in the While more extensive inspection is required, region. recent field research reveal a small, but The first decades of independence under unexpectedly vibrant CSO sector before the the stable, albeit single-party leadership of beginning of the Arab Spring in December Habib Bourguiba brought profound levels of 2010. While regimes will often tolerate, contain, modernization in public healthcare, education control and even co-opt CSOs for their own and, for the Arab world, the most far-reaching purposes, exceptions will arise. Pre-Arab Spring set of women’s rights. Praised by the World Tunisia challenges this assumption: by the mid- Bank, IMF and UNDP for its rapid, yet 2000s, neighbourhood-level associations with sustained development, Tunisia stabilized its modest financial development aid from foreign future through an expanded tourism and a embassies successfully negotiated pockets of more diversified economy, coupled with a “free spaces” outside of the regime-approved, more efficient and increasingly export-oriented corporatist CSOs. Under Ben Ali, CSO activity agricultural sector. Bourguiba wisely transitioned and development projects were centralized economic output, as Tunisia’s limited petroleum under the Ministry of the Interior, representative resources decreased. After a quiet change of of the “police state” Tunisia had become. power in 1987, former interior minister, Ben Ali, Chema Gargouri, president of the Tunisian continued his predecessor’s development legacy Association for Management and Social and stayed loyal to the country’s secular political Stability (TAMSS), was among the first

Arab Spring: The Role of Civil Society in the Arab world in Social Development and Democratization 131 pioneers of civil society. Initially working schools, hospitals, emergency services, traffic through standard channels of application, she regulation and garbage collection. Ahmed directly engaged the much-feared Ministry Hamza, program coordinator at the Women’s of the Interior to allow for neighbourhood- Enterprise for Sustainability (WES) in Tunis, based educational programs for children and described to me how neighbourhood and gender-based training programs that were not even street-level organizations in January officially sanctioned by the government. Despite 2011 took on the responsibility for issues like regular police surveillance and occasional raids transporting children to school, public safety by intelligence officers, Gargouri carved out a and rubbish removal. Political orientation, space, as she explained to me in an interview religious observance or the absence of religious this month: “that neither directly challenged observation, economic background and level of Ben Ali’s regime, nor overtly supported the education were placed aside as neighbourhood government. We were strictly apolitical; if they groups “took on the state’s role, when the state asked me to become political or they thought I apparatus disappeared.” Hamza recalled the was becoming political, I would have closed the palpable sense of excitement of citizens taking doors.” Hence, while authority unquestionably the lead on organizing their society at the most rested in regime hands, a tacit agreement based basic level. on negotiated response emerged whereby crucial, In rapid fashion, similar-minded civil society micro-level civic action, free from direct state co- organizations began to bond around common optation, could be nurtured and nascent ideas ideas, while simultaneously preventing class, and practices of independent social engagement ideological or religious differences from spoiling and collective action established. the common goal of ousting the Ben Ali regime. Under other circumstances, Islamist Tunisians Civil society during the Arab Spring may not have had much in common with secular, Western oriented Tunisians, yet a palpable ‘spirit In December 2010, the self-immolation of of solidarity enveloped the country. Mohammed Bouazizi in the backwater town of Sidi Bouzid tapped into the deep well of Tunisian youth’s frustration with lack of employment, Civil society after the first elections socio-economic marginalization, police The first free elections in Tunisia took place on repression and petite and grand corruption. 23 October 2011. The Islamist party, Ennaddha, In the immediate phases of the Jasmine won 41% of the vote, thereafter creating a Revolution, informal civic networks quickly coalition with two smaller secular parties, the Et- began to collectively organize, even while mass Katatol and Congress for the Republic (CPR). demonstrations and general strikes took place. In the face a multitude of political, economic Since independence under Bourguiba, Tunisians and institutional reforms and the creation of could rely on state institutions to maintain the National Constituent Assembly tasked with day-to-day functions, such as administering formulating a new post-revolution constitution,

132 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Tunisia’s transition seems to have ground to a in the central, port city of Sfax, followed by hear halt. In some ways similar to its ideological formidable activity in Tunis and, finally, in the brother in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood, historically poorer, agricultural regions of the Ennaddha has failed to introduce necessary interior. Religiously affiliated groups, even those reforms for foreign investment and commerce who claimed to me to be politically neutral or and trade. Unemployment remains staggeringly confessionally moderate, tacitly or even overtly high, despite Ennaddha continued promises for support Ennaddha and its religious-conservative improvement, while tourism, Tunisia’s historical agenda. Similar to like-minded groups in Egypt, cash cow, has suffered from low bookings due to Palestine and Lebanon, Tunisian Islamic CSOs domestic and regional political instability. The are largely engaged in neighbourhood-level assassination of two leading secular, oppositional actions, collecting monetary donations and leaders within six months, the brutal murder gathering and distributing school books, shoes of eight members of the military and a porous and clothes and, in some cases, handing out border with Libya continue to destabilize the durable goods like refrigerators. country. With increased calls from the secular Secular/oppositional CSOs have emerged opposition, led by the multi-party conglomerate on the other side of the spectrum. The secular entitled Nidaa Tounes, for the dissolution of tradition in Tunisia, long influenced by the the government, civil society has lost much of French tradition of laicite, demonstrates its its initial spirit of collective action for a more adaption to and respect for the country’s durable democratic transition. deep Islamic tradition: their understanding of As much as civil society can influence politics, establishing an Arab democratic tradition does so too can political instability affect civil society. not necessarily exclude religious actors from This has become evident in the restructuring of participating in CSO activities. Indeed, of Tunisia’s current CSO landscape. the varied secular groups I interviewed during Religiously affiliated CSOs are nothing the month of Ramadan, many individuals felt new to the Arab world, and certainly not a compelled to express their religious observance phenomenon in Tunisia. When one speaks of and their commitment to inclusion and religious CSOs in the Tunisian context, then the openness. Others in this category exemplify automatic reference is to Islamic organizations, markedly less or even no religious observation. a clear reflection of Tunisia’s homogeneous However, there are two closely intertwined, religious landscape: nearly 99% of Tunisia are overarching elements of the secular/oppositional Sunni Muslim. Islamic organizations and make CSO category. up the vast majority of this first category. They Firstly, indifferent of personal religiousness, seek to fill in the large socioeconomic gaps there is a desire to deepen Tunisia’s tradition that have emerged as a result of the revolution of Bourghibian secular governance. Since and political gridlock. Religiously affiliated its independence in 1956, Tunisian politics CSOs are comparatively more concentrated displayed a marked commitment to keeping

Arab Spring: The Role of Civil Society in the Arab world in Social Development and Democratization 133 religious influence out of day-to-day politics. a minimum, verbally supported by all municipal Bourguiba, himself a moderately observant political parties. In Sfax, similar groups included Muslim, embodied the capacity to govern the Mediterranean Network for the Promotion secularly, but practice his personal faith of Sustainable Development Strategies and the privately. Secular/oppositional CSOs do not internet-based EcologiePlus organization. seek to aggressively remove or eradicate Islam’s Tunisia’s second post-Arab Spring elections role in society. Rather, as Dr. Salah Bourjini are scheduled for 23 October 2013. The tense explained in an interview: their goal is to political climate will surely become yet more “separate governance from religion. We want pronounced as Election Day approaches. complete liberty in religious practice, but let’s However, if there is one common element that keep unnecessary influence out of government.” unites all members of Tunisia’s CSO community, In light of Ennaddha’s electoral win and it is an awareness that the success of the Arab its inability to offer convincing remedies to Spring has returned to where it began in 2011. Tunisia’s growing problems, these CSOs have While Egypt and Syria are gripped by continued adopted their current oppositional stance, in violence and while political stagnation has part because of perceived threats of a gradual ground further political development in Islamization of society and risks to the rights of Yemen, Oman, Bahrain and Libya, Tunisian women and the small religious minority groups. CSOs realize that the last chance for an Arab Interest-oriented CSOs focus their efforts on democracy rests in their hands. achieving specific goals, indifferent of the current political deadlock. This is best exemplified by the Civil Society in Revolt increasing number of environmental groups, As Occupy Wall Street (OWS) celebrates its which see their mission as being located beyond first anniversary and Arab revolts continue to party-based politics. In the southern town of unfold, it seems a propitious time to ask why the Gabes, the site of a decades-long environmental Arab Spring has been such an inspiration for the degradation through the local heavy chemical global left. What was so novel in the occupation industry, members of the Association de of Tahrīr square? Do these uprisings signal a new Sauvegarde de l’Oasis de Chemini (ASOC) form of political mobilization and protest? Is demonstratively locate their work outside of there, in particular, a philosophy that, despite party politics. Collaborating with regional some differences, unites the Arab Spring and Mediterranean and EU member states, ASOC the American Fall? “specifies its focus strictly on improvements Some have said that the Arab revolts, which in the quality of water and air in and around have now touched almost all Arab states, show Gabes.” Improving the state of the regional that a truly combative civil society is back. They environment would have positive results for the are right: The revolts’ spontaneity and grassroots local economy, local agriculture and tourism, all organization displays the counter-power of of which are policy areas still uncontested and, at civil society, of a force operating outside the

134 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) framework of formal political institutions. Transnational satellite channels, for instance, However, they often forget to add that this is facilitated the domino effect of revolts spreading a civil society very different from the reformist from one country to the other, but we should one depicted by Western political theorists: it is not mistake the finger for the novel political a civil society in revolt. substance to which it is pointing: a new political In the Arab world, this combative civil society language mixing social justice, dignity, and the is patently different from the professionalized, end of fear in front of ruthless authoritarian liberal civil society that Western political theory regimes. praised for a long time and that many Western The soaring prices of basic commodities in donors sought to promote. Two decades of late 2010 also helped trigger what were originally patronizing Western attempts to create “a vibrant bread riots. We should anticipate more such civil society” in order to export democracy and riots, as prices of basic food commodities once nourish appreciation for free-market capitalism again reach January 2011 levels. We must not vanished in the first days of the revolts: The civil forget that the Arab uprisings are as much about society that combated its own past complacency access to basic food and services as they are about as much as the regimes in power was a largely political freedom. Accordingly, much emphasis spontaneous aggregation of people, rather than has been placed on the practice of sharing foods a movement led by human rights organizations and services in the squares, as we have seen in and NGOs that the most influential donors have Tahrīr and onward. selectively funded for decades. Since its Greek inception, direct democracy Spontaneous, however, does not mean has been plagued by the dilemma arising from unprepared. Protesters did not need the fact that the participation of some in the organizational structures and funding to deliberations taking place in the public square coalesce. The revolts were by and large leaderless, implied the exclusion of “others” (e.g., women, even if their most active components had from slaves) who had to take care of (re)production. previous protests, and labour strikes in particular, The new logic of occupation breaks this vicious learned to canalize popular resentment. Thus, circle by making the collective care of basic needs without knowledge of the history of trade not simply a precondition for democracy, but unions in Egypt or Tunisia, one cannot fully also an expression of democracy itself. grasp the dynamics of the Arab protests. It is Another specificity of the Arab revolts that worth noting that trade unions had never been seems to have inspired protests in other parts favoured recipients of large Western donations of the world, from the Spanish indignados to and were in fact targeted under neoliberal Occupy Wall Street (OWS), is the urgency of restructuring programs. a renewed sense of citizenship. Even though Spontaneity went hand in hand with new some elements are particular to the Middle East, media. But the Arab revolts have taken only a where there has been little overlap between the visible form through them, not because of them. state and the its people, the protests in Arab

Arab Spring: The Role of Civil Society in the Arab world in Social Development and Democratization 135 countries signified a radical break in terms of a the bud the outburst of presentism by conjuring new sense of citizenship based on two general external threats (e.g. Bahrain) or paternalistically revolutionary principles. accusing protesters of immaturity (e.g. Egypt The first is the logic of intersectionality and during Mubarak’s final days). inclusion: People did not protest for their own This philosophy of the present, according sake and interests alone. They were unified and to proclamations on the official OWS website, willing to assume the attendant risks for other also inspired the occupations that began in socially vulnerable segments of society. Women September 2011 in New York City and soon and youth were ubiquitous in the protests. spread all over the United States and Europe. People expressed their willingness to defend Despite the crucial differences between the different classes and minorities. Hence, there two strands of political protests, significant was a high level of national identification (think convergences emerged. of the national flags displayed everywhere) Similar to the Arab revolts, OWS has been a throughout the Arab countries, something spontaneous and leaderless movement. Unions that Western commentators have mistakenly and other sectors of traditional civil society presented as traditional nationalism. certainly played an important role, but the logic The second is what we can call “presentism,” of organization has not been dictated by them. that is, the attempt to reclaim the present time Instead, this organization has been horizontal and refuse the alienation of a jobless future and network-like, as opposed to the hierarchical and bleak political prospects. Presentism is and vertical structure of traditional parties and a philosophy that stresses the priority of the organized interests. Absence of leadership present as well as a method of deliberation does not, however, mean lack of organization, and dialogue chosen by the people occupying but rather the existence of a different logic of public squares: action is here and now, no organization made possible by new media. New deferral is acceptable. As a consequence, such web-based technologies, such as Facebook and an attitude, which places human dignity at the Twitter, enable bodies to move in an urban space heart of the protests, points to the fact that re- according to a logic that is both spontaneous and presentation as a political method has largely dictated by actual possibilities on the ground. failed to convey the urgency of the people’s Yet, spontaneity does not mean lack of a demands. The counter-revolutionary strategies project or a vision: Occupation is both the means are visible precisely in their attempt to prevent and the end of the movement. A political event the intersectionality of the demands to emerge, can be revolutionary with regards to its means, and to kill the pace of political change. It is not ends, or effects. OWS is revolutionary in all of by coincidence that monarchies of Morocco these aspects. The means were revolutionary: and Jordan have specifically invoked slow and tents, food, and humour, instead of guns -- quite steady reforms to try to allay revolts spreading unusual for an occupation. Sure, those means to their countries. Other regimes have nipped in were not new in themselves, going back at least

136 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) to the civil rights struggle, but what was new was lies the revolutionary potential of occupations their association with the notion of occupation. with regard to their effects: Whereas elections Employing symbolic means, protesters occupied ritually instil in us the idea that there is a class of a square symbol of Wall Street, a virtual space that people (i.e., the professional politicians) who can is, in turn, also just a symbol of contemporary do it better, OWS provides a counter-education: capitalism. As such, they occupied a symbol of Thanks for thinking about doing it for us, that a symbol of a symbol. Herein, perhaps, lies their is very kind of you, but we can actually rule difference from the Arab revolts for which the ourselves on our own: “This is what democracy symbolic dimension was overshadowed by the looks like!” – as one of the most popular slogans political urgency of overthrowing autocracy and sung in the streets reminded us. dictatorship. It has become commonplace to say that Again, however, the use of symbolic means the Arab revolts and OWS have failed because does not imply that OWS has no precise political they did not manage to transform political project. The symbolic nature of the revolt does institutions. This is the wrong stick with which not indicate a lack, but rather an abundance: to measure their achievements. By occupying occupation itself is the revolutionary end. public squares, these protests have occupied Revolutionary precisely because it turns the logic the space of democracy and thus taught us that of occupation, with its military smell of death, democracy does not begin with the ballot box, into the constructive practice of a democracy but rather with us. aimed at sustaining life. Hence, as in the case of the Arab revolts, the centrality of needs was from II. State and Civil Society in Morocco the very beginning coupled with the practice of Civil society is one of the key pillars of taking care of them in a collectively shared space. democratic governance, and countries aspiring In sum, OWS is not simply an idea: It is to an inclusive and transparent political and the expression of a determination to act. Like economic process must empower their citizenry. the Arab protesters, Occupiers contrast their Since the onset of the Arab Spring, interactions philosophy of the present with the traditional between the state and protest movements in the logic of political re-presentation. Sure, the Middle East and North Africa have grown in conditions of oppression in the Arab world were number and prominence. To discuss the changes much harder, so presentism is there combined and challenges facing the emerging civil society with a sense of urgency and desperation that, in Morocco, the Carnegie Middle East Center fortunately, is lacking in the OWS movement and the Dutch Institute in Rabat (NIMAR) -- something that, incidentally, made it easier co-hosted a discussion with Hachimi Mohamed for conservative forces to depict OWS as a rich from the Centre des Etudes et de Recherche en kids’ superficial rage, despite the abundance of Sciences Sociales (CERSS) in Rabat, Rachid parallels between the two cases. Touhtou from the National School of Statistics Within this philosophy of the present also and Applied Economics (INSEA), and Karim

Arab Spring: The Role of Civil Society in the Arab world in Social Development and Democratization 137 El Hajjaji of the NGO Cap Democracy Maroc. a middle ground between the demands of the Carnegie’s Lahcen Achy moderated the event. government, protesters, and political parties is nearly impossible, Hachimi argued, resulting in a Morocco’s Arab Spring zero-sum game and little headway made towards democratization. El Hajjaji agreed, adding that Social Media Origins: Morocco’s Arab Spring bargaining between political actors and civil moment, known as the Movement of February society activists from his NGO, Cap Democracy 20th, was organized through Facebook and Maroc, had been a struggle for both sides. quickly moved to the streets under the slogan “People want to Fight Corruption,” explained Hachimi. Outlook for the Future New Dynamism: With the advent of the Although the efficacy of new organizations Arab Spring and the February 20th movement, remains to be determined, Touhtou stressed many new protest groups and organizations the historical significance of these new civil have emerged in Morocco. The surge in number society organizations and protest movements. and diversity of groups–including feminists, He added that they may help bridge the gap Amazigh, human rights activists, youth, and between public and private spheres and formal Islamists-created a dynamism in Morocco’s and informal ways of doing politics in Morocco. public sphere that didn’t previously exist, Touhtou argued. Conclusion Rather than offering empirical confirmation The King’s Reaction of the power of civil society to bring about Quick Reaction: The Moroccan regime, led democratic change in authoritarian contexts, the by head of state and commander of the faithful Arab Spring calls for a profound rethinking of the King Muhammad VI, reacted quickly to the definition, nor amative conceptualization and pressures and demands of February 20th concrete application of the term. In particular, protesters, explained Mohamed. Among the the overwhelming focus on hierarchical monarchy’s initiatives were constitutional organized structures such as non-governmental reform, a referendum to vote, early elections, organizations should be revisited in light of and the appointment of Abdelilah Benkirane, new spaces of activism that were created during leader of the Islamist PJD party, as Head of the age of upgraded authoritarianism. This Government. does not mean that activated citizenship or Hopes Unfulfilled:Despite these reforms, individual engagement alone explain the Arab many protesters are unsatisfied. Street Spring as, without a broader structure in place, demonstrations have continued, and have been mobilization on the scale seen during the Arab met alternatively with force or toleration. Finding Spring could not have occurred.

138 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Bibliography

The Arab Spring: The End of Post colonialism; Hamid Shafik Dabashi Arab Spring, Libyan Winter : Vijay Prashad Karama!: Journeys Through the Arab Spring : Johnny Arab Spring Dreams: The Next Generation Speaks Out West for: Nasser Weddady, After the Arab Spring: How Islamists Hijacked The After the Spring: Economic Transitions in the Arab Middle; John R. Bradley World :Ragui Assaad, ýNazar al-Baharna The Arab Spring: Fool’s Paradise Part Two: Edward A Tourist in the Arab Spring: Tom Chesshyre.

Arab Spring: The Role of Civil Society in the Arab world in Social Development and Democratization 139 Arab State Systems in the Light of the ‘Arab Spring’

Shelly Johny

he protest movements which began the protests on them. It is noticeable that most Ttowards the end of 2010 demanding of the Arab Gulf countries with the exception greater political freedoms in the Arab world of Bahrain were not as much affected by the have ushered in major changes not seen since the protests as the military dictatorships. Another momentous developments of the 1950s when factor is that the resignations of Hosni Mubarak military dictatorships came to power in several in Egypt and Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen have Arab countries. While most of these movements not led to a complete withdrawal of the armies of were peaceful, the situations in Libya and Syria these states from politics. What is it that has led descended into civil wars. It is too early to say to lesser protests in the Arab Gulf monarchies? what long term impact the protests and the Also is the classification of Arab governments ensuing conflict in Syria will have on the regional into military dictatorships and monarchies political order of West Asia. The military coups sufficient to understand the dynamics within of the 1950s and 1960s in the Arab world led each of these states? These are questions that to the formation of a group of Arab states led by will be dealt with in this paper. military dictatorships championing the causes of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism. This was Arab Dictatorships and the counter-balanced by the conservativeness of the ‘Arab Strongman’ Arab tribal monarchies in the Arabian Peninsula There are certain factors in common with regard and Jordan. This regional order of military to the Arab dictatorships that were affected by dictatorships and conservative monarchies in the political protests that began in the end of West Asia rode out the entire Cold War and post- 2010 and the beginning of 2011. The nature Cold War period until the protest movements of the historical development of these modern led to change of governments in 2011. states and societies were very similar. All most This paper will look at the impact of the all of these countries were initially under the protest movements on the state systems of the Ottoman Empire and later became either Arab world including Egypt, Libya, Yemen, colonies of European powers or under European Bahrain, Syria and the remaining Arab Gulf influence till the early or mid-twentieth century. monarchies. It will try to see if the nature of the Colonial rule leads to the development of state systems led to differences in the impact of

140 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) administrative and military structures which than the army for the protection of the inner are separate and independent from traditional circle of the regime. The dictator ensured the structures of power and authority like the tribe or support of the army by placing loyalists at its the indigenous monarchy.1 A new class is created helm. The development of the internal security even within the colonised society which benefit measures evolved into the emergence of the Arab by participating in the colonial system. The strongman who was able to provide protection weakening of ties to the clan/tribe or other forms to supporters and loyalists while capable of of traditional social structures is also facilitated punishing dissidents and traitors. His ability to by migration to the urban centres which are the instil fear in the populace was seen as a necessary centres of colonial administrative and military qualification for cementing his leadership. The rule. The emerging class which participates in the ruler organised his supporters in a single party colonial structures and has access to the colonial which was the only party that was allowed to education system also become susceptible to operate. To be sure, the relationship between the ideologies like nationalism and socialism. This ruler and the army varies in the different Arab phenomenon is what led to the development of dictatorships. Arab nationalism in countries like Iraq, Syria, In some cases the army which has the Egypt and Libya which were formerly under supporters of the dictator at its helm is kept out colonial rule. After the colonial power leaves, of active politics. An example of this is Tunisia. leaders emerge from institutions like the army In the case of Egypt, while the army was kept out and topple traditional structures of authority of politics it was allowed to protect its privileges like the monarchy which had assumed power and engage in economic activities. This preserved immediately after the end of colonial rule. This the corporate identity of the Egyptian Army. In trend was witnessed in Iraq, Egypt and Libya. the cases of Iraq and Syria, the dictator placed Muammar Gadhafi came to power in Libya in his followers down to the lower officer ranks 1969 after toppling King Idrisī. thereby converting the army into the ruler’s While the army was a vital institution which personal fiefdom. Members of the dictator’s was used by military dictators to come to power, immediate family, tribe, sect or persons from it was subsequently pushed into the background his native region were placed in command of in many instances. The earliest military dictators strategic units like the armoured divisions, elite/ in Syria and Iraq were toppled and executed in republican guards and special/commando forces. successive coups. This led to the predominance To a certain extent, this policy was followed in of internal security for the regime as opposed to Yemen though the process was not complete build up of the army which was for the territorial and there were units which were not under the protection of the state. The intelligence, security command of the family members of Yemeni ruler and police apparatuses became more vital Ali Abdullah Saleh. In Libya, Gadhafi created parallel structures within the armed forces to 1 Ronald Bruce St. John, Libya: Continuity and Change reduce the chances of a coup. Weakened at the (Routledge, Oxon, 2011), p. 19.

Arab State Systems in the Light of the ‘Arab Spring’ 141 micro level, the Libyan military was incapable of the army has afforded it security but has of acting at the macro level in any meaningful converted the conflict into a stalemate because way. A coup-proofed army might have thwarted of the pockets of influence that the rebels still successful coups within the Army, it could not hold on to and external support that they withstand for long both the internal onslaught by receive. Lastly, the incomplete penetration of the opposition and external intervention. the Yemeni army by Saleh and his allies has The military dictatorships in the Arab world allowed it to play a role in the present jockeying were incapable of responding to the demands of for influence between the present President their increasing youth population. The growing who is heading the transition government, economic crises and lack of avenues to address Saleh and the organised opposition with the grievances in one party state systems led to the street opposition comprising the youth and civil outbreak of protests. The growth of social media society groups completely sidelined. At the same platforms like Twitter and Facebook allowed time, with the exception of Bahrain, most of the protesters to organize beyond the control of the Arab Gulf monarchies were not as affected by security state. It is interesting to see the impact the protests as the Arab dictatorships. A study of the protests on the different Arab regimes in of the state systems in these Arab Gulf countries North Africa and West Asia. The consequences will also help in understanding the reasons for are closely related to foreign intervention and the the outbursts in the rest of the Arab world. nature of relations between the former dictators and their respective armies. Tunisia witnessed The Rentier State Model the most peaceful transfer of power from the old The prevalent model that has been used to regime. Because the army was not closely tied to describe the political economy of the oil-rich the regime, it could facilitate the transition phase. Gulf countries has been the rentier model. A In Egypt, the army preferred dealing with the characteristic of a rentier economy is that the organized opposition in the form of the Muslim major source of revenue is gained from a single Brotherhood so as to preserve its privileges and primary product which does not entail the use maintain the status quo. But President Morsī soon of labour and production activities of the local ensured that the army was effectively placed under population. The pre-oil economies of the Gulf the control of his government and tried to enact states had already resembled that of a rentier policies which were opposed by the population system as it was heavily dependent on a single leading to his downfall and the army being placed economic activity which was the pearl industry. in control of the transition once again. But the start of the twentieth century saw the Foreign intervention in Libya led to the beginning of the rentier system when the Gulf end of Gadhafi’s government while a similar polities provided bases for the landing, re- intervention in Syria does not appeal to Western fueling and re-fitting of airplanes. This activity powers because of the high cost and regional did not entail any production by the Gulf state consequences. The Syrian regime’s penetration itself and in return ‘rent’ was provided for access

142 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) to the facilities which was many times that of reserves like Egypt and Jordan during the end of the income gained from the pearl trade. This the 1980s. These countries were more affected by trend became all the more prevalent when Gulf the decline in prices of oil as remittances from rulers began gaining even more revenue from the Gulf countries declined.2 Does the rentier- providing concessions to western oil companies.1 state system alone explain the relative stability Later, the enormous revenue attained by the of the Arab Gulf monarchies? Gulf states through the sale of oil has been spent by the respective governments to provide economic Tribal Patronage System and social benefits to their populations. The If a weakening of the rentier-state system in an state authorities while providing the benefits do oil-dependent political and economic system not tax their populations. The people of the oil- is what leads to the increase in demand for rich state receive such benefits by virtue of them greater political freedoms then Libya would being citizens irrespective of the fact that they not have been a major theatre for strife at the are employed or not. In return for such benefits present moment. It is also noticeable that none and no taxation, the citizens do not demand of the other Gulf countries apart from Bahrain accountability from their rulers. A second aspect were affected drastically by the recent upsurge of oil-rich rentier-economies in the Gulf is the apart from a few protests and arson activities in presence of a large expatriate workforce who Oman and Saudi Arabia. The situation in the often far outnumber the local population. It oil-rich Gulf Arab countries is different as they is not just the oil-rich countries of the Gulf had not come under direct colonial rule like which are part of the rentier state model. Arab Arab countries in the other parts of West Asia. countries which do not have any oil reserves like James Onley has detailed in his work on Britain’s Egypt, Yemen and Jordan benefit from the oil informal empire in the Gulf how the British wealth as most of their citizens work in the oil- Indian authorities from the nineteenth century rich states and sent back remittances which form onwards maintained a minimal administrative a significant portion of the revenues of these system in the Gulf mainly relying on native states. The oil-rich states also provide significant origin officers for the conduct of duties.3 This economic aid to poorer Arab countries. does not have the same effect as the large colonial An increase in demands for greater political administrative systems maintained in other Arab representation is often related to the loss of countries during the twentieth century which revenue due to decrease in the price of oil. This is turn results in the weakening of the rentier system 2 Rex Brynen, “Economic Crisis and Post-Rentier and demands for greater political freedom. This Democratization in the Arab World: The Case of has especially happened in countries with no oil Jordan”, Canadian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 25, No. 1, (March, 1992), pp. 69-97. 3 James Onley, The Arabian Frontier of the British Raj: 1 Christopher M. Davidson, The United Arab Emirates: Merchants, Rulers, and the British in the Nineteenth- A Study in Survival (Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., Century Gulf, (Oxford University Press, Oxford, Colorado, 2005), p. 37. 2007), p. 3

Arab State Systems in the Light of the ‘Arab Spring’ 143 impacted the social and political structures as Gadhafi was not a tribal patron and the Libyan mentioned earlier. ruling structure was not a tribal patronage In the rentier-state system, the benefits system which linked all the tribes. Under such provided by the oil-rich Gulf states to its citizens a system, Gadhafi favoured the region inhabited are seen as a technique used by the ruling elites by his supporters and with-held state support to maintain political control. But the paramount to the north-eastern portion of the country tribal chief in any part of the Arabian Peninsula which was the base of the former monarchy. have always provided monetary benefits to A big contrast between the Arab military powerful tribal chiefs under his authority to republics and the Gulf monarchies is that in ensure their loyalty and support. Once the the latter, the ruling tribal family had already Gulf states were organised into modern states consolidated their authority over the territory and oil was discovered then these benefits were under their control and ensured the loyalty of provided to the citizenry as a whole rather than the tribes before the discovery of oil while in the to the tribal chiefs. This does not imply that the republics, the strongman is not sure if he has got relevance of tribalism as a whole has declined. It the support of all sections of society or all the is true that urbanisation and the development regions in the state. of a new technocratic class as a result of the oil Indeed, the recent political upheavals show economy have affected the role of tribalism in that the Gulf monarchies have fared better than the Gulf societies. But citizenship in the Gulf the Arab republics. This has been attributed Arab countries have been associated with the to the flexibility of the Gulf monarchies to tribal identity more so than other Arab countries. adapt to demands for greater political freedom The king, paramount sheikh or sultan is by expanding legislative representation while still seen as the chief tribal patron. The source preserving executive authority in their own of authority in the Gulf Arab states is not the hands.2 The tribal patronage system has also army but is the tribal structure which provides been in a way responsible for linking a larger legitimacy to the ruling tribe as in Saudi Arabia. proportion of the citizenry to the ruling While Libya is also an oil-rich state like the system than in the Arab military dictatorships. Gulf states, it does not confirm to the tribal Christopher Davidson’s excellent work on patronage system. Gadhafi was a colonel in the the United Arab Emirates has described how Libyan Army who grabbed power in 1969. But the rulers of the UAE, rather than depending unlike Egypt Gadhafi deliberately weakened on personal authority, have depended on the army and created several internal security intermediary networks involving informal units to diffuse power and preserve his position.1 relations, kinship groups and long-standing

1 Lisa Anderson, “Demystifying the Arab Spring: 2 Jack A. Goldstone, “Understanding the Revolution Parsing the Differences between Tunisia, Egypt, and of 2011: Weakness and Resilience in Middle Eastern Libya”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 90, No. 3, (May/June Autocracies”, Foreign Affairs,Vol. 90, No. 3, (May/June 2011), p. 6. 2011), p. 13.

144 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) traditional loyalties to connect to all sections The Shias of Bahrain have mainly preferred of society.1 If that is the case then why did the demanding greater legislative rights over trying recent turmoil affect Bahrain more than any of to recreate an Iranian style theocracy. While the other Gulf monarchies? there have been certain elements among the Shia who supported the Iranian model they The Situation in Bahrain are in a minority and have not won widespread support.2 After facing demands for greater Bahrain in many ways is different from the other political representation, the Bahrain government Gulf countries. While it is ruled by a Sunni allowed for a constitution and parliament in Arab tribe the al-Khalifa, seventy percentage 1973. But the king dissolved parliament in 1975 of the population is Shia. Ever since the island due to fears that the legislature was organising was conquered in 1783 by the Utbi tribal against the executive power of the ruling family. confederation to which the al-Khalifa belong, Since then moderate Shia political movements there has been systemic discrimination of the demanded the reinstatement of the parliament majority Shia population. The Khalifas invited and suspension of emergency which has been Sunni tribes from the mainland to settle on the in place since 1971. In major Shia clerics and island. The new settlers were provided land by professionals organised themselves into the the rulers while the majority Shia became tenant Wifaq National Islamic Association. Parliament cultivators. Sunnis also became the boat captains was restored in 2002. While the Shia opposition while Shias became the pearl divers who were in boycotted the election of 2002 over the rejection perpetual debt. The discrimination against the by the king of certain political demands, they Shias led to their impoverishment. With the participated in the elections of 2007 and won beginning of oil production, the government majority seats. But discrimination and arrest of preferred expatriate workers from abroad as Shias continued even after these developments. they feared that the Shias would get organised. It was in such a context that there was an In this manner the discrimination against the outbreak of protests in different Arab countries Shias continued to the twentieth century. Shias in the beginning of 2011. were not taken into government service and The call for greater democracy by the Shias were almost completely denied entry into the of Bahrain was responded by the ruling family armed forces or security agencies. Shias were with the use of brute force. Saudi Arabia and also denied adequate housing and forced to UAE sent troops to Bahrain to reinforce live in the slums on the outskirts of the cities. the al-Khalifas. The protests camp set by the The al-Khalifas who doubted the loyalty of the demonstrators at Pearl roundabout in Manama Shias were alarmed about the threat of Iranian was attacked and destroyed. Scores of pro- influence over Bahraini Shias after the Iranian revolution of 1979. 2 Yitzhak Nakash, Reaching for Power: The Shi’a in the Modern Arab World, (Princeton University Press, 1 Davidson, n. 1, p. 73. Princeton, New Jersey, 2006), p. 66

Arab State Systems in the Light of the ‘Arab Spring’ 145 democracy activists were arrested and jailed by classifying Arab states in this manner would the security forces. There was widespread use help us in better understanding them. We have of torture. The Bahrain authorities have tried already seen that the system of tribal patriarchy to term the struggle for greater political rights in the Gulf states have helped the rulers of those by the Shias as a sectarian uprising funded and states to get linked to a larger portion of their supported by a ‘foreign power’ hinting towards societies than the Arab republics. A look into the Iran. The entry of Saudi and UAE troops into impact of the protests on the Arab states have Bahrain and the brutal crackdown on the Shias also shown that there are exceptions within the has taken the political situation in Bahrain to a broad classifications such as Tunisia in the case different dimension. It has been in the interest of the Arab republics and Bahrain in the case of the al-Khalifas to portray the struggle as a of the Arab Gulf monarchies. Also there are a Shia rebellion to gain the support of the Sunni different set of dynamics at play in the case of states in the region in the context of the Sunni- each of the Arab states. But there are also factors Shia contest at the wider regional level. While common to all of the Arab Gulf states which US presence in the region would not lead to have at the present moment helped them to tide the direct intervention of Iran in Bahrain, the over the crisis. At the same time it cannot be said reaction of the Bahraini regime is likely to that the Arab Gulf states can remain immune increase chances of Iranian involvement in Shia to future disturbances. There are issues that are affairs in Bahrain in a more indirect manner. likely to come up like the nature of succession of Looking at the events in Bahrain in the light of the House of Saud where the ageing sons of Ibn the protests in the wider Arab world and Gulf Saud, the first ruler of the present state of Saudi polities, Bahrain does not fit into the pattern Arabia successively become the rulers of the of other oil-rich Gulf states. While other Gulf state. The question that naturally arises is what states have used their oil revenues to provide happens after the time of the sons of Ibn Saud. benefits to their population, there has been Similarly, the present ruler of Oman, systemic discrimination of the majority of the Sultan Qabus was the only son of his father population of Bahrain because of sectarian Said bin Taimur. An even more serious affiliation by the ruling regime of Bahrain. The issue is the fact that Sultan Qabus does not resultant discontent was building up to the crisis have an heir to succeed him. In contrast, that took place on the island in the beginning following the 1970s when he was very of this year and will have consequences for the popular, Qabus’s reach in wider Omani future. society in recent times has been limited.1 Though Qabus’s cousins and some other Future Prospects

This paper set out to see why Arab Gulf 1 Dawn Chatty, “Rituals of Royalty and the Elaboration monarchies were relatively stable as compared of Ceremony in Oman: View from the Edge”, to the Arab republics and also to find out if International Journal of Middle East StudiesForeign Affairs,Vol. 90, No. 3, (May/June 2011), p. 6.

146 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) distant relatives share ministerial tasks, as they have been doing since the production there is no sign of a successor emerging of oil. If tremendous changes do take place in from among them. In such a situation, other Arab countries because of the ongoing the few attempts to build representative protests, then the Gulf polities will also institutions in Oman appears to be an be under more pressure to change. At the attempt to create political legitimacy and same time, actions such as those taken by ensure smooth succession in the immediate the Bahrain authorities can push the Gulf and highly uncertain period after Sultan region into the Shia-Sunni contest that Qabus’s death. More importantly than the has affected the wider West Asian region question of the leadership succession in which could jeopardise the stability of the the Gulf states, a new generation of Gulf Gulf. Situations such as the one presently Arabs who are articulate, globally connected in Yemen or what can develop in the and politically conscious are increasingly aftermath of Qabus’s death in Oman could connecting with each other and organising lead to competition between regional and and discussing political issues in the virtual external players which will not be good for realm. It is hard to predict if the traditional the long-term political, economic and social political structures in the region will be able development of the Gulf as contemporary to withstand calls for reform in the same way history has shown.

Arab State Systems in the Light of the ‘Arab Spring’ 147 Public Power and Technology: Evaluating the Role of Information and Communication Technology in Arab Springs

Dr. Sabu Thomas Assistant Professor, Post Graduate Department of Political Science, Government College Madappally Mob 9447113183, [email protected]

Introduction special attention. These movements gained ocial media is becoming the media of the day. unprecedented public attention and popular SWith the increasing spread of social media support. The potentials of technology in and mobile communication, the social networks operating and sustaining public actions was of knowledge construction are becoming widely discussed during this period. The major vastly bigger and quicker and less limited by hesitations in this connection include the space and time constraints .This is a potential myth and reality of social media constructions avenue for new social movements and actions. of alternatives in governance structures and The new social media is also complimented channels. It is further discussed how the social as market of new social capital, where social media can construct a new political culture networks are created and social links are to sustain the ‘springs tempo’. This question is nurtured in an unprecedented manner and relevant in the outset of ‘post springs politics’ scope. The development of new social capital in many Arab states. in turn promotes public engagement and creates new civic spaces. These spaces are dominantly Public Power and Technology democratic and envisage a civic pattern of social Starting from the age of agrarian social culture. It is established that the new social media formation, political society was wrought and promotes citizen debates and engagements in an enthused by corresponding technologies. unprecedented scale and nature. Political institutions and ideologies were shaped In the domain of politics and democracy, in tune with the dominant technologies of the the new social media enhance participation time. Technological capabilities altered the capacities and reinforce political orientations cultural construction of societies and mental thus providing for ‘engagement politics. In orientations of individuals. Lenski (1987) makes this context the ‘wireless’ protest movements the position clear, and digital politics of Middle East needs

148 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) “Members of modern societies are not nearly succeeded, and without the drive provided by so passive. New information in areas ranging technical progress the economy would not have from science to history has improved their grown as it has (Tortella, 2010:145). understanding of human nature and of the world they inhabit, while new technological The industrial revolution and allied technologies information has increased their capacity to led to participatory democracy and democratic adapt to that world. The result has been a institutions. This technological impact on growing awareness of humanity’s potential political process is more evident with the for shaping its own future. This basic belief underlies all of the new ideologies of the advent of Information society. Information industrial era, and the members of modern society is characterized by a social organization societies have come to rely increasingly on these in which information gathering, processing new ideologies, and less and less on traditional and transmission becomes fundamental ones, in their efforts to control their lives and source of productivity and power. In modern to shape the life of society as a whole”. (Lenski & Lenski 1987:269). times the proliferation of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) resulted The Marxian approach links technology with in an unprecedented and unpredicted change capitalism and identifies it as a commodity that in the nature and course of human society. The may have long term political connotations in the scenario is well articulated by Mathews, new society. To Marx the continuous scientific Widely accessible and affordable technology and technological progress is highly advantageous has broken government’s monopoly on the to the capitalist order and put further burdens collection and management of large amount on working class. He observes, “The handmill of information and deprived government of gives you society with the feudal lord; the steam the deference they enjoyed because of it. In mill, society with the industrial capitalist”. To every sphere of activity, instantaneous access later Marxians, technology released from the to information and the ability to put it to use multiplies number of players who matter distortions of capitalism and private property and reduce the number who command great would provide for well-distributed freedom authority. The effect on the loudest voice - which from toil. With the industrial society democratic has been governments – has been the greatest. ideologies were well appreciated and strong (Mathews, 2003:204). appeals were made for democratisation of society and state. This in turn was supplemented with technological developments. The technological Connectivity in Modernity revolution was a pre-condition for democratic In modern societies connectivity is ever- revolutions. Tortella (2010) holds, growing. More and more people are connected to the internet and the world of networks. The The scientific – technical revolution was ITU (International Telecommunication Union) necessary for the democratic revolutions of twentieth century. Without great economic figures show that, by the end of 2014, there will development, democracy would not have be almost 3 billion Internet users, two-thirds

Public Power and Technology: Evaluating the Role of Information and Communication Technology in Arab Springs 149 of them coming from the developing world, devices are also having a psychological linkage and that the number of mobile-broadband with the individual. Goggin & Clark observes, subscriptions will reach 2.3 billion globally. Fifty- five per cent of these subscriptions are expected “Mobile phones have become a personal, even intimate technology. They certainly were to be in the developing world. ITU expects that a domestic technology, even more so than by end 2014, the number of mobile-broadband ‘personal’ computers, laptops, or many other subscriptions will reach 2.3 billion globally, household digital or ubiquitous computing almost 5 times as many as just six years earlier. devices. A fixed-line tele-phone was clearly With the spread of new technology people are something installed in a household, place of becoming more and more connected. In 1998, work, or public place, and shared with others, but a mobile phone could be held and owned only 20 percent of people in developed countries by an individual – allowing for new relations and about one percent in the developing world of sharing and negotiation”. Goggin & Clark had a cell phone subscription. By 2009, these (2009:587). shares had climbed to 100 percent and 57 percent respectively. Internet access and use The arrival of electronic media for transmitting have also grown. In high-income countries, information altered the power equations in Internet users increased from 12 percent of the society. The meaning of democracy is also being population in 1998 to 64 percent in 2009, and redefined. Bedi et al. (2001:21 observes, “The from near zero to 17.5 percent in developing internet completely redefines the meaning of countries (World Bank, 2012:255). democracy. The many can now simultaneously In this context the wireless sector growth ‘speak’ to the few in power, and derive the is also significant. Wireless communication is required response”. The internet revolution has growing at an unpredicted speed and pace. In made information much cheaper and accessible many countries it crossed the saturation levels. In and this in turn had tremendous implications for 1999, there were twice as many fixed telephone the public sector and its organization. lines as mobile telephone subscriptions. In the 21st century’s communication Ten years later, in 2009, the number of fixed revolution, social networking sites have opened telephone lines has remained flat at 18 percent new and increasingly popular channels for of the world population, whereas mobile social and political participation. Social media phone subscriptions have risen to 67 percent of are two-way and interactive, so people can world population. Further mobile phones are a collaborate and share information in efficient better tool to reach the less advantaged groups and effective ways. Social networking websites in society. The demand for hand held devices have become platforms for awareness raising, including tablet PCs are ever-mounting. With social mobilization, political discussion, and the introduction of mobile compatible operating fundraising. Specifically the term social media systems, connectivity is ever more Easy and is closely linked with the concept of social economic. Unlike the fixed devices, hand-held networks. The idea of social network suggests

150 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) a map of specified ties, such as friendship, Fig 1, Region wise distribution of (%) between the nodes. The new social media is Individuals using Internet (Source ITU a powerful social networking tool. As such it 2014) provides interactive platform for discussion and communication. The hierarchical patterns of communications are replaced with horizontal patterns of collaborative interactions. The irresistible social media revolution is taking the world to its own hands. In the dominion of politics and democracy the new social media enhance participation capacities and reinforce political orientations. By the help of new tools new social spaces are created and The data shows that 41% of the Arab existing ones widened. Thus new social media population is online against 19% of Africans. can be considered as a cradle of democratic The figure for developed area is 78% and figures interventions. for Europe is 75%. 36% households in the Arab region is having household internet connection. Arab springs and ICT The global figure in this case is 45%.It follows that many of the Middle East people are well The intervention of ICT positively influences connected and have better information access. the decision making structure in any given These figures make the understanding of the society. Every citizen becomes empowered with revolution more precise and clear. information. Using the internet as a political Actually these revolutions were not the campaigning tool has become a cheaper and product of social media interventions. Social more convenient alternative. E-mail chains and media helped activists to find each other and political blogs also have had a major impact with enabled their discussions and activities to political campaigning. Views are expressed by become more visible. These were revolutions adding comments to political blogs or web pages. aimed against the despotic regimes in the area. During the public upraisings in the Arab People revolted against their governments. The region namely ‘Arab springs’ new social media beginning of these revolutions can be traced back was widely used to invoke public support . to certain accidental occurrences that provided The ICT profile of the Arab region is well an outburst to the suppressed feelings of the above the global average. The ITU data says masses. For example in Tunisia the revolution that mobile penetration in the area reached began on December 17, 2010, when a Tunisian saturation levels. police officer slapped and spat on a street peddler who had begged her not to confiscate his cart and produce. When Mohamed Bouazzi went

Public Power and Technology: Evaluating the Role of Information and Communication Technology in Arab Springs 151 to the police precinct to file a complaint he fact that most civil resisters were nonviolent was ignored. Bouazzi returned an hour later, made it difficult to justify the use of force. doused himself with gasoline and set himself aflame. In the days that followed, protesters … through their innovative use of technology and social media sources, activists – especially stormed through towns throughout Tunisia. in Egypt – increased the potential political costs When peaceful protests were met with police that the military would incur if it sided with batons and tear gas, they morphed into full-scale the regime and violently attacked civil resisters. riots. The army refused to take action against the Since the whole world was watching, this demonstrators. On January 14, Ben Ali stepped type of crackdown would surely have elicited down. Egyptian youth followed Tunisian events international condemnation and the potential end to diplomatic relations, trade agreements, closely. Many Egyptian students, labour leaders and aid. In short, although there were other and underground organizers had ties to labour considerations involved, non-violent resisters’ and underground groups in Tunisia. On June actions added new incentives and deterrents 6, 2010, Khaled Said, a 28-year-old upper class that undoubtedly helped the Tunisian and youth, had been dragged from a cyber cafe´, and Egyptian militaries decide to support the died in police custody. Angry demonstrations revolutions (Nepstad, 2011:490) had followed, and several youth created a Face People were made aware of the potential threats book page ‘‘we are all Khaled Said.’’ On January to life and limb of citizens via Facebook or mails. 11, the young Egyptian labour activist Asmaa The activities of oppressive regime was also made Mahfouz distributed thousands of leaflets in public through the chatrooms and Facebook Cairo’s slums, and posted the now famous comments and tweets. The global attention forced YouTube video exhorting Egyptians to join the governments to limit violence in suppressing young women protesting ‘‘National Police Day,’’ the oppression. Further the information flows in Tahrīr Square on January 25. Then, three days in social media enabled the people to make an later the Tunisian dictatorship fell to popular accurate and learned judgement of the scenario. revolt. On February 11, the armed forces pushed This also contributed to the progress of the Mubarak out of power. revolution. Iskander observes, The use of new communication technologies reduced the rate of violence in the movement. …In this way, information was relayed back It was these activists’ tactics of non-violent and forth and across various networks inside disruption that created national crises, which and outside Egypt. This enabled Egyptians in turned forced the military to choose sides. watching from outside to participate and ensure Further, the non-violent discipline that most civil that all concerned parties were well informed and supported so that a community physically resisters demonstrated increased the likelihood fragmented by location was able to connect that troops would defect. If resisters had used around a common concern. This was important violence, troops may have accepted the regime’s especially on the first Friday of the protests, view that these were radical terrorists. But the January 28, when the state media inside Egypt, such as satellite channels Nile News TV and

152 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) al-Masreya, were focusing their broadcasts on civil society. But this society never grown the rumors of looting and violence. This spread into a complete political society. Political panic and fear among people because alternative consciousness and institutional demands were sources of information were limited and some very low among the public as they were not were convinced that the protests should end. By keeping the information flowing, people were familiar with the democratic structures and able to judge the situation more clearly, and procedures. Alfred&Jinz (2013) elaborates the this helped to maintain the momentum of the scenario. protests. (Iskander, 2011:1227). As late as four months after Mubarak’s The Arab Springs was the result of a long term February 2011,ouster, the two key social groups political discourse taken in the peripheries of that had opposed him—secular liberals,and the society. It was done in the private spaces and the Muslim Brotherhood—still had not held a single joint meeting,to discuss democratic gained support from the informed constituents governing alternatives. The Brotherhood’s of society. There was a latent political website,was still displaying its 2007 draft party opposition being fostered by the traditional platform, complete with,nondemocratic features leaders including the religious. However the such as a rejection of the idea that a woman leadership and organisational structures were or a,non-Muslim (two groups comprising very thin or at some states non-existent. This more than half the populace) could,ever be president of Egypt, and a recommendation has both positives and negatives. In the positive that a high court,composed of and appointed side the movement won mainly because of by imams should be empowered to review,all the invisible structure of the protests. No new legislation to ensure its compliance with leaders and no organisers to spot and target. shari‘a. Small wonder,,then, that a sense of The widely stratified nature of the leadership growing distrust has continued to dominate made any suppressive measures unsuccessful. the political,atmosphere in Egypt. The negatives deals with the sustainability of the revolution. With no clear programmes and Conclusion structures the post revolutionary governance was The Arab Springs were engineered by in chaos. The tempo of the revolution was not Information and Communication Technologies. taken to the fields. In the absence of charismatic Social media including face book and twitter leadership the post revolutionary structural provided channels for public deliberations arrangements also failed. Here the question is and effectively built up a public consciousness. about the constructivist role of ICT in sustaining This was supplemented by the global sympathy revolutions. In the Arab Springs that question gathered through the information sharing was forgotten and the costs were high. platforms. Regimes were blown-up and The absence of a strong political society traditional structures were broken down. But was another drawback of the Springs model. the rebuilding the state was an unfinished task In many Arab states the revolution promoted in the region. The million dollar question here the establishment of a public sphere and a is on the role of ICT in restructuring upon the

Public Power and Technology: Evaluating the Role of Information and Communication Technology in Arab Springs 153 rumbles. The social media can no more runaway who will not vanish in the end of the show. Serious from its responsibility to set the house in right political discourses should be initiated in these order. platforms to supplement and substitute the offline In this context the Information society has political debates. This need not be an easy task. to bear a creative role in the state building in the But the Arab springs itself was an unimagined fractured states of the Middle East. The ICT revolution that was made possible with ICT protest platforms should be now converted to interventions. So also the post revolutionary democratic a platform which not only speaks rebuilding is not an impossible task. about flash mobs but also about freedom fighters

References

1. Alfred, S., & Jinz, J. J. (2013). Democratization 5. Lenski, G., & Lenski, J. (1987). Human Societies: theory and arab Springs. Journal of Democracy , An Introduction to Macro Sociology. New York: 24 (2), 15-30. McGraw Hill. 2. Bedi, K., Singh, P. J., & Srivastava, S. 6. Mathews, J. T. (2003). Power Shift. In D. Held, (2001). Government@net; New Governance & A. McGrew, The Global Transformations Opportunities for India. New Delhi: Sage. Reader (pp. 204-212). Cambridge: Polity Press. 3. Goggin, G., & Clark, J. (2009). Mobile Phones 7. Nepstad, S. E. (2011). Nonviolent Resistance in and Community Development: a Contact Zone the Arab Spring: The Critical Role of Military- Between Media and Citizenship. Development in Opposition Alliances. Swiss Political Science Practice , 19 (4-5), 585 -597. Review , 17 (4), 485-491. 4. Iskander, E. (2011). Connecting the National 8. Tortella, G. (2010). The Origins of the 21st and the Virtual: Can Facebook Activism Remain Century. (M. C. De Riddel, Trans.) New York: Relevant After Egypt’s January 25 Uprising? Routledge. International Journal of Communication , 5, 9. World Bank. (2012). Human Development 1225-1237. Report 2012. Washington DC: World Bank.

154 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) Arab Spring and the new wave of Displacement in West Asia: an Analysis on the Impact of Syrian Refugees in Jordan

Lirar Pulikkalakath School of International Relations and Politics, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam

Introduction Arab Spring and subsequent political instability s long as there are political borders especially from Syria. When the Syrian refugees Aconstructing separate states and creating look for a better haven, Jordan becomes the first clear definitions of insiders and outsiders, there choice and a major destination. Contextualizing will be refugees (Haddad 2008: 7). West Asia is the ongoing political instability in the Arab the largest region in the world in terms of figure World, this article focuses on the impact of the and flow of refugees. Since the end of Second presence of displaced Syrians in Jordan. World War, this pathetic plight of people has become almost a permanent phenomenon in Arab Spring and the new Wave of this region. Large numbers of people in the Refugees from Syria West Asian region especially from Palestine, The people of West Asian region had to face Lebanon and Iraq are forced to flee from long term bitter experience of displacement. It their land at various occasions. These forced happened when the state of Israel was created, migrants mainly flowed into their neighbouring during the Iran- Iraq War, Gulf War, and during countries especially to Jordan, ‘the peace of oasis the Lebanese civil War. Millions of people in in the troubled region’ or more specifically the the region are confronting a similar fate as a immediate neighbour of the chaotic states in consequence of the Arab Spring. The ongoing the region. Jordan turns out to be an important political crises in the Arab world have produced and interesting case study for analysing the role a new wave of refugees which has not witnessed and destiny of host countries in dealing with the region since 1948 and it happened when the forced migrants of the West Asian region the Zionist state forcefully vacated millions of as the country accommodates large number Palestinians from their homes. Anyhow now of refugees. Now the region witnesses a mass it is the turn of people from Tunisia, Egypt, displacement crisis as a consequence of the Libya, Yemen, Lebanon, Syria and other Arab

Arab Spring and the new wave of Displacement in West Asia: an Analysis on the Impact of Syrian Refugees in Jordan 155 countries since they have collectively faced the Jordan hosts the largest number of refugees, fate of Arab Spring. Among the Arab countries both in absolute terms and as a proportion of that faced the political protest and subsequent their own population which added 19 per cent instability, Syria experienced the longest in terms to the countries’ population. In Jordan around of duration and most disastrous in terms of its one-third of the refugee population lives in six impact on population. refugee camps. Most of them live in Zaatari, Since the political situation in Syria is getting the second largest refugee camp in the world worse quickly, large numbers of displaced with a population of 117, 000 people. The rest Syrians are being pushed to the borders of its live in towns and cities, mostly in northern neighbouring countries; and incidentally half of governorates bordering Syria and in the them are children (Prashad 2014: 46). Including capital Amman (UNHCR 2013 and Amnesty 4.25 million IDPs (Internally Displaced International 2013: 3). Persons), more than 6.5 million Syrians As of April 7, 2013, there are 408,268 have been forced to leave their homes and it persons of concern in contact with the UNHCR constitutes nearly one third of the country’s in Jordan, 345,110 of whom are registered and a population. During a period of one year from further 63,158 of whom are awaiting registration. September 2012, 1.8 million people are forced Based on information from the UNHCR, the to leave Syria. As of 9 December, the number total number of Syrian refugees living in urban stood at over 2.3 million registered refugees. areas is now approximately 291,000 people (with (Amnesty International 2013:1 and Davis and 117,000 living in camps) (Washington and Taylor 2013: 3). The unending and ongoing Rowell 2013: 2). Here the accurate number of crisis in Syria has caused amounting to more Syrian refugees is not available since thousands than 550, 0004 as of September 2013. This of them are not registered with UNHCR or they figure is projected to increase to 800,000 by are illegal immigrants. the end of December 2014 (REACH 2014: 6). However, since the beginning of the unrest The statistical records show the intensity of the in Syria at the start of 2011, Jordan has received Syrian displacement crisis. lakhs of Syrians fleeing the conflict than any The Syrian people are the worst affected other neighbouring country. Jordan has left its victims of Arab Spring as they are fleeing their borders open to Syrians and has a favourable country due to the unending clash between protection climate which has supported the the government forces and opposition militias. population movement. Unlike Iraqi refugees who The refugees from Syria are mainly settled in are concentrated in the capital Amman, Syrians its immediate neighbouring countries such have scattered throughout Jordan, with the as Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, Iraq and Egypt. largest concentrations in the border areas of Irbid They together host 97% of the Syrian refugees and Mafraq governates and the capital Amman, (Amnesty International 2013:1). Among the as well as in other governates throughout the five main host countries for refugees from Syria, country. With the intensification of the conflict

156 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) from July 2012 onwards, there has been a surge Ministry of Planning and International in the number of refugees. August witnessed a Cooperation 2013:3). record number of arrivals, peaking at over 1,000 per day (IFRCRCS and JRS 2012: 9). Impact on Jordanian society Jordan has a tradition of hospitality towards One of the most important and dangerous asylum-seekers and refugees for decades, but impacts of the refugee influx is the tensions now the country itself confronts its own socio- between host communities and Syrian refugees. economic challenges and growing number of This is a major threat to the state - society refugees. The number of Iraqis registered with relationship of Jordan. As a result of the increased UNHCR remains stable at around 29,000 in demand, the pressure on public services has also Jordan along with the Palestine refugees. Since increased which threatens the social cohesion the eruption of Arab Spring especially at the end as the access and quality of the services is being of 2012, Jordan is facing a significant increase negatively affected (The Hashemite Kingdom of in the number of Syrian refugees due to the Jordan Ministry of Planning and International political unrest in their country. Since mid-2012, Cooperation 2013: 13). The increased and growing numbers of Syrians have been crossing ongoing influx of Syrian refugees is placing a the border illegally, and are moving directly to heavy burden on already strained services and the Za’atri Camp. However, if the number of resources of Jordan. Jordan’s limited water arrivals continues to grow, the capacity of the resources and sanitation services are functioning camp will soon be exhausted and new camp under pressure with the additional demand for locations may need to be considered. (UNHCR the refugees which leads to high water prices Global Appeal 2013 Update: Jordan). and limited access in more remote areas. Access to shelter is of significant concern for refugees, Impact of Syrian Refugees on Jordan as housing stocks are limited and rent prices There is no doubt that the influx of mass refugee continue to increase for both Jordanians and from Syria since 2011 has very much affected Syrians ( REACH 2014: 2). the economy, governance, and society of Jordan. As a result of the increased number of refugees Their impact varies in various sectors. Generally from Syria, the labour force also grows, resulting the impacts of Syrian refugees on Jordan are; in the number of unemployed persons growing • Increased pressure on public finance, faster than the number of employed persons. The worsened trade deficit and losses to key presence of Syrians has put downward pressure economic sectors; on wages in the informal private sector, where • Exacerbated vulnerabilities for the poorest wages were already low. This will have negative segments of the Jordanian population; consequences for the most vulnerable segments • Deterioration of access to quality basic of Jordanian workers that could be pushed into services in the most affected governorates outright poverty by wage compression and (The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan crowding out (The Hashemite Kingdom of

Arab Spring and the new wave of Displacement in West Asia: an Analysis on the Impact of Syrian Refugees in Jordan 157 Jordan Ministry of Planning and International to the Jordanian government (Lozi 2013: Cooperation 2013: 4-5). Along with the above 119). Large number of Syrian refugees has mentioned problems, the Jordanian women overwhelmed the capacity of the health sector at the lower end of the market chain (in the to deliver quality services to all. As a result, the home-based informal sector) are losing their jobs ratio of health specialists per population has and income-generating opportunities to Syrian decreased in all categories, as has the ratio of women. As a result of that, the Jordanian women hospital beds per habitants (The Hashemite are facing difficulty in contributing to family Kingdom of Jordan Ministry of Planning and finance and subsequently affecting their ability International Cooperation 2013: 10). to influence decision making in the household Syrian refugees also pose challenges to (The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Ministry the Jordanian education sector. Since the of Planning and International Cooperation Government of Jordan grants access to free 2013:5). primary and secondary education to all Syrian The impact of Syrian refugees on the refugee children, it leads to overcrowding in Jordanian society is very much visible when it high population density areas and concerns comes to the poverty rate. The absolute poverty about declining quality. Countrywide, 41% of rate in Jordan is 14.4% and is concentrated in schools are now crowded, against 36% in 2011 the Governorates hosting the largest number (The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Ministry of of refugees such as Amman, Irbid, Zarqa and Planning and International Cooperation 2013:8). Mafraq. (The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Jordan, a country which has to import Ministry of Planning and International much of its energy, water and grain – is now Cooperation 2013: 5). overstretched with much increased demand due to the presence of refugees. The Jordanian Impact on Jordanian Public Service and government subsidizes consumer’s fuel purchases Governance System and these government subsidies are available to all consumers regardless of nationality. The presence of huge number of Syrian refugees The Syrian Refugees also buy diesel products in Jordan has put pressure upon Jordan’s public in Jordan benefiting the subsidies as much as services and government budget. Jordan the Jordanians do. Refugee consumption of subsidizes a variety of public services for their water is an indirect subsidy from the Jordanian citizens, and hence the increased demand on government (Lozi 2013: 119). It would these services due to the presence of refugees reportedly cost Jordan USD $706 million leads to higher governmental expenditures on annually to meet this increased demand for services. water. (Amnesty International 2013: 3). The When it comes to the health sector, it is open amount of imported food has risen by 11% from to both Jordanian citizens and foreigners equally. 2008-2012 (Central Bank of Jordan, 2012 and The Syrian refugees pay the same government- UNHCR, 2012). subsidized rates as others do, increasing costs

158 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) The Syrian refugees also affect the municipal as garbage collection, sanitation and drinking service delivery system of Jordan especially in water, are also under pressure due to the influx the waste management. The refugees caused of mass refugees from Syria. an increase of 340 tons of solid waste alone to be disposed daily. Another challenge to the Impact on Jordanian Economy infrastructure is the refugee population causing It is obvious that accommodating lakhs of to more traffic and degradation of the road additional people to the demography of a network in Jordan. (The Hashemite Kingdom of country especially the displaced population to Jordan Ministry of Planning and International the economy of host country would be a burden. Cooperation 2013: 13-14). Regarding the issue According to the Hashemite Kingdom of of water, Jordan is the fourth most water scarce Jordan’s Ministry of Planning and International country in the world. The Syrian refugees cause Cooperation report in 2013, the country has to widen the gap between the already scarce water incurred over USD 251 million in additional and demand. In the case of energy, the country expenditures during 2012 to provide services imports about 97 percent of its energy needs. and basic needs to the Syrian refugees in the The presence of Syrian refugee has exacerbated form of subsidies (The Hashemite Kingdom of levels of residential energy consumption (The Jordan Ministry of Planning and International Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Ministry of Cooperation 2013: 3). Planning and International Cooperation 2013: 15-16). Developing countries that host refugees for protracted periods experience long- A public opinion survey conducted in term economic, social, political, and August 2012 in Jordan found that 65% of environmental impacts. From the moment respondents were against receiving more of arrival, refugees may compete with local Syrian refugees, while 86% felt it was better citizens for scarce resources such as water, for Syrians to be in camps and not in the food, housing, and medical services. Their community. In a context of pre-existing presence increases the demands for education, poverty, unemployment, and rising living health services, infrastructure such as water costs, it is clear that the refugee crisis has supply, sanitation, and transportation, and the potential to create social and economic also in some cases, for natural resources such pressure, as well as resentment among the as grazing and firewood. The impacts of poorer sections of the Jordanian community the refugee presence are both positive and (IFRCRCS and JRS 2012: 10-11). negative (UNHCR, 2004).

All these facts evidently prove that the Syrian The dynamic between positive and negative refugees have put pressure on the budget of factors is complex and varies depending Jordanian government and they have adversely on several factors, including the political affected the water, energy, health, and education economy of hosting countries, urban-rural sector. Various services of municipal system such interactions, and the nature of host-refugee

Arab Spring and the new wave of Displacement in West Asia: an Analysis on the Impact of Syrian Refugees in Jordan 159 relations. Furthermore, even when a refugee Winkler 2013). Generally the host countries situation creates economic opportunities for are struggling to accommodate the sudden and both the displaced and their hosts, there can large influx of refugees and to provide already be winners and losers in each group (Gomez scarce resources. The Syrian refugees who fled and Christensen 2011: 7). The impact of the civil war to Jordan have taxed Jordan’s Syrian refugees on local communities has been stretched resources (Mirkin 2013). The settling considerable, particularly as the majority is of refugees in often economically struggling in the northern border area, which is among communities in an already resource-strained the poorest regions in the country (UNHCR country, has resulted in resources and services Global Appeal 2013 Update: Jordan). The being over-stretched; increasing unemployment above mentioned data and statistics show that rate and inflation. the Syrian refugees have posed a clear threat to the economic balance and prosperity of Jordan. Conclusion And so the country has started rethinking their Since the beginning of 2011, Syria has been policy of openness towards the refugees. going through a state of political instability Generosity has its limits. Countries that resulting in a mass displacement crisis especially opened their borders to Syrian refugees express in the form of refugee flow to the neighbouring their concern about how long can they endure countries especially to Jordan. The influx of this plight as the influx takes an economic and Syrian refugees has put an immense strain social toll on their communities. These countries on the limited resources available in the host feel neglected by the international community countries, particularly in Jordan. It is obvious and saddled with an immense burden that has that the presence of refugees will constitute a no end in sight. They also fear the potential strain on the infrastructure of the host countries destabilizing effect of such massive refugee flows. and if it is an economically weak state like Jordan Urban refugees are straining the education, the risk will again increase. Here the case of health, water, sanitation and other systems of Jordan, a country which is already struggling host countries. They have saturated housing with the refugees from Palestine, Iraq and markets in border areas and beyond, leading to other neighbouring countries with poor natural steep rent increases for both refugees and locals. resources and infrastructure, to accommodate Commodity prices are up and wages are down. another wave of large number of refugees will These impacts are increasing tension between deteriorate the country’s economic performance, host and refugee communities (Brosna and political stability and social balance.

References

Haddad, Emma (2008), The Refugees in International Mirkin, Barry (2013), “Arab Spring: Demographics in Society: Between Sovereigns, New York: Cambridge a region in transition”, Arab Human Development University Press. Report, UNDP, New York.

160 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) UNHCR Global Appeal Update: Jordan (2013) Profiling”, British Embassy Amman, UNHCR, Gomez, Margarita Puerto and Asger Christensen UNICEF, January (2011), “The Impacts of Refugees on Neighboring Davis, Rochelle and Abbie Taylor (2013), “Syrian Countries: A Development Challenge”, World Refugees in Jordan and Lebanon: A Snapshot from Development Report Summer 2013”, The Center for Contemporary Arab Prashad, Vijay (2014), “Land of Refugees”, Frontline, Studies, The Institute for the Study of International March 7. Migration, Georgetown University. Washington, Kate and Jared Rowell (2013), “Syrian Amnesty International (2013), “An International refugees in Urban Jordan”, Cooperative for Assistance Failure: The Syrian Refugee Crisis”, 13 December. and Relief Everywhere CARE Jordan ∙ Rapid The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Ministry of Participatory Community Assessment, April. Planning and International Cooperation & United International Federation of Red Cross and Red Nations Host Community Support Platform Crescent Societies (IFRCRCS) and the Jordan Red HCSP (2013), “Needs Assessment Review of the Crescent (JRC) (2012), “Syrian Refugees living in Impact of the Syrian Crisis on Jordan: Executive the Community in Jordan”, Assessment Report, Summary”, November. September. Lozi M, Dr.Basem (2013), “The Effect of Refugees on UNHCR (2013), Population data http://data.unhcr. Host Country Economy: Evidence from Jordan”, org/syrianrefugees/regional.php Interdisciplinary Journal of Contemporary Research REACH (2014), ‘Syrian Refugees in Host in Business, July, Vol 5 (3): 114-126. Communities: Key Informant Interviews / District

Arab Spring and the new wave of Displacement in West Asia: an Analysis on the Impact of Syrian Refugees in Jordan 161

ف املرأة ي� الربيع ب يالعر� أ.د. أحمد عبد القادر الشاذيل كلية اآلداب، جامعة املنوفية – مرص & د. تاج الدين املناين قسم اللغة العربية، جامعة كرياال - الهند

ن للمــرأة العربيــة دور البــأس بــه يف ظــل فــران اليقــل عــن دور الرجــل يف املنظــور االســالمى اال أن كااالســتعامر االنجليــزى او الفرنــى للبلــدان عــادات املجتمــع القبــى أحيانــا واملتخلــف أحيانــا واالقطــار العربيــة. وجدنــا املــرأة املرصيــة تقــود اخــرى يــؤدى إىل تراجــع دور املــرأة. املظاهــرات يف ثــورة 1919م / تلــك الثــورة التــى لكــن عندمــا بــدأ الغليــان والحــراك الثــوري كانــت تطالــب باالســتقالل عــن بريطانيــا. كــام العــرىب بــدأ مــن تونــس ثــم مــرص واليمــن وليبيــا وســوريا قامت املرأة يف ســوريا باملشــاركة يف املظاهرات فــان هــذا الحــراك قــد جــاء يف شــتاء 2010 و2011 ضــد االســتعامر الفرنــى. كــام كان للمــرأة الجزائريــة وال يــزال هــذا الحــراك الثــوري قامئــا حتــى اآلن. أمــا دورا بــارزا يف الكفــاح والنضــال ضــد االســتعامر تســميته بالربيــعالعــريب فقــد ورد هــذا املصطلــح مــن الفرنــي يف الجزائــر وكان مــن املجاهــدات خــارج املنطقــة العربيــة ليعــر عــن بــزوغ فجــر الحريــة جميلــة بوحريــد التــى ســاهمت يف النضــال حتــى والتطلــع إىل الدميقراطيــة. قبــض عليهــا وعذبــت يف ســجون املســتعمر عــدة كان للمــرأة التونســية دورا مهــ اميف الحــراك ســنوات. وعــى الرغــم مــن أن املجتمــع العــريب الثــورى فهــي مــن أكــر النســاء العربيــات انفتاحــا عــى مجتمــع محافــظ تحكمــه تقاليــد وعــادات تتحكــم الغــرب وظلــت متــارس حريتهــا العامــة طــوال الفــرة يف وجــود املــرأة وتؤثــر عــى دورهــا بحكــم العــادات املاضيــة حتــى قبــل ثــورة تونــس إال أن الجديــد هــو والتقاليــد وليــس ألســباب دينيــة فاالســ مال اليعطــل التطلــع للحريــة السياســية ولعبــت املــرأة التونســية مــن نشــاط املــرأة بــل يجعلهــا تتســاوى مــع الرجــل يف االنتخابــات البملانيــة دورا طيبــا حتــى اقتبــت يف كثــري مــن الحقــوق والواجبــات ولــذا فهــى تلعــب تونس من شاطىء النجاة بسبب املجتمع التونس دورا يف الحيــاة السياســية واالقتصاديــة والثقافيــة الــذي اليقــى رجــ الوال امــراة مســلام ام غــري مســلم.

163 ايبرعلا عيبرلا يف ةأرملا أمــا املــرأة اليمنيــة فكانــت تــوكل كرمــان انتخابــات مجلــس الشــعب ثــم مجلــس الشــوري ثــم الحاصلــة عــى جائــزة نوبــل رمــزا لقيلــدة الثــورة ضــد انتخــاب رئيــس الجمهوريــة محمــد مــريس ثــم يف نظــام عــى عبــد اللــه صالــح. واســتطاعت بتجيشــها اســتفتاء الدســتور 2012م كــام شــاركت املــرأة يف نســاء اليمــن املحافظــات امللتزمــات بــان تقهــر كل مناســبات الوطــن فــكان لهــا تواجــد يف مجلــس النظــام القائــم وتســقطه. كانــت املــرأة اليمنيــة عــى الشــعب ومجلــس الشــوري ولجنــة إعــداد الدســتور الرغــم مــن العــادات والتقاليــد القبليــة املتحكمــة ومستشــارة لرئيــس الجمهوريــة محمــد مــريس. فيهــن قــد أســهمت بــدور فعــال يف إعــادة ترتيــب وســمح للمــرأة طــوال عــام كامــل بابــداء رأيهــا البيــت اليمنــى واليــزال الحــراك الثــورى النســوى بــكل حريــة يف وســائل اإلعــ م ال املختلفــة. وعــى مســتمرا حتــى تســتقر البــالد وقــد قطعــت شــوطا الرغــممــن أن املجتمــع النســوى مل يكــن عــى قلــب طويــال يف طريقهــا لالســتقرار ونــراه قريبــا. واحــد وعــى الرغــم مــن مشــاركة املــرأة الفعالــة يف أما املرأة الســورية فقد شــاركت يف فعاليات الحيــاة السياســية إال أن عــددا كبــ اري مــن النســاء يف التحــرر الوطنــي وأصابهــا الكثــري مــن املصائــب فقــد مجــال اإلعــالم والفــن والثقافــة لعــب دورا ســلبيا صــارت الجئــة ســواء يف داخــل مجتمعهــا او خارجــه يف إفشــال الحيــاة الدميقراطيــة الوليــدة خاصــة تتحمــل صنــوف العــذاب يف رعايــة ابائهــا بعــد أنهــن كــن يســيطرن عــى األجهــزة اإلعالميــة مــن تلفــاز فرارهــا مــن جحيــم القتــال بــن طــرىف املعادلــة يف وإذاعــة وملــا لهــن مــن حضــور بــن النــاس بحكــم ســوريا. وتحملــت الترشيــد وضيــق الحــال يف االردن شــهرتهن يف مجــال الســينام. لعــب هــؤالء دورا او العراق او تركيا او مرص من أجل أن ترى مستقبل معارضــا لنظــام الحكــم الجديــد مــن وجهــة أنــه يعــر بلدهــا يعــود مــن جديــد مرشقــا مزدهــرا. عــن فكــر إســ مىال لجامعــة. وظلــت هــذه املجموعــة واملــرأة يف مــرص ســواء يف ثــورة 25 ينايــر او من النســاء ينرشن الدعايات والوشــايات املغلوطة حــراك 30 يونيــو كان لهــا تواجــد. إال أن تواجدهــا واإلشــاعات الكاذبــة حتــى بــدأ الحــراك الثــورى يف يف الثــورة االوىل كان أقــوى فقــد شــاركت يف موجتــه الثانيــة والــذي تحــرك ألســباب اقتصاديــة فعاليــات الثــورة. وســاهمت يف كل مراحــل التحــول وسياســية واجتامعيــة يف 30 يونيــو 2013م. الدميوقراطــي وشــاركت بقــوة يف فعاليــات ميــدان انتقــل الحــراك الثــوري مــرة أخــرى إىل الشــارع التحريــر ومياديــن مــرص. وشــاركت بفاعليــة منقطعــة وعــدت املــرأة إىل قيــادة الشــارع الثــوري مــرة النظــري يف اســتفتاء اإلعــ ن الالدســتوري يف 19 أخــرى مطالبــة بالرشعيــة أحيانــا وبحقــوق أبنائهــن مارس 2011م ثم شاركت يف االستحقاقات التالية املعتقلــن وأزواجهــن وشــهدائهن الذيــن قتلــوا يف

164 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) أحــداث متتاليــة مــن 3 يوليــو 2013م حتــى اليــوم. لقــد حصلــت النســاء يف ظــل األنظمــة وتتحمــل املــرأة املرصيــة اليــوم عــبء الحــراك الشــمولية الســابقة عــى مكاســب يف قوانــن الثــوري ليــس مبشــاركة الرجــال فحســب بــل ان األحــوال الشــخصية واملناصــب الحكوميــة لقــد هنــاك حــراك ثــورى بقــوده النســاء فقــط. كانــت هنــاك وزيــرة عراقيــة يف العــام 1958 وكانــت إن املــرأة العربيــة لعبــت وال زالــت تلعــب هذه الوزيرة أحدي القياديات يف الحزب الشيوعي دورا مهــام يف الحــراك الثــوري يف دول مــا يســمى أمــا يف العــام 2012 فوزيــرة املــرأة العراقيــة وهــي بالربيــع العــريب ولعلهــا تأخــذ خــرات جديــدة كل الوزيــرة الوحيــدة تــ ح رصأنهــا ال تؤمــن باملســاواة بــن يــوم وتتقــدم خطــوات إىل االمــام. حيــث أشــار القــرآن الرجــل واملــرأة وهــذه كارثــة كــرى أن نصــل إىل هــذه لبنــي آدم يف مواقــع عديــدة وإىل الرجــال والنســاء الحالــة لقــد متكنــت األحــزاب اإلســالمية يف العــراق معــا منهــا يف األمــر باملعــروف والنهــي عــن املنكــر: من ترشــيح نســاء إىل الحصة التي يفرضها الدســتور َوالْ ُم ْؤ ِم ُن َــون َوالْ ُم ْؤ ِم َن ُــات بَ ْع ُض ُه ْــم أَ ْولِيَ ُــاء بَ ْع ٍــض يف مجلــس النــواب هــن أحــرص مــن الرجــال عــى يَأْ ُم ُــر َون ِبالْ َم ْع ُــر ِوف َويَ ْن َه ْــو َن َع ِــن الْ ُم ْن َك ِــر َويُ ِق ُيم َــون اســتمرار املجتمــع ألذكــوري املتســلط عــى املــرأة َّالصــ َ الةَ َويُ ْؤتُ َــون َّالــزكَاةَ َويُ ِط ُيع َــون اللَّ َــه َو َر ُســولَ ُه أُولَ ِئ َــك بــل كــن يطالــن بشــدة لتغيــري قوانــن األحــوال َســ َ ْري َح ُم ُه ُم اللَّ ُــه ِإ َّن اللَّ َــه َع ِز ٌيــز َح ِك ٌيــم 1. الشــخصية ملصلحــة الرجــل. وأنــاط اللــه عــى الرجــل واملــرأة الســواء مهمــة أن النســاء يف مــرص والعــراق وهــن األغلبيــة تكاثــر الســالالت البرشيــة وتعارفهــا وتعاونهــا، وإقامــة ســارعن إىل انتخــاب أشــد الجهــات تهميشــا للمــرأة االرسة باعتبارهــا الوحــدة البنائيــة األوىل واألســاس و اســتبعادا لهــا وأن اســتمرت النســاء بهــذا الوعــي يف إقامــة املجتمعــات البرشيــه، مــن غــري متايــز املتــدين ســوف ال يــؤذن أنفســهن فقــط بــل ســوف بينهــم عــى أســاس الجنــس او اللــون او العــرق... يســحب كل املجتمــع للمســري يف طريــق أكــر والعمــل الصالــح وتحقيــق الخــري للنــاس هــو مــادة تعقيــدا مــن الســابق أن هــذه الحــركات السياســة التنافــس بينهــم، وهــو معيــار التفاضــل بينهــم عنــد الدينيــة مازلــت تؤمــن بــوأد البنــات بطريقــة عرصيــة. 3 ربهــم كــام قــال تعــاىل: يَــا أَيُّ َهــا َّالن ُــاس ِإنَّــا َخلَ ْق َن ْاكُــم وقــد تناولــت م.كاميليــا يف كلمتهــا عــن دور ِم ْــن َذ ٍكَــر َوأُنْثَــى َو َج َعلْ َن ْاكُــم ُشُــعوبًا َوقَبَائِــلَ لِتَ َع َارفُــوا املــرأة املســلمة يف تلــك الثــورات، فذكّــرت بقــول ِإ َّن أَ َكْر َم ُك ْــم ِع ْن َــد اللَّ ِــه أَتْ َق ْاكُــم ِإ َّن اللَّ َــه َع ِل ٌيــم َخبِــ ٌري 2. اللــه تعــاىل: “إنَّــا َع َر ْض َنــا األَ َمانَ َــة َعــىَ َّالس َــم َو ِات واألَ ْر ِض والْ ِجبَ ِــال فَأَبَ ْ َــن أَن يَ ْح ِملْ َن َهــا وأَ ْشْــفَق َن ِم ْن َهــا 1 سورة التوبة - سورة 9 – آية: 71 2 سورة الحجرات - سورة 49 – آية: 13 3 رياض البيايت ، آذار 2012م

165 ايبرعلا عيبرلا يف ةأرملا َوح َملَ َهــا َاإلنس ُــان إنَّ ُــه َكَان ظَلُ ًومــا َج ُهــوال”.4 ويف وملــا نبحــث عــن هــذا املوضــوع وجدنــا عديــدا مجــال املجتمــع، عليهــا أن تــدرك أنهــا مكلفــة مــن التأليفــات مــن الروايــات واملقــاالت وغريهــا بإصــ ح الاملجتمــع، فيكــون لهــا دورهــا يف العمــل التــي ألفــت خــالل الربيــع العــريب خصوصــا مــن الخــ ي ريوالعمــل املجتمعــي، وأن تحــرص عــى جانــب النســاء. نــورد بعــد هــذه املقالــة مرفقــة املســاهمة يف إنشــاء مشــاريع صغــرية داخــل بعــض النصــوص التــي كتبتهــا د. ربــاب كســاب5 مــن البيــوت لتوفــري فــرص عمــل كرميــة للنســاء، كــام بدايــة الثــورة وحتــى اآلن. وهــذه النصوصــة القصــرية تعمــل عــى إشــاعة وتفعيــل ثقافــة العمــل الجامعــي التــي ألفــت خــالل الثــورة تعلــن الغليــان والحــراك والتطوعــي بــن النســاء، وأن يكــون لهــا دور إيجــايب الثــوري العــريب كــام يرشــد عناوينهــا. وهــي )كان يف االرتقــاء باملســتوى األخالقــي لوســائل اإلعــالم يــوم جمعــة، مــاذا لــو كانــت إيجابيــة، نصــف طــويل، مــن خــالل إبــداء الــرأي عــر كل الوســائل املتاحــة حريــة... ولكــن، تاهــت وجــاري البحــث(.

واملطالبــة بإعــ مال هــادف وراقــي يبنــي وال يهــدم. 5 د. ربــاب كســاب: هــي كاتبــة مشــهورة يف مــرص التــي اشــركت يف الثــورة العربيــة الربيعيــة يف مــرص. ولهــا روايــة 4 سورة األحزاب - سورة 33 - آية: 72. جذابــة فســتان فــرح التــي هــي تعــدت املائتــن صفحــة.

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ت ت النصوص يالصغ�ة يال� ألف�ا د. بر�ب كساب ب�رص 1. كان يوم جمعة مل تنــس أن النــاس يــوم األربعــاء ـ أمــس األول ـ كانــوا عــى مقاهيهــم وبقلــب حقولهــم. صبــاح ممــزوج بــاألرق، بالخــوف، مللمــت مــا تبقــى مل تنــس أنهــا خطــت خطوتــن للــوراء كادت أن مــن كل حبــوب الشــجاعة التــي ابتلعتهــا وخرجــت،

166 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) تتعــر يف ربــاط حذائهــا الريــايض وأحدهــم يدفعهــا مللمــت شــتات الحــزن وهــي تتقــب لحظــة أن دفعــا للخلــف لتبتعــد عــن املــكان ورفيقــه يســحق يســلم اإلمــام تســليمته األخــ ةري وبرسعــة التحمــت آخريــن كانــوا مثلهــا يعــدون يف شــوارع لفظتهــم بالجمــوع التــي ال تعــرف منهــم غريهــا، عيونهــم تقــول لتحتــوي هــؤالء املتســلحي بالباطــل وصــوت أنهــم أحبــاء، هتافهــم أيقــظ الــروح التــي كانــت عــى طلقــات النــار يهــز أرجــاء املــكان. وشــك االحتضــار. مل تنس أنها تلعثمت من الخوف وهو يسألها ســؤال خــرج مــن قلــب العتمــة لتلــك الهــروات بعنــف: إىل أيــن ؟ بنظــرة مرتعــدة لهراوتــه ولنجومــه التــي تهــوي بــال كلــل ملــن هــذا الوطــن؟! املتاصــن عــى كتفيــه أجابــت: عايــزة أروح عبــود. أنهكها الجري. ها هي تعود، لكن اليوم الجمعة. رصخــة أحدهــم بوجههــا اليــوم مــا كانــت خرجــت تلتحــف بقــوة مســتعارة لكــن بإميــان لتســقطها، مل تتعــر، عرفــت اليــوم قــوة األحمــر. بــأن الحــق معهــا َّوأن مــا كتبتــه يومــا عــن ثــورة بعيــدة النجــوم الالمعــة انطفــأ بريقهــا متامــا، الســامء جــاء اليــوم موعدهــا. الضبابيــة كانــت تنقشــع غيومهــا فقــط أمــام األحمــر الشــوارع الخاليــة ترتــدي لونــا غريبــا عليهــا، كان املــراق عــى أرصفــة الطرقــات. مــن القــوة بــأال يــرى ولكنــه كان مــن الحــزن بــأن يقهــر متــد يدهــا لتأخــذ رشبــة مــاء، الدمــوع ليســت فيهــا الرغبــة، عنيــدة تواصــل الســري، متســك بهاتفهــا مــن قنابلهــم، ســحقا لقنابلهــم ولرصاصهــم. تســتعي بصــوت اآلخــر عــى مواصلــة الرحلــة لكــن يــد متتــد لتحملهــا قبــل أن يســحقها الزحــف، الهاتــف عــى مثلــام عصتهــا مثانتهــا التــي ظلــت نظــرات امتنــان وعــرشات االبتســامات التــي تخــرج تســتحثها طــوال الطريــق الطويــل أن تبقــى هادئــة وال مــن قلــب الوجــع. داعــي لعادتهــا األثــ ةري يف ســحبها للتبــول كل دقيقــة املســاء جــاء غــري متهاديــا كعادتــه، أَ َســودهم ألنهــا خائفــة أو متوتــرة. ونجومهــم يختفــون، تــرى إىل أيــن يف عتمــة الليــل ؟ مع توقف الهاتف، دقت ساعة الخطر. الشــارع صــار ملــكا لنــا، الشــارع مــن قلــب الليــل بــات تقــرب منهــم، متــي بثبــات رغــم إلحــاح نهــارا بهتــاف الحــق. مثانتهــا املســتفز، تحــس أن نجومهــم فقــدت يجذبها الحلم لصوت بعيد لوجه كان األحب بريقهــا، ضحكاتهــم العاليــة زادت ثباتهــا، رصخــت رسعــان مــا تناســته ليخــرج صــوت آخــر يحــوي الحارض بهــم، توعدتهــم دون أن تخــرج كلامتهــا إليهــم. واملــايض ورصخــة فــرح ) تعيــي يــا ضحكــة مرص(. الوقت باكرا. 2011/4/8

167 ايبرعلا عيبرلا يف ةأرملا 2. ماذا لو كانت إيجابية ؟ إغــ ق الأمهــا الخــط يف وجههــا: األعــامر بيــد اللــه يــا أمــي. مل تكــن بحاجــة ملنبــه، صــوت املــؤذن بالجامــع بــن حــن وآخــر تطلــع مــن شــباك الحجــرة القريــب هــو منبههــا اليومــي، قامــت متكاســلة للشــارع وكأنهــا يف انتظــار يشء مــا. تنفــض عنهــا بقايــا النــوم، امتــدت يدهــا تربــت عــى متد يدها بحذر لتفتح الكمبيوتر كأنها تخىش كتــف زوجهــا ببــطء لتوقظــه ليلحــق بصــالة الفجــر، أن يخــرج منــه مــا يلتهمهــا، لكنهــا رسعــان مــا توجهــت قابــل الفــراغ يدهــا فأصابهــا الذعــر. لصفحــة الفيــس بــوك الزال الوضــع كــام هــو هــادئ جاءهــا صوتــه مــن الحــامم ليخبهــا بأنــه هنــاك الدعــوات كــام هــي والســخرية منهــا يف تزايــد، تجــده فــال تقلــق. عــى شــات الفيــس تخــره بأمــر أمهــا معهــا، يخبهــا يف طريقهــا إىل املطبــخ نزعــت ورقــة اليــوم أنــه رد فعــل أمــه بالضبــط، يــوايس كال منهــام اآلخــر. الفائــت مــن النتيجــة، توقفــت برهــة أمــام التاريــخ ثــم يطلــب منهــا صينيــة بطاطــس للغداء، تضحك مضــت لتواصــل رحلتهــا اليوميــة. وهــي تقــول أال تكتفــي منهــا أبــدا؟ جلســا إىل مائــدة الطعــام ســألها عــن تاريــخ - ألنها من ِيدك أنت. اليــوم، أخبتــه وأبــدت دهشــتها مــن الســؤال، قــال: - أحبك. أعــرف ولكنــي أتأكــد. يرســل لهــا قبلــة ويخبهــا أنــه اشــتاق لهــا يف - أتظن حقا...؟ تلــك الســويعات القليلــة. - ممكن مل ال... تكتــب جملــة تعــر عــن حالتهــا وتنشــغل بكــم ذهــب إىل عملــه فهــو ال يأخــذ أجــازات مــع مــن التعليقــات التــي وردت عليهــا ومل يهمهــا ســوى العطــ ت الالرســمية للحكومــة ،بقيــت هــي يف عالمــة اإلعجــاب منــه. منزلهــام ، يف كل لحظــة كانــت تفكــر يف أنــه مــن تقــوم مــرة أخــرى تطلــع إىل الشــارع الصامــت املمكــن أن يحــدث مــا يتمنيــاه، يــرن هاتفهــا. صمــت املجهــول، ال جديــد. أمها تسألها عن نتيجة التحاليل باألمس. تكتشــف أن مطبخهــا بــال بطاطــس، تعــود تخبهــا أنهــا مل تظهــر، الطبيــب أمــه توفــت لحاســبها تخــره بأنهــا ســتنزل لــرشاء بطاطــس، يثنيهــا وأغلــق املعمــل. خوفــا عليهــا فتغــري خطــة الغــداء. تكفهــر األم وتغلــق الخــط وهــي تقــول: أكان زمالءه بالعمل يظنونه يف انتظار أحد من كثة هــذا وقــت متــوت فيــه ؟ وقوفه إىل جوار النافذة ونظره املعلق بالشارع. قالــت بصــوت هــادئ مل يســمعه غريهــا بعــد

168 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) يســتأذن مــن مديــره لينــ ف رص ألنــه يشــعر كان يفكــر مبــا تفكــر وهــام يذوبــا يف الزحــام بتوعــك، تغلــق حاســبها وتنــزل ومل يكــن يف نيتهــا وهتافــات الحريــة ،نظــرت لــه وأمعنــت الســباحة رشاء البطاطــس. يف عينيــه التــي أجابتهــا بحنــو: فــداء لهــا ألــف ألــف تتلفت حولها كمن تبحث عن أحد. طفــل. يسري بال هدف ويتلفت حوله كل دقيقة. 2011/5/16 يرهفا سمعهام لكل حركة يف الشارع. يجدهــا يف وجهــه عنــد دار القضــاء العــايل، يقفــز الســؤال مــن عينيهــام واحــدا وال ينتظــرا إجابــة .3 نصف طويل فهــام يعرفانهــا مســبقا. حــايف القدمــان، بيــده كــرسة خبــز أســمر يأخــذ كفهــا بكفــه يســ ا رييف املــكان، تتــرسب جافــة، وجهــه غــارق يف محلــول ال ) ميكوجيــل (، لــه بــرودة يدهــا، يتدفــق دفء يــده حثيثــا لهــا، ال كنــت أرقبــه مــن بعيــد يــأكل الخبــز بــال غمــوس، ال يتحدثــا كثــريا. يتلــذذ، متعجــل، عينــاه غائرتــان، مالبســه متســخة، يرقبان التجمعات القليلة، الناس من حولهام شــمر بنطلونــه إىل ركبتيــه، وكــذا كميــه قــد شــمرهام يتدفقــون، ال يصدقــان، الجميــع مــن حولهــام ملرفقيــه، كنــت متلفحــة بكوفيــة صوفيــة وبالطــو مثلهــام؛ الدهشــة تعقــد األلســنة لكــن الــروح التــي أســود ثقيــل، اقتبــت منــه لكنــه كان قــد أنهــى كانــت يف ســبات هبــت مــرة واحــدة. طعامــه وجــرى، بقيــت عينــاي تالحقــه، يــذوب ابتســامات يتبادلونهــا، تتعانــق الحناجــر عــى وســط الجمــوع لكنــي الزلــت أملــح مالبســه الكحليــة كلمــة واحــدة، يغزلــن مــن حروفهــا الثالثــة الشــجاعة األقــرب للســواد. ليهتفــا باســمها. شــعره أكــرت أشــعث، تتشــابه رأســه والــرؤوس يلونــون حلمهــم بلونهــا األوســط، ويهجــرون مــن حولهــا، يشء مــا يهدينــي إليــه، وســط كل هــؤالء ســابقهم األســود ويتمنــون أن ينــروا عــى جبهتهــا أشــعر بــه. وردا أحمــر. نبهنــي صوتهــا املنفــر، ينــذر ببــدء العمــل، مشــوا معــا لســان حالهــم يهتــف بالجميــع أن فاســتيقظت حــوايس الخمــس؛ يجــرون جميعهــم ينضــم إليهــم. مــن أمامهــا، تختفــي الهتافــات، تتبخــر كلــام تفكــر يف أمهــا وأمــه حــن يعلــامن مبــا تفعــل رصخــت هــذه اآللــة الضخمــة، جميعهــم يهرولــون وأنا مــاذا لــو كانــت نتيجــة التحاليــل إيجابيــة ؟! أنســحب ببــطء، راجعــة بظهــري للخلــف، أرصخ بهــم

169 ايبرعلا عيبرلا يف ةأرملا أال يجــرون برسعــة، يتعجبوننــي، أخــاف تدافعهــم يك الرسيــر األســفنجية، حــن أعاتبهــا لتهورهــا، تباغتنــي ال ميوتــوا بأيديهــم، ثــوان ال تكــف فيهــا اآللــة البغيضــة بنظــرة تخرســني فــال مســتقبل للطفلتــن إن مل ننتــزع عــن الــ اخرص حتــى ينطلــق الصــوت األخــر املنتظــر، لهــام الحريــة. خيــط دخــان طويــل ينطلــق منهــا بطــول املــدى الــذي الفتــى املتســخ هــو اآلخــر يحلــم، انتــزع الشــارع تســتقر عنــده عبــوة الغــاز املســيل للدمــوع. الخــوف مــن قلبــه، خلتــه مــع ابنتــي صديقتــي يف متتلــئ عينــاي بدمــوع حارقــة، وجهــي يؤملنــي، املدرســة، يرتــدي حــذاء ومالبــس نظيفــة، أظافــره أحكــم لــف الكوفيــة عــى وجهــي ملنــع الغــاز مــن مقلمــة، يقــف يف قلــب الطابــور يحيــي العلــم، تحيــا التــ ب رسألنفــي، ال فائــدة، تــاه منــي الصغــري، تــاه جمهوريــة مــرص العربيــة. منــي وســط جمــوع تشــبهه متامــا، وأطــوال يضيــع لكنــه يهتــف اآلن هتافــا مختلفــا، عيــش ،حريــة، بينهــا طولــه الــذي مياثــل نصــف طــويل. عدالــة اجتامعيــة. تــرى أيــن هــو؟!. انشــغلت بهاتفــي، محاولــة الوصــول تُرى أين هي اآلن؟! لصديقتــي املجنونــة التــي اختقــت صفــوف النــاس حــن انطلقــت قنبلــة الغــاز ســقطت بالقــرب لتصــور املدرعــات الثــالث عنــد مدخــل كوبــري منــي، أيــن ذهبــت؟ متلكنــي الفــزع لقــد كانــت قريبــة قــرص النيــل، كنــت خلفهــا، لكنــي خفــت ــــ أعــرف مــن الجنــود واملدرعــات. ــــ اســتمعت لنصائــح الشــباب مــن حــويل بالتاجــع تــرد ِّعــي أخــريا، تحــاول أن تصــف يل مكانهــا، للخلــف، تراجعــت كثــريا. أتلفــت حــويل، صوتهــا خائــف ِّعــي، وصــويت خائــف صاحبتــي ال تــرد عــى الهاتــف، ال أعــرف أيــن علينــا، يظهــر الصغــري فجــأة أمامــي أنحنــي لــه وعــى هــي، كلــام توغلــت عنــي بعيــدا يف كل خطــر وجهــي ذهــول مــن عودتــه َّإيل ابتســمت حــن قــايل أتذكــر طفلتاهــا، وأتذكــر يومــا أوصتنــي بهــام - ليتهــا يل: بتــدوري ع األبلــة الــي معاهــا )التــاب(. تختــار أحــدا غــريي - أحبهــام، لكنــي فاشــلة، زهــرات أومــأت بــرأيس موافقــة ـــــ كانــت مل تــزل معــي القرنفــل التــي أحبهــا وانتقيتهــا بنفــي ألزيــن بهــا عل الهاتف ـــ أشــار يل بإصبعه املتســخ نحو متثال رشفتــي مل أفلــح يف العنايــة بهــا، نســيت مــرارا عمــر مكــرم وهــو يقــول: عديناهــا مــن شــوية هنــاك. إطعــام عصفــوري الصغرييــن، فامتــا! ملحتهــا حيــث أشــار، أغلقــت الهاتــف، وأنــا ترص صاحبتي عل الغوص يف قلب الخطر، ابتســم لــه وقبــل أن أنطــق أو أذهــب لصديقتــي ابنتاهــا تحبــان امليــدان، تحبــان عودتنــا لنلهــو ســويا، كان قــد أمــرين بلهجــة حاســمة أن أبتعــد عــن طريــق نحــل مســائل الحســاب ونحــن نقفــز عــى مرتبــة املدرعــة، التفــت ماشــية وقــد أطعتــه صاغــرة، لكــن

170 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) عينــي تعلقــت بكــرسة الخبــز الجافــة التــي تطــل مــن الســيارات التــي تســتغل فضــاء الطــرق فتــرسع جيبــه. الســري أبطــأت فجــأة كــام لــو َّأن الــرادار يتابعهــا، عــى 7/2/2013 الطريــق الرسيــع هنــاك مكانــا دامئــا للرجــل الــذي يلتقــط صــور الســيارات، الســائقي يخــرون بعضهــم البعــض مبكانــه ليتجنبــوا مخالفــة أكيــدة، بــن 4. حرية... ولكن األشــجار املتناثــرة عــى الطريــق ملحتــه مــرات فهــو انتحــت جانبــا مــن الطريــق حيــث تجلــس بائعــة ال يغــري مكانــه، جميعهــم مبجــرد االقــراب يبطئــون املناديــل، اشــرت عبــوة، نقدتهــا مثنهــا وأكــر، رسعاتهــم املجنونــة بشــكل مفاجــئ، بــطء يثــري ابتعــدت خطوتــن قبــل أن تســمع البائعــة تدعــو لهــا: يف نفســها الغثيــان، غثيــان كالــذي يثــريه الحقــد إلهــي يســر عرضــك. بداخلهــا، تعــرف كثــريون يــأكل الحقــد نفوســهم، التفتــت للمــرأة العجــوز التــي تعلــق برصهــا يف تعرفهــم، تجالســهم، نظراتهــم تخــرق الحجــب لكنهــا الفــراغ ثــم مضــت، طيلــة عمرهــا تكــره هــذا الدعــاء ال متــر إىل روحهــا، هــي محصنــة ضــد العــدوى، ال بــال ســبب ! بحثــت طويــال يف داخلهــا عــن ســبب تشــفق عليهــم، وحــده جهازهــا الهضمــي ينقلــب، الكراهيــة ومل تجــد ســببا ولــو غــري مقنــع. يصيبــون معدتهــا بعصبيــة مفرطــة ورغبــة يف التقيــؤ. اليوم تبتســمللبائعة ومتيض، تختق الشــوارع النــاس كادت تنعــدم، تتلفــت حولهــا ال أحــد بحذائهــا الريــايض، صبــاح الجمعــة تخلــو وســط ســواها يف امليــدان الــذي نــادرا مــا يخلــو حتــى يف املدينــة مــن الزحــام، الســيارات قليلــة والنــاس ســاعات حظــر التجــوال، مثــة ســيارة رغــم كل يشء أيضــا. متــر مختقــة الســكون والحظــر يتحــدى صاحبهــا تتســلل إليهــا رائحــة ياســمي تجهــل مصدرهــا، القمــع! مل تعــد تحــي عــدد املــرات التــي وقفــت تتلفــت حولهــا فــال تجــد شــيئا، غــري بائــع الــورد أو شــاركت فيهــا كمتظاهــرة ضــد القمــع، ضــد الــوأد، البلــدي الــذي يجلــس يلــف زهراتــه يف ورق ملــون تفكــر اآلن أن تتظاهــر ألجــل أن يســمح الحاقــدون لهــا ويــرش عليهــا املــاء لتبقــى نديــة، اليــوم عــى غــري بالحــب! إلهــي يســر عرضــك الزال هــذا الدعــاء عادتــه عــرض عليهــا زهــرة لتشــريها، فكــرت أن الــذي تكــره يــرن بأذنهــا مــع كل خطــوة. تشــري واحــدة تهديهــا لــه، تعلــم أنــه ســيفرح بهــا زخــات املطــر الخفيفــة ال تكفــي لتغتســل بهــا، وتــرى ابتســامته الحلــوة وقــد يضحــك ضحكتــه التــي ال أحــد يف الشــارع الفســيح، تعــرج عــى املقهــى، تــي بطفولتــه، لكنهــا تركــت البائــع ومضــت. تالحــظ وحدتهــا هنــاك، صبيــة املقهــى يروحــون

171 ايبرعلا عيبرلا يف ةأرملا ويجيئــون يحملــون طلبــات ملناضــد فارغــة، يتأخــرون خشــية أن تفقــده، الحــب ثــورة، والحــب يف الثــورة يف املجــيء بقهوتهــا، تنــادي عــى أحدهــم يف حيــاة، الحريــة أكــر أحالمهــا، للحريــة مثــن، يــكاد غضــب لتتعجــل القهــوة، يعتــذر لهــا عــن تأخــره عقلهــا ينفجــر، تــرصخ: اللعنــة عــى الخــوف، اللعنــة بســبب زحــام املقهــى، تقفــز الدهشــة لتعتــي عــى القمــع، إنهــا تريــد أن تحــب، أن تهــدأ. وجههــا صارخــة أمجنــون هــذا؟! يــرصخ صــوت منــري يف املقهــى: ودا حــب إيــه ســاعتها تشــري إىل تأخــره عــن موعــده، مقعــده دا الــي مــن غــري أي حريــة؟! يخلو منه، تتذكر آخر لقاء – كان باألمس – شعرت أخــ اري جــاء، جلــس أمامهــا بوجــه متجهــم – ال بــيء مــا يقــف حائــال بينهــا وبــن نظرتــه الوالهــة، تــرى ســواهام باملقهــى - الزال يحمــل أثــر حوارهــام تعشــق كلــامت الهــوى التــي يقولهــا، يقشــعر الطويــل، نظراتــه تعاتبهــا، نظراتهــا تســتحلفه تتوســل جســدها حــن تقــرب منــه، هــي تلــك الحــرارة التــي موافقتــه، هــو يحلــل مــن بعيــد ويلــم باألمــور إنــه كانــت يف املــكان حــنالتقيــا للمــرة األوىل، كــام لــو يلعــب سياســة، هــي تلعــب ثــورة، ال تســتطيع أن أنهــام دخــال غالفــا شــفافا يحيــط بهــام وحدهــام دون تــرك رفقــة األيــام املاضيــة، هــو هــادئ، وهــي آتــون اآلخريــن! ميســك يدهــا فتحضنــه أصابعهــا، يطمــن مشــتعل ) أســتاذ بوتجــاز( كــام يحلــو لــه أن يســميها. لوجودهــا، حــن يحســها تبتعــد ولــو بــرشود قليــل الزال منــري يغنــي، الزالــت تحلــم بحبــه، صــوت يتعلــق مبالبســها كطفــل يتعلــق بذيــل أمــه فتبــت البائعــة يــرن بأذنيهــا، ليتهــا تصمــت، ليتــه يكــف عــن عــى كتفــه بــال كلمــة. حبــه، ليتهــا تتمكــن مــن الــرصاخ بقلبهــا ليمــوت، حــوار طويــل ال تنكــر أنهــا صمــت أذنيهــا عنــه، ال ودت لــو أخذتــه مــن يــده، أن تــرك لــه جســدها أن يشء ســيثنيها عــن الحلــم، يف الصبــاح كتبــت أنــه تشــبع ويشــبع مــرة واحــدة – إلهــي يســر عرضــك - ســيطري معهــا إن طلبــت أن مينحهــا حلــام لتســبح قبــل مــوت شــبه مؤكــد، البــالد تعــوي منــذ عامــن، يف فضائــه، لكــن الحلــم القديــم تجــدد، اشــتعل الحريــة الحلــم، القيــود التــي تحــررت منهــا بقــى منهــا الشــارع مــن جديــد وامليــدان الخــايل اآلن يزخــر واحــدا، بقــى قيــد الحــب! النــاس يريــدون الحريــة، مبريديــه، يتملكــه الخــوف عليهــا، يكبلهــا الخــوف مــن هــي تريــد الحريــة، هــو أســري الظــالم بــال حريــة. أن يحــدث مــا يبعدهــا عنــه، بحــث طويــل ولقاءهــام رصخــت )ودا حــب إيــه دا الــي مــن غــري أي كان مســتحيال لكنــه كان. حريــة ( قبــل أن تنضــم للجمــوع الغاضبــة وأصابعهــا قتلــت الخــوف قبــل عامــن حــن انضمــت تحضــن أصابعــه. لصفــوف الثائريــن، عــاد الخــوف يســيطر عليهــا 2013/11/27

172 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) 5. تاهت… وجاري البحث بــات رماديــا، الجــوع يقرصهــا، الفســتان الحريــري مل يعــد موجــودا، اشــرته امــرأة ثانيــة، أتختفــي هــي مرت من هنا. أيضــا؟! قالوهــا يف نفــس الوقــت، املــرأة التــي ســألت يف الليلــة األخــ ةري استســلمت أليديهــن، منهــن كانــت تتشــح بالســواد، تســري متعــرة يف خطواتهــا، مــن جلــت عنهــا الشــعر، منهــن مــن دهنــت جســدها يف عباءتهــا، تقــرب مــن واجهــة أحــد املحــال، بكرميــات، منهــن مــن مشــطت الشــعر الطويــل، تغــوص يف عينــي العارضــة الحشــبية التــي تلبــس منهــن مــن ألبســتها مشــد الصــدر الضيــق، منهــن مــن فســتانا مــن الحريــر والدانتيــل، أفرغــت دمعهــا وهــي أحكمــت غلــق ) الكورســيه ( ثــم ألبســنها الفســتان، تحملــق يف الفســتان، كان يشــبه الفســتان الــذي كانــت صامتــة، مل تســمع الزغاريــد التــي انطلقــت ارتدتــه يف آخــر ليلــة. مــن أفواههــن، مل تــرد تهنئــة، آثــارت ضحكهــن، ظننهــا آخر ليلة! آخر مرة رأتها فيها، اشــريتا الفســتان خائفــة، كل واحــدة منهــن استســلت تــروي عــن مــن نفــس املحــل، كانــت معهــا، انتقيــاه وهــي تحلــم ليلتهــا األوىل، الــكل يحــي، هــي ال تســمع. بينــام األخــرى تــرشد بعيــدا، كلــام جرتهــا لعاملهــا يف الصبــاح جــاء يســأل عنهــا، يف الصبــاح زف تــ د،مل رش يكــن باســتطاعتها أن تقطــع رشودهــا الخــر، الزال طعــام الصباحيــة عــى منضــدة أمهــا مل لألبــد، أن تعــرف مبــاذا تفكــر، أن تغــرق جبينهــا تحملــه بعــد، جــاء يحمــل لهــم بشــارتها دونهــا، أيــن بســائل أحمــر أو بــأي لــون يكشــف لهــا عــام كتــب ذهبــت؟! عــى الجبــن بحــر رسي ال تعرفــه. مرت من هنا. مرت من هنا. الوجــوه التــي عرفتهــا دهنــت باألســود، القــار مــرة أخــرى تســمع نفــس الجملــة، إنهــا تــدور عــى مالبســهم هــم وأرصفــة الشــوارع جــزءا ال يتجــزأ، خلفهــا وال تجدهــا، الصمــت الــذي بدأتــه األخــرى النــداءات مل تختلــف، منــذ العــام األول، ثالثــة أعــوام كان يهلكهــا، تســتحثها لتتحــدث وال تنطــق، الســامء مل يرهــا، ثالثــة أعــوام وهــي ترتــدي األســود وتــدور يف ترســل فيضهــا والجــو حــار، الشــمس تالعبهــا، كانــت الشــوارع وتتوقــف عنــد واجهــة املحــل الــذي اشــرت كــام الشــمس ال تعــرف لهــا حــال، كل مــا تعرفــه أنهــا منــه الفســتان الحريــري، مل يضعــوا آخــر يشــبهه. تــ ق رشيف الصبــاح وتغيــب يف غــروب ينــذر مبجيــئ تــزوج بأخــرى، حملــوا لــه طعــام الصباحيــة جديــد، هــل ســتعود وتــرشق؟! ففتحــت لهــم العــروس الجديــدة البــاب بــرداء مرت من هنا. شــفاف أبيــض، أخفــت عنهــم بشــارتها، ضحكــت الرحلــة طالــت بهــا، الشــوارع ملتهــا، األســود

173 ايبرعلا عيبرلا يف ةأرملا مبيوعــة واختفــت يف مطبخهــا الجديــد، جــاءت التليفزيــون التــي تبــارك العــرس الجديــد، قالتهــا بصينيــة الرشبــات، كــف عــن البحــث عنهــا يف كل ذات العبــاءة الســوداء وهــي تتأمــل حذاءهــا البــايل الشــهور، اختفت يف يناير، بل اختفت يف مارس، مــن كــرة البحــث. بــل يف أكتوبــر، املــرأة التــي ترتــدي األســود تؤكــد أنهــا وضعــوا يف يــد صاحبــة العبــاءة جنيهــا، بقايــا اختفــت يف نوفمــر، لكنــه كــف عــن البحــث، جــاء ســاندويتش، ألقــت مــا وضعــوه يف وجوههــم بأخــرى ال تتكــه يف الصبــاح وبشــارتها عــى منديلــه وهــي تســب وتلعــن، تتكهــم والدهشــة متتطــي ومــالءة الرسيــر البيضــاء. وجوههــم ومتــرح، أمــام واجهــة املحــل نظــرت مرت من هنا. لفســتان جديــد ومل تفــرح، دمعــة عانقــت املطــر، قالهــا البائعــون الذيــن ســكنوا الشــارع فمنعــوا تركــت الطرحــة تنحــرس عــن شــعرها الطويــل، شــقت املــارة والســيارات، قالتهــا األرصفــة التــي جلســت العبــاءة فانفتحــت، أعطتهــم دبلــة ذهبيــة وقالــت عليهــا تــأكل علبــة كــرشي صغــرية وضحكاتهــا أريــده، طردوهــا، أغــرق املطــر جســدها املكشــوف، كانــت تشــق الســامء، قالهــا الجالســون عــى ســمعت األلســنة التــي دعــت، التــي ســبت، التــي املقاهــي يحتســون القهــوة وينفثــون دخــان نراجيلهــم تحــرست، هــو يقــول أنهــا رحلــت يف ينايــر هــي تقــول وســجائرهم الرخيصــة، قالهــا ركاب املــرو، البائعــون أنهــا رحلــت قبــل العمــر بعمــر. الجالســون عــى مدخــل املحطــة ملغلقــة، برامــج 2014/4/15

174 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) ن ف ة دور جاملتمع ياملد� جزء ل يتجزء ي� مرحل ما بعد الربيع ب يالعر�: ة ف ت ن ة ن ث اطالل من جديد ي� ضوء ج�ربة يفلسط� املتل! الربيع ب يالعر�: يب� الزهار املتأخر وال�ار املبكر!

محمد منصور محارض، قسم اللغة العربية

ت�هيد: اخفاق ةالدول القطرية: تقدم هذه الورقة قراءة مكثفة للربيع العريب بالقدر انتــزع العــرب استقاللهـــم الســيايس يف مجموعــة الــذي يســاعد عــى فهـــم وتحليــل دور املجتمــع مــن الــدول القطريــة، طبقــاًالتفاقيــة ســايكس بيكــو، املــدين وكذلــك معرفــة أيــن اتفقــت األراء بشــأنه وظنــوا أن مبقدورهـــم بنــاء دولــة حديثــة. لكنهــا جــاءت وأيــن اختلفــت، مــن حيــث األســباب والتداعيــات عــى غــرار دولــة املســتعمر، وتبنــى القامئــون عليهــا والديناميــات. مل يــأت هــذا الربيــع دفعــة واحــدة، مشــاريع تحديثيــة غابــت عنهــا املضامــن السياســية ومل يســقط مــن الســامء، حتــى وإن بــدا مباغتــاً واالجتامعيــة الفعليــة، فغلــب عليهــا الطابــع األمنــي ومفاجئــاًللكثرييــن. مثــة خلفيــات تاريخيــة، عمليــات والقمعــي، ورسعــان مــا تشــكل منــوذج للحكــم يتســم تراكميــة، نضــاالت مســتمرة وصلــت ذروتهــا، اآلن، بالتســلط واالســتبداد، ما دفع أوســع فئات املجتمع وتــكاد تفــ يضإىل زمــن جديــد أو طــور جديــد مــن للتعامــل معــه بالريبــة والحــذر أو باملقاومــة والرفــض. أطــوار حيــاة العــرب. فمنــذ لحظــة ســقوط الخالفــة إن مــن الحقائــق الســاطعة، التــي يكشــف عنهــا ربيــع العثامنيــة، وتحــدي االســتعامر الغــريب، ويف ضــوء العــرب اليــوم، أنــه مل يكــن مقــدراً لهــذا الربيــع أن يزهــر تأثريات الحداثة، والعرب يكافحون من أجل تحديد لوال مراكمة النضاالت السياسية والنقابية والحقوقية موقعهـــم عــى خارطــة العــامل الجديــد، بإعــادة رداً عــى الخيبــات التــي رافقــت بنــاء الدولــة الوطنيــة. تعريف هويتهـــموبناء كيانهـــمالســيايس، ودامئاًيف واألمثلــة كثــرية وعديــدة؛ أحــداث الجزائــر 1988 ظــل وجــود تحديــات هائلــة، داخليــة وخارجيــة. بســبب غــ ءال املــواد الغذائيــة، انتفاضــة البحريــن

175 برعلا عيبرلا دعب ام ةلحرم يف ءزجتي ال ءزج يندملا عمتجملا رود يف التســعينيات، انتفاضــةالخبــز يف األردن 1996، انتابهـــم غضــب غــري مســبوق ناجــم عــن إحساسهـــم إرضابات مناجم قفصة يف تونس 2008، نشــاطات بالعجز يف مواجهة سحق كرامتهـم اليومي، وسحق حركــة كفايــة يف مــ ،رص االنتفاضــات الفلســطينية، كرامــة األمــة باالحتــالالت وأعــ لام النهــب املنظــم وغريهــا مــن األحــداث. هــذا عــالوة عــى الحــراك وإذالالهــا بتواطــؤ واضــح وفاضــح مــن حكامهــا الفكــري الــذي شــهدته الســاحة العربيــة خــالل ونخبهـــم الفاســدة. اسعفتهـــم التكنولوجيــا يف الســنوات األخــ ة،ري واملتصــل باملراجعــات الكــرى، التغلــب عــى رصــد األمــن ومالحقتــه، وقهــر العزلــة وطــرح البدائــل، عــر الحــوار بــن التيــارات الفكريــة املفروضة عل تواصلهـــم وتفاعلهـــم، فبات الفضاء والسياســية األساســية، وع بمحاوالت بناء ائتالفات االلكــروين مجــاالً عامــاً ومفتوحــاً للتعبئــة وتبــادل وتحالفــات جبهويــة. األفــكار واملشــاعر، وبنــاء التوافــق عــى مــا يجــب القيــام بــه. بنزولهـــمإىل الشــارع يف مواجهــة مفتوحــة خ ة الروج ي :الكب� إعادة بناء جاملتمع والدول مــع القــ ،رص مــع منظومــة الفســاد االســتبداد، أعلنــوا ولــج العــرب األلفيــة الثالثــة وحالهـــم، مثلــام ورد والدة جيــل جديــد مــن العــرب، وســجلوا نقلتــن يف تقريــر التنميــة البرشيــة األول، يــرىث لهــا، وبــدوا حاســمت يعــى الطريــقإىل الحريــة والدميوقراطيــة: وكأنهـــم »خــارج التاريــخ« مــن حيــث مــؤرشات الحريــة األوىل، انتقــال الشــباب مــن العــامل االفــرايض واملعرفــة والنمــو والتنميــة البرشيــة. ومل ينقــض )العزلــة واالنكفــاء والتهيــب والحــذر( إىل معــرك العقــد األول مــن هــذه األلفيــة حتــى بلــغ الشــعور الحيــاة الواقعيــة )االندمــاج واملواجهــة والجــرأة(، باملهانــة واالذالل، حــداً أخرجهـــم عــن طورهـــم، أي والثانيــة، تحــول انتظامهـــم العفــوي يف نشــاطات عــن صمتهـــم وخضوعهـــم، يف مليونيــات غاضبــة احتجاجيــة غرضهــا تصحيــح أوضاعهـــم االجتامعيــة، اجتاحــت الشــوراع وعســكرت يف املياديــن، إىل ثــورة شــعب بكاملــه، أو قــل ثــورة أمــة. متحديــة الخــوف والقهــر ومصممــة عــى إحــداث أ التغيــ : ريإعــادة بنــاء املجتمــع والدولــة. ومل يكــن حصاد العام الول: ي تقي�رسيع غريبــاًأن يقــرن الربيــع العــريب بحــراك الشــباب، أي اليــوم، ونحــن عــى مقربــة مــن نهايــات العــام األول املاليــن مــن أبنــاء العــرب ممــن انعدمــت لديهـــم للربيــع العــريب، بحصــاده وانجازاتــه وتحدياتــه وتبايــن أســباب األمــل يف املســتقبل، واجتاحتهـــم مــرارة املواقــف منــه وتفــاوت مناذجــه يف البلــدان العربية، االحبــاط واليــأس مــن نظــام شــمويل ومــن أوضــاع نقــف أمــام ســيل هائــل مــن التحليــ تال لالجابــة عــى اجتامعيــة واقتصاديــة متديــة، وفــوق ذلــك كلــه، أســئلة كــرى: مــاذا حــدث؟ وملــاذا؟ ومــاذا بعــد؟

176 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) مــن يقــف وراء مــا حــدث؟ وإذا كان تعبــري »الحــراك وللجيش مسؤولية حاميتها وتأبيد بقاءها يف سدة الشــبايب« الــذي أطلــق عــى الربيــع العــريب يف الحكــم، وللمعارضــة التقليديــة مهـــمة إضفــاء قــدراً بداياته، بات قارصايف ًتفسري األحداث املتالحقة مــن التســامح والتصالــح والتعــدد الشــكل، وتعامــل واالحاطــة بالالتهــا، غــري أنــه ال يختلــف اثنــان عــى بقيــة أفــراد الشــعب بوصفهـــم رعايــا أو مــوايل. حقيقة أن الشــباب هـــم من أشــعلوا الرشارة األوىل، )2( أســقط الربيــع العــريب، بالرغــم مــن كل وهـــم مــن شــكلوا املجاميــع الكــرى يف املياديــن يشء، نظريــة التشــكيك وخطابهــا املتهافــت: إذ العامــة ويف املظاهــرات العارمــة، وهـــم مــن تحــدوا ال ميكــن لنظــام أن يحكــم إىل األبــد مهـــام امتلــك الجــالد وثقافــة الخــوف، وهـــم مــن حــددوا للثــورة مــن أدوات القمــع، وإذا كان مــن الحكمــة أخــذ شــعاراتها األساســية ومســاراتها املختلفــة. موازيــن القــوى الدوليــة باالعتبــار، غــري أن التحــول وألغــراض معالجــة دور املجتمــعاملــدين وإبــراز الدميوقراطــي غــري مرهــون البتــة بــإرادة هــذه القــوى، أهـــم املعضــ تال التــي باتــت تواجهــه واســترشاف بــل بــإرادة الشــعوب، كــام ال ميكــن ألحــد أن يدعــي آفــاق املســتقبل، ســوف أكتفــي بتســجيل بعــض بعــد اليــوم أن املجتمعــات العربيــة غــري قابلــة االســتخالصات العامــة فيــام يتعلــق بالربيــع العــريب للدميوقراطيــة، ومناذجــه عــى النحــو التــايل: )3( عــودة السياســة أو العــودة للسياســة. يف )1( مل تندلــع الثــورات العربيــة ملواجهــة أنظمــة زمــن القهــر واالســتبداد كانــت قــوى املعارضــة، أو الحكــم الشــمويل فحســب، بــل وملواجهــة تــردي بعضهــا قــد اســتعاضت عــن الفعــل الســيايس األوضــاع االجتامعيــة واالقتصاديــة غــري املســبوق. املبــارش بالعمــل األهــي )القــوى اإلســالمية اســتهدف الربيع العريب، باالجامل، اســقاط الدولة خصوصــاً(، ي افــق ت مــع إعــادة االعتبــار املــادي الغنامئيــة وتفكيكهــا كــام يقــول د.عزمــي بشــارة، والرمــزي للعمــل الســيايس، بعــض الظواهــر بوصفهــا مصــدر األزمــة بعــد تــوايل فشــل سياســاتها التــي ينبغــي مالحظتهــا كــام يــي: االفتقــار للرؤيــة التنمويــة واالســتبدادية. ولذلــك، رفــع املتظاهــرون السياســية والوضــوح األيدولوجــي إىل حــد كبــري، شــعار »الدولــة املدنيــة«. ولعــل يف بعــض االنتقــال التدريجــي مــن الشــارع، أي مــن امليــدان الخصائــص املشــركة للحالــة يف معظــم البلــدان إىل املجــال الســيايس العــام، تشــكل عــدد هائــل العربيــة، مــا قبــل انــدالع الثــورات، مــا يفــرس أســباب مــن األحــزاب السياســية والجمعيــات املشــتغلة يف هــذا االنــدالع: بيئــة مجتمعيــة ال تحــض عــى اإلبــداع الشأن العام، أو ما ميكن تسميته باالنفجار الحزيب، واملعرفــة، تكــرس ثقافــة الخــوف واالتكاليــة والجــن، تنامي ظواهر االنتهازية )النخبة السياســية( والجب

177 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا ن ف )النخبــة الثقافيــة( والغوغائيــة )املتظاهــرون يف جاملتمع ياملد� ي� العامل ب يالعر�: يتقي� الشــارع(، ســيطرة القــوى السياســية التقليديــة عــى الدور ال يال يواملستقبل من منظور املشــهد العــام، بينــام تتــرشذم قــوى الثــورة )بــن الفعالية السياسية صفــوف الشــباب خصوصــاً(، تفجــر طاقــات العنــف ت�هيد: بأشــكال مختلفــة وجديــدة )ارتخــاء قبضــة الدولــة، ميكــن التقــاط ســامت وخصائــص هامــة محــل اتفــاق ضعــف تقاليــد الحــوار واشــتداد حــدة التنافــس(. وإجــامع مــن ســيل التحليــالت التــي واكبــت أحــداث )4 ( إىل ذلــك، ميكــن تســجيل بعــض الربيــع العــريب، مــن بينهــا أن هــذا الربيــع، يعــر عــن املالحظــات واملحاذيــر التاليــة بشــأن مســتقبل الربيــع تــوق الشــعوب العربيــة وطموحهــا للدميوقراطيــة العــريب، ومســتقبل املنطقــة :عمومــاً الثــورة يف كل وللعدالــة. وألن األمــر كذلــك، يقــول ســمري أمــن، بلــد يحددهــا حاصــل تأثــري العامــل الخارجــي وتراكــم فــإن مشــاركة املجتمــع املــدين، بغــض النظــر عــن االســتحقاق الداخل، نجاح الثورة يعتمد عل درجة درجــة االلتبــاس يف هــذه التســمية، يف تشــكيل التجانس املجتمعي والتاميز املؤسســايت، وبالتايل املجتمعــات، ميكــن أن يكــون، أســلوباً مفيــداً- قــد يخلــق الصــدام مــع بعــض األنظمــة رشخــاًيف أي نقطــة بدايــة- إلثــارة قضبــة الدميوقراطيــة بــكل املجتمع، تفجر الرصاعات بأشكالها، قد يفيض إىل جوانبهــا. وهــذه هــي ذات النتيجــة التــي توصــل حالــة مــن الفــوض العارمــة يصــل معهــا التفكيــك إىل إليهــا تقريــر التنميــة البرشيــة يف فلســطي 2010، مستوى الوحدات العضوية األوىل )الطائفة، القبيلة، ومفادهــا أن الخــروج مــن املــأزق )انســداد املســار الجهة، العرق(، ومن مؤرشات ذلك سيطرة عدد من الســيايس وتعــر املســار الدميوقراطــي( يتمثــل رجــال األعــ ل امعــى معظــم املنابــر اإلعالميــة،. تحريــر يف االســتثامر يف مشــاركة املجتمــع املــدين، أي االقتصــاد مــن الخــوات واالحتــكار ووصفــات البنــك يف التعبئــة الشــعبية. يســتخدم مفهــوم املجتمــع الــدويل، وإعــادة صياغــة منــوذج ال يقــوم عــى مــوارد املــدين يف هــذه الورقــة باعتبــاره عــرشات األلــوف ريعية فقط، ويسمح ملختلف الفعاليات بالعمل يف مــن الجمعيــات واملراكــز والهيئــات واألطــر القامئــة منــاخ آخــر، فعــالً وتعمــل نســبيا ًخــارج إطــار األرسة والدولــة والســوق. وتضــم طيفــاً واســعاً مــن الفضــاءات والفاعلــن واألشــكال املؤسســية،

178 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) ن ة ن والقدميــة، وتنويــع القيــود املفروضــة عــى تنقــل جدل العالقة يب� الدول جواملتمع ياملد� األفــراد وحركتهـــم داخــل بلدانهـــم وخارجهــا، وكــرس تعــرف العــرب عــى مفاهيــم املجتمــع املــدين حلقــات التواصــل االجتامعــي والثقــايف، وتجنيــد وعالقتــه مــع الســلطة ومفاهيمــه عــن االلتــزام بعــد قســم كبــري مــن النخــب املثقفــة لبــث أيدولوجيــة أن قضــت الدولــة العربيــة التســلطية عــى هامــش القهــر الــذايت التــي تقــوم عــى تغذيــة مشــاعر كراهيــة املجتمــع، فبــات ،عاجــزاً إىل حــد كبــري عــن الفعــل الــذات وتشــجع عــى االنخــالع عــن الهويــة والتــرم والتأثــري. وجــدت هــذه املجتمعــات فيــام عــرف باالنتــامء للجامعــة التاريخيــة والثقافيــة. غــري أن باملنظــامت والجمعيــات تعويضــاً عــن غيــاب الدولــة بعــض البلــدان شــهدت تطــوراً ملحوظــاً، بالرغــم مــن الســيايس وعــدم حضورهــا االجتامعــي بحكــم كل ذلــك، ملنظــامت املجتمــع املــدين، ولذلــك ســنوات االســتبداد وأحــكام الطــوارئ. تســببت كان نجــاح الثــورة فيهــا أكــر وضوحــا، ً ومل تصــل الدولــة الغنامئيــة، بتعبــري عزمــي بشــارة، يف انحــالل فيهــا عمليــات التفــكك إىل مســتوى العضويــات جميــع العــرى االجتامعيــة، والقضــاء عــى أي أثــر والجهويــات. للــروح العموميــة، للوعــي الجمعــي واإلرادة العامــة. باإلجــامل ميكــن القــول أن انعــدام الحريــات لقــد جــرى إفــراغ الحيــز العــام )الحيــاة السياســية وغيــاب الكرامــة والعدالــة أدى إىل إضعــاف واالجتامعيــة( مــن مضمونــه الفعــي، أي أن يكــون املجتمع، ومن ثم إضعاف الدولة ذاتها وانكشافها حيــزاً لــرصاع بــن أفــكار وبرامــج سياســية وحــركات إزاء التحديــات الخارجيــة. اعتمــدت الدولــة الريعيــة اجتامعيــة تعتمــد قاعــدة شــعبية ّمتكــن مــن إرســاء عــى مقايضــة الرفــاه االقتصــادي، املوهــوم يف تــداول عــى الحكــم. أو فضــاء تلتقــي فيــه النــاس أغلــب األحــوال، بالحريــات السياســية، وأغلقــت حــول قضايــا أو مصالــح أو مشــاعر مشــركة، عــر املؤسســات السياســية أمــام التنافــس الســيايس العمــل الجامعــي والحــوار العقــالين، والتفــاوض. الحقيقــي، ويف بيئــة إقليميــة غــري مؤاتيــة لإلصــالح وألنهــا دولــة ريعيــة، ليســت رأســاملية مبفهــوم الســيايس، اســتمرت أســباب العجــز الدميوقراطــي غرامــي، أي ليســت دولــة مواطنيهــا، فقــد ، عربياًوتذرعت األنظمة بالرصاع العريب اإلرسائيل اســتمدت بقاءهــا مــن تعميــم الخــوف الدائــم يف وقــف عمليــات التحــول الدميوقراطــي والتهديــد املنظــم الــذي يضمنــه الحضــور الشــامل أ ألجهــزة األمــن والقهــر واملخابــرات، واالســتخدام اهلروب إل املنظمات الهلية املفــرط للعنــف الرمــزي واملــادي معــا، وســن قوانــن بــرزت يف العقــود األخــرية مجموعــة مــن الجمعيــات املراقبــة عــى كل مــا يتعلــق باالتصــاالت الحديثــة

179 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا ومراكــز البحــث وحقــوق اإلنســان، تحــت تأثــريات الفتقار للفعالية السياسية: العوملــة ورياحهــا، اســتجابة محــدودة مــن قبــل ميكن القول، أنه وبالرغم من وجود آالف الجمعيات األنظمــة إلضفــاء قــدر مــن الدميوقراطيــة عــى واملنظــامت،أن املجتمــع املــدين العــريب كان حكمهــا، والمتصــاص نقمــة الجمهــور العريــض مــن يفتقــر إىل الفعاليــة السياســية. إذ مل يتحــول غيــاب املشــاركة ومــن تــردي األوضــاع االجتامعيــة املجتمــع الســيايس إىل دولــة حقيقيــة، وغابــت واالقتصاديــة يف ظــل الخصخصــة والفســاد الــ وطرش املمهــدة للدميوقراطيــة، واســتعيض عــن واجهــاض التنميــة. ومــن ناحيــة أخــرى، رغبــة البعــض مفهــوم املؤسســة بالعالقــات الشــخصية والزبائنيــة، يف تجنــب الصــدام املبــارش مــع األنظمــة التــي وانعدمــت فــرص التوســط بــن الفــرد )الرعيــة(، تحظــر األحــزاب أو تقيــد حريــة حركتهــا أو تفــرض وبــن الدولــة املتســلطة، التــي حالــت دون أي حضورهــا شــكالنيا ًفقــط، وتالحــق قواهــا وأجهزتهــا نشــاط ســيايس جــدي لهــذه املنظــامت، عــر األمنيــة كل نشــاط ســيايس تعبــوي يف صفــوف املالحقــة األمنيــة وســن الترشيعــات املقيــدة. إىل الجامهــري. إىل ذلــك، رد فعــل عــى هــذه األحــزاب ذلــك، عمــد الليباليــون الجــدد، عــر ميكانيزمــات التقليديــة املاملئــة للنظــام أو املرعوبــة منــه أو التــي التمويــل والدعــم الخارجــي، إىل تضييــق مفهــوم تعــاين هــي ذاتهــا مــن فســاد داخــي وترهــل تنظيمــي املجتمــع املــدين وحــ ه رص يف تقديــم الخدمــات واحتــكار الطغــم املســتفيدة يف القــرارات واملــوارد. االجتامعيــة بــدالً مــن الدولــة واســتبعدوا أشــكال وأيضــاً باعتبــار الجمعيــات قنــاة أساســية للحصــول التعبــري والتنظيــم التــي متكــن الطبقــات الشــعبية عــى متويــل خارجــي رضوري للقيــام بفعالياتهــا مــن العمــل عــى تحويــل عالقــات القــوى االجتامعيــة وأنشــطتها. فضــاء العمــل املــدين والجمعيــايت لصالحهــا. بــات املجتمــع املــدين مجــرد مجموعــة جــذب كل الراغبــن يف العمــل العــام مــع مــا مــن الجمعيــات العقيمــة التــي تخلــت عــن مهـــمة ينطــوي عليــه ذلــك مــن معارضــة ســلمية للنظــام عــر تغيــري العــامل واكتفــت بالتأقلــم مــع متطلبــات إعــادة تقديــم البدائــل التنمويــة، التعبئــة االجتامعيــة وبنــاء إنتــاج النظــام نفســه. يقــول ســمري أمــن »قــوى رأس الوعــي، رصــد االنتهــاكات واإلبــالغ عنهــا، تقديــم املال املسيطر ال تقبل املجتمع املدين إال برشط بعــض الخدمــات املاديــة واملســاعدات لجمهــور عقــم دوره، وبالتــايل إمــكان التالعــب بــه«. كبــري يعــاين الفقــر املدقــع ونقــص الخدمــات واالفتقــار للحاميــةاالجتامعيــة ضــد أشــكال التهديــد واالنكشــاف.

180 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) ن ف دور جاملتمع ياملد� ي� الربيع ب يالعر�: للحريــة والتخلــص مــن االســتبداد وبــن درجــة تطــور جو�ات نظر املجتمــع املــدين. ومــن الواضــح أن جدليــة العالقــة بــن النضــال الســيايس واالجتامعــي يف مســرية مل تتوفــر لكاتــب الورقــة املعلومــات الكافيــة عــن أعــرق منظمــة اجتامعيــة يف تونــس )االتحــاد العــام مــدى مساهـــامت املجتمــع املــدين يف الربيــع التونــي للشــغل(، تبــدت بصــورة جليــة يف ربيــع العــريب. غــري أن املتابعــة لســري األحــداث، ومراجعــة تونــس الــذي أفــى إىل ســقوط زيــن العابديــن بعــض الكتابــات واألبحــاث، واالطاللــة الواســعة بــن عــي. يفــرض أصحــاب هــذه النظريــة أن عــى برامــج ومشــاريع الجمعيــات األهليــة العربيــة، املجتمــع املــدين ســيلعب دوراًأكــر يف مرحلــة كل ذلــك ميكننــا مــن الحديــث عــن ثــالث نظريــات/ مــا بعــد الثــورة، وتحديــدا ًيف قضايــا إعــادة التــوازن وجهات نظر حول مدى هذه املساهـمة وأشكالها: الســيايس، وبنــاء االجــ عام )عقــد اجتامعــي جديــد(، األوىل: وفحواهــا أن منظــامت املجتمــع ويف إحقــاق العدالــة االنتقاليــة. ويضيفــون أن الثــورة املــدين لعبــت دوراً أساســيا ًيف ربيــع العــرب، وإن فتحــت البــاب عــى مرصاعيــه لدخــول الــرصاع بــن كان بتفــاوت مــن بلــد ألخــر طبقــاً لدرجــة تطــوره. الدولــة واملجتمــع املــدين مرحلــة جديــدة، وهــي ومــام الشــك فيــه أن أصحــاب هــذا الــرأي يتكئــون مرحلــة التحــول الدميوقراطــي. عــى عــدد مــن املــؤرشات والدالئــل العيانيــة، عــالوة الثانيــة: وهــي وجهــة نظــر راديكاليــة، ال تنفــي أي عــى منظورهـــم الفكــري الــذي تعــر عنــه املدرســة دور إيجــايب للمجتمــع املــدين يف الربيــع فحســب، اللي اليــة.ب تــرى هــذه املدرســة أن التشــكيالت بــل وتذهــب حــد اتهامــه بالعمــل ملصلحــة القــوى املدنيــة )املنظــامت والجمعيــات( تلعــب دورا ًيف الخارجيــة. تتأســس هــذه النظريــة فكريــاً عــى الحــد مــن توغــل الدولــة. مهــدت حركــة املجتمــع املدرســة املاركســية الكالســيكية التــي تــرى يف املــدين مــن خــالل برامــج التدريــب وورش العمــل التشــكيالت املدنيــة )املجتمــع املــدين( مجــرد واألنشــطة الثقافيــة واملعرفيــة وامليدانيــة واإلعالميــة مؤسســات رأســاملية وبالتــايل أدوات طيعــة يف لعمليــة التغــري الثــوري وعملــت عــى تهيئــة الــرأي يــد الدولــة )وقــوى النظــام الرأســاميل العاملــي( العــام باتجــاه رفــض القهــر واالســتغالل وتكميــم تســتخدمها المتصــاص الحنــق املجتمعــي وتكريــس األفــواه ومــن أجــل حريــة الــرأي والتعبــري والتجمــع الســيطرة االقتصاديــة. كــام تســتند يف زعمهــا إىل الســلمي والعمــل األهــي والنقــايب والحــزيب. وقــد مجموعــة مــن الشــواهد، كتدفــق األمــوال، وتلقــي الحــظ د. عزمــي بشــارة، يف معــرض تحليلــه للثــورة التدريــب يف دوائــر غربيــة أو برعايتهــا وطبقــاً يف تونــس أن مثــة عالقــة بــن الثــورة/أي التــوق

181 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا ملقارباتهــا ومنظوراتهــا وغــري ذلــك. يقــول عــادل األنتنــت. كــ امانتظمــت تعبئــة املجتمــع املــدين ســامرة »نخبــة املجتمــع املــدين مدجنــة، محرفــة بنــاء عــى أشــكال تضامــن جامعيــة، عائليــة، قبليــة، لنظريــة غرامــي، ليــس لهــا مساهـــمة يف التحــرر يف األحيــاء، يف أوســاط الجمعيــات واملؤسســات الوطنــي وهــي أداة تخريــب وتطويــع يف يــد الغــرب املهنيــة، متــت التعبئــة أيضــا بنــاء عــى املجموعــات الرأســاميل«، أمــا الكاتــب اإلســ ميال املعــروف، التقليديــة أو العرصيــة. فهـــمي هويــدي، فيتهـــم املنظــامت بأنهــا أصبحــت الثالثة: تــؤدي دور املســترشقي يف القــرن التاســع عــرش تقــر بالــدور الــذي لعبتــه منظــ تام املجتمــع وأوائــل القــرن العرشيــن، إلنجــاح التحكــم يف املــدين التقليديــة )التعبئــة االجتامعيــة، الدعــم الشــعوب. غــري أن بعــض املراقبــن يخفــف مــن اللوجســتي، التمكــن وبنــاء الوعــي، التنظيــم، رصــد حــدة النقــد، ويســلم بالــدور اإلصالحــي لهــذه االنتهــاكات ونقــد الســلطة،..(، غــري أن أصحــاب املنظــامت، ولكــن عــى أســس ومبــادئ ليباليــة هــذا الــرأي يســلمون ببعــض املثالــب والســلبيات، ويف نطــاق النظــام الرأســاميل العاملــي. وخصوصــاًاالعتــ دام املفــرط عــى الدعــم الخارجــي، وهنــاك مــن يــرى أن املجتمــع املــدين لعــب نضــوب الجــذور الجامهرييــة والطوعيــة وبالتــايل دوراً يف هامشــياًالربيــع العــريب ألســباب أخــرى، ضعــف املشــاركة مــن قبــل الجمهــور، االفتقــار فالثــورة تجــاوزت يف زخمهــا وفعلهــا وأهدافهــا، للدميوقراطيــة الداخليــة، االنــدراج بصــورة أو بأخــرى أمنــاط الحــركات االجتامعيــة التقليديــة )الهتافــات يف نســق املعرفــة واملامرســة الــذي تفرضــه قــوى ومضمونهــا، أشــكال التنظيــم، الفعاليــات العوملــة ومؤسســات النظــام الرأســ يلام العاملــي، الجامهرييــة، غيــاب القيــادة املركزيــة املوجهــة، القــرب مــن الدولة/النظــام الحاكــم والعمــل ضمــن ابتــداع أشــكال جديــدة للتواصــل والتعبئــة(. ويــرى قواعــده ومحدداتــه. ومــن ناحيــة أخــرى، يقــر هــؤالء كاتــب تــريك أن العــامل العــريب، ألســباب عديــدة بــأن اســتمرار دور املجتمــع املــدين، بعيــد الربيــع )االفتقــار للمؤسســة وضعــف قطــاع األعــامل(، مل العريب، منوط مبدى قدرته عل اســتلهام الدروس يعــرف املؤسســات الوســيطة بــن الفــرد والدولــة، وإحــداث التغــريات املطلوبــة ووعــي التحديــات وبالتــايل فالــ وطرش املمهــدة للدميوقراطيــة غــري الجديــة والجديــدة. تدلــل الشــواهد والتجــارب مكتملــة. إىل ذلــك، يــرى آخــرون أن الجمعيــات املختلفــة، أنــه بالرغــم مــن كل املثالــب والنواقــص التقليديــة مل يعــد لهــا دور يذكــر، إذ عوضتهــا املذكــورة، فقــد شــكل املجتمــع املــدين يف تونــس املدونــات الشــخصية والشــبكات االجتامعيــة عــى ومــرص واليمــن وفلســط يوغريهــا مــن البلــدان،

182 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) نقيضــاً نظريــاً وعمليــاًيف الكثــ ريمــن األحيــان، واملعــرة عــن تطلعاتهـــم واملمثلــة لطموحاتهـــم أو للمجتمــع الثيوقراطــي، واملجتمــع الشــمويل املقدمــة الخدمــة لهـــم. والتجربــة الفلســطينية، االســتبدادي، واملجتمــع القبــي أو الطائفــي. وإذا خــري دليــل عــى ذلــك، فقــد ساهـــمت املنظــامت كانت الثورة أعادت االعتبار للحياة السياسة ولدور األهليــة والحــركات الطوعيــة يف نشــأة مــا ســمي األحــزاب السياســية، غــري أنهــا أكــدت مــدى الحاجــة مبجتمــع االنتفاضــة، حيــث الحاميــة الشــعبية للمنظامت الوســيطة، وألشــكال التنظيم االجتامعي للتنميــة املقاومــة، االقتصــاد املنــزيل واالعتــامد الطوعــي كقنــوات للتعبئــة والتعبــ ريعــن املشــاعر عــى الــذات، التعبئــة االجتامعيــة وغــري ذلــك. كــام والقضايــا املشــركة، وأداة ملســاءلة الســلطة تثبــت التجربــة أن تدفــق األمــوال مــن الخــارج، قــد والتمريــن عــى الدميوقراطيــة واســتنفار الطاقــات يثــري الشــبهات ويحــد مــن االســتقاللية، ويتحكــم يف املجتمعيــة املكبوتــة وتعبئتهــا عــى أســاس غايــات توجيــه الفعــل االجتامعــي، إال أن النتائــج ليســت وأهــداف مشــركة. بالــرورة تــأيت وفقــا ًملخططــات القامئــن عــى وإذا كانت تكنولوجيا املعلومات واملنتجات الدعــم والتوجيــه، فمثلــام كان التعليــم والنــزوع نحــو املادية والرمزية األخرى مرتبطة بالنظام الرأساميل، الحريــة ومتثــل قيــم الحداثــة مــن نتائــج البعثــات وهــي تســتخدم بالتأكيــد، لضــامن إدامتــه وإعــادة التبرشيــة التــي هدفــت أساســا ًإىل إخضــاع إنتــاج هيمنتــه، غــري أن الطبقــات والفئــات الفقــرية الشــعوب ودمجهــا ضمــن منظومــة االســتعامر واملحرومــة واملهـــمشة ونخبهــا املثقفــة والعضويــة والرأســامل العاملــي، كان االنخــراط الواســع اســتطاعت أن تســتخدم هــذه املنتجــات ذاتهــا لنشــطاء العمــل األهــي يف فعاليــات الربيــع العــريب يف محاربــة الرأســاملية والعوملــة املتوحشــة. وإذا مســلحي بالوعــي والحــس املــدين والقــدرة عــى كان مثــة مجتمــع مــدين رأســاميل أو يخــدم أهــداف الحشــد وبنــاء التحالفــات والتواصــل عــر فضــاءات الرأســاملية، فثمــة بالــرورة، طبقــاً لنظريــة غرامــي ال تتحكــم فيهــا أدوات األمــن. حــول الهيمنــة، مجتمــع مــدين معــارض وناقــد وطــارح يف كل األحوال، ومهـام تباينت وجهات النظر للبديــل. بعــض املنظــامت عمــل ويعمــل يف ســياق عــن مــدى مساهـــمة املجتمــع املــدين يف الربيــع االقصــاء املتبــادل مــع الدولــة، وباســتقالل نســبي العــريب، إال أن مثــة قناعــة تتزايــد يوميــاً، أن وجــود عنهــا وعــن دوائــر الســيطرة والتحكــم العامليــة، ومــن هــذا املجتمــع، يشــكل حاجــة رضوريــة لضــامن ذلــك املنظــ تام اإلســالمية عــى ســبيل املثــال، أو االنتقــال الســلمي مــن حالــة الفــوىض والتفكيــك الحــركات املناهضــة للعوملــة، أو منظــامت الفقــراء إىل مرحلــة اســتعادة التــوزان والتجانــس. وإذا كان

183 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا إســقاط الســلطة القامئــة عــر عــن وعــي الشــعب والتنميــة البرشيــة، يخلــق فــرص عمــل ويؤمــن الحاميــة بذاتــه ككيــان جامعــي وعــن حاجتــه لصياغــة عقــد االجتامعيــة ويكافــح الفقــر والتفــاوت. رابعــاً، تجديــد اجتامعــي جديــد يؤســس لنظــام حكــم يســتمد النخــب مــع تجــاوز نخــب األنظمــة االســتبدادية، مبــا رشعيتــه مــن اإلرادة العامــة، مــام يضمــن لــه القــوة يحافــظ عــى املكتســبات الثقافيــة ويعززهــا، ويقطــع والتــوازن، فــإن وجــود املجتمــع املــدين رضورة، الطريــق عــى إعــادة االســتبداد، أو بــزوغ منــط جديــد أوالً، لضــامن إســتعادة تــوزان العالقــة بــن عنــارص منــه، وخصوصــاًمــع نجــاح الحــركات االســالمية يف الوحــدة االجتامعيــة وهــي تعيــد تشــكلها )فــرد/ أكــر مــن مــكان ووصولهــا إىل الحكــم. مجتمع/دولــة(، ثانيــاً، للتقليــل مــن التأثــريات الســلبية للتحــول وتأمــن التعبئــة والحشــد والضغــط الستجابة النجــاز مهـــامت الثــورة، ثالثــا، ًيك ال تصــل عمليــات يف مواجهــة هــذه التحديــات، وغريهــا، ميكــن التفكيــك الجاريــة إىل البنــى العضويــة والقبليــة ملنظــامت املجتمــع املــدين أن تسهـــم يف: )عشــائرية، جهويــة، طائفيــة( تقديــم بدائــل )تصــورات ومقاربــات( يف مختلــف املجــاالت السياســية واالقتصاديــة واالجتامعيــة ما بعد الربيع: والثقافيــة، تجنــب التوظيــف األيدولوجــي والدعــوي التحدي: مــن قبــل القــوى السياســية املتنافســة وضــامن تتمثــل التحديــات األبــرز مــا بعــد الثــورة، مــع التفــاوت عقالنيــة الحــوار والتنافــس ضمــن النظــام التعــددي النســبي بــن البلــدان، أوالً يف إعــادة تعيــن دور والتشــاريك، املساهـــمة يف تطويــر آليــات العمــل الجيــش، الــذي إمــا يشــكل دولــة داخــل الدولــة، وإمــا للمساهـــمة بفعاليــة يف مراقبــة أداء الحكومــات أداة يف يــد النظــام الحاكــم، ودامئــاًميثــل تهديــداً االنتقاليــة، التنبيــه اىل مخاطــر املــس بحقــوق جديــاًللنــزوع نحــو الدميوقراطيــة وبنــاء الدولــة االنســان ومالحقــة املخالفــن، االنتصــار لقضايــا املدنية. ، ثانياًإدماج الحركات اإلسالمية يف الحياة وحقوق األطراف الضعيفة يف املشاركة والحصول السياســية العامــة للمجتمــع، وبالتــايل الخــروج مــن عــى الخدمــات والحاميــة، املساهـــمة يف وضــع »مجتمعاتهــا املضــادة« وقبولهــا بتحديــد قواعــد ترشيعــات دميقراطيــة جديــدة تضمــن حريــة تكويــن جديــدة للنظــام. ،ثالثــاً تحقيــق النمــو االقتصــادي منظــامت املجتمــع املــدين، بعيــدا عــن قيــود الشــامل الــذي يتضمــن مبــادئ ومعايــري العدالــة املرحلــة الســابقة التــي عرقلــت منــو املجتمــع وحقــوق اإلنســان، وتحقيــق أبعــاد الرفــاه االجتامعــي املــدين وحرمتــه مــن النمــو الطبيعــي، وأخضعتــه

184 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) آلليــات الدولــة املحتكــرة للفضــاء العــام. الضغــط مــن أجــل العدالــة واملســاواة، امتــالك الوعــي والنفــوذ للتأثــري عــى السياســات العامــة ش ة رسوط الستجابة الفعال بنقدهــا وتعديلهــا، وعــر تقديــم الخدمــات بطريقــة إن قــدرة املجتمــع املــدين عــى االضطــالع بهــذا تعــزز االعتــامد عــى الــذات ومتكــن الفئــات الــدور مرهونــة بــرد االعتبــار ملفهــوم املواطنــة، وســد املهـــمشة والضعيفــة وتوســيع الخيــارات والفــرص املنافــذ أمــام كافــة أشــكال االخــراق الخارجــي واملشــاركة يف القــرارات. تحــت أي ســتار، واملواءمــة بــن مــا هــو دعــوي ومــا ة هــو ســيايس، وبعــدم تــرك املجــال االجتامعــي مرحل سياسية جديدة والعمــل املبــارش مــع النــاس حتــى مــن خــالل التزويــد نحن إزاء مرحلة سياسية جديدة يف العامل العريب، بالخدمــات، رفــض أي نشــاط أو برنامــج مــن شــأنه بغــض النظــر عــن االنتكاســات واملعيقــات، أو حتــى أن يزيــد مــن حــدة التــ ذمرش واالســتقطاب داخــل تأخــر وصــول بشــائر املرحلــة إىل بعــض البلــدان، املجتمــع، إبــداء قــدر كبــري مــن التجــاوب وااللتــزام والســمة الرئيســة هــي التحــول إىل ّالدميوقراطيــة. مــع متطلبــات الدميقراطيــة، والتخــي عــن امليــول وليــس مــن املســتبعد تبلــور حركــة مدنيــة واســعة النخبويــة، والدخــول يف مامرســات دميقراطيــة مــن بــن صفــوف حركــة الشــباب املنخرطــن يف داخليــة حقيقيــة. ويف جميــع األحــوال، تأكيــد النضــال مــن أجــل التغيــري الدميوقراطــي. وهــي الفعاليــة السياســية، أي كل مــا ميكــن مكونــات مرحلــة األحــزاب السياســية بامتيــاز، لكنهــا أيضــاً املجتمــع املــدين مــن تبنــي إســراتيجيات تسهـــم مرحلــة انبثــاق املواطــن الرقمــي والتنســيقيات يف تعديــل عالقــات القــوى االجتامعيــة يف مجــرى وشــبكات التواصــل وســلطتها الرمزيــة، ولذلــك هــي النضــال الســيايس واالجتامعــي مــع، أو ضــد مرحلــة ستشــهد بالــرورة إعــادة االعتبــار ملنظــامت األحــزاب السياســية، ومــع النقابــات واملنظــامت املجتمــع املــدين، إذ ســتزداد الحاجــة لعمليــات التــي تناضــل مــن أجــل الدميوقراطيــة، أو حقــوق التعبئــة والتعليــم وبنــاء التحالفــات، للتدريــب اإلنســان ومنظــامت العــامل والنســاء. واملطالبــة عــى االنتخابــات ومجمــل العمليــة الدميوقراطيــة، بالدميوقراطية بجميع أبعادها هي القلب املحرك لتبنــي وإقــرار رؤى وسياســات تنمويــة مالمئــة، إعــادة لهــذه االســراتيجيات. املطالبــة بالدميوقراطيــة ال االعتبــار للســلم املجتمعــي وتكريــس التســامح يعنــي فقــط تعليمهــا والتدريــب عليهــا )ميكــن أن وإحقــاق العدالــة االنتقاليــة واملصالحــة الوطنيــة تنفــذ قــوى النظــام مــن هــذه النافــذة(، بــل وعــر )يف ضــوء انتهــاكات فظيعــة طــوال عقــود(،

185 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا مراقبــة أداء الحــكام الجــدد ومساءلتهـــم. ال ميكــن الجديــدة تضــع مــكان الســكن أي الحــي يف مركــز تصــور نجــاح عمليــات إســتعادة التــوزان الســيايس عمليــات التعبئــة الجامهرييــة. هنــا ميكــن إضافــة )الحــوار، التفــاوض، التعاقــد(، وبنــاء االجــامع أهـــمية منظــور العــامل املعــاش، أي عــامل الفقــراء )الدميوقراطيــة، التســامح، احــرام التعــدد(، اليومــي، وانخراطهـــم يف الشــبكات االجتامعيــة والتنميــة )النمــو، مكافحــة الفقــر والتفــاوت، تعزيــز املحيطــة والقريبــة عــى أســاس القرابــة أو الجــوار. الرفــاه االجتامعــي( دون مساهـــامت جــادة مــن قبــل يكشــف مفهــوم »الريزوم«عــن خصوصيــة الواقــع املجتمــع املــدين. املحــي مــن حيــث تعــدد املبــادرات النابعــة مــن ن أســفل وتحالفاتهــا الشــبكية، مــام كان لــه دور بالــغ انبثاق مالحم جمتمع يمد� بديل يف الثــورة وخصوصــا ًيف مــرص. تتســم الشــبكات لقــد منــح الخــروج إىل الشــارع يف مليونيــات الريزوميــة مبــا يــي: التنــوع الشــديد يف الشــكل منتظمــة أو حشــد جامعــي غــري مســبوق وااللتــزام وأســلوب الحركــة، القــدرة الهائلــة عــى التواصــل، إىل الحــد األقــى بالســلمية وعــدم االنجــرار وراء توليــد مجتمعــات صغــرية متعــددة ومتنوعــة ّتحولــت محــاوالت األنظمــة، كــام هــو الحــال يف اليمــن، إىل َمراكــز جديــدة مناوئــة للســلطة ومتــارس ضغوطــاً كل ســامت الفعــل الســيايس املــدين، املوســوم شديدة عليها. هذا وتعتب التنسيقيات يف سوريا، بالجــرأة والشــجاعة، ومنحــت العمــل الســيايس ولجــان الحاميــة الشــعبية يف مــرص، واملبــادرات املناهــض لالســتبداد، أفقــا للتحــرك الهــادف إىل الشــبابية يف فلســطي، منــاذج للفعــل املــدين يف الدفــع مبــرشوع اإلصــ ح الالســيايس، إىل حــدوده املســتقبل، إذ بــات مبقــدوره أن يتجــاوز العالقــات القصــوى. ويف قلــب هــذا األفــق، انتصــب فاعلــون الشــخصية يف تعاملــه مــع املنظــامت الخاصــة جــدد، يقودهـــم الشــباب ملعانقــة دروب الحريــة، أو العامــة، لينتقــل إىل التعاقــد يف فضــاء عــام، ومســالكها الوعــرة، وأبوابهــا التــي يتطلــع إليهــا وبوصفــه مواطنــاً حــراً، طبقــا ًالختياراتــه وطموحاتــه الجميــع. وحاجاتــه ومشــاعره مــع آخريــن يشــركون معــه يف يقــول ســمري أمــن أن األشــكال التقليديــة واحــدة أو أكــر مــن هــذه االختيــارات والطموحــات للنضــال االجتامعــي التــي كانــت تحــدث يف والحاجــات عــى أســاس طوعــي وحــر. مــكان العمــل املحــدد مل تعــد تهـــم أكــر مــن ن ن نصــف الســكان، وهــي تفقــد فعاليتهــا، وبالتــايل �و جمتمع يمد� ب يعر� موحد: مصداقيتهــا. باملقابــل يقــال إن الهيــاكل االجتامعيــة يــرى البعــض أن أحــد أهـــم مالمــح الربيــع العــريب

186 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) يتمثــل يف كــرس »الوعــي القطــري« وتشــكيل وعــي الشــك فيــه، أن تنظيــامت املجتمــع املــدين هــي جمعــي عــريب يتبنــى ذات املطالــب واملفــردات، األقــدر واألرسع يف التقــاط الفرصــة الســانحة لبنــاء ينــزع نحــو الدميوقراطيــة ورفــض االســتبداد. وإذا وتطوير حالة من التضامن اإلقليمي/العريب لحامية كان الخــارج يلقــي بثقلــه للتأثــري يف اتجاهــات التغيــري مــن قــوى الثــورة املضــادة يف الداخــل، ومــن الثــورة العربيــة، مبــا يف ذلــك إعــادة تشــكيل كيانــات تأثــري الخــارج وتحكمــه يف تحديــد وتائــره واتجاهاتــه صغــرى أو كــرى، مبــا يتــالءم ومصالحــه، فمــن وغاياتــه، وهــي األقــدر عــى مراقبــة أداء الحكومــات الــروري لقــوى الثــورة العربيــة أن تســتغل هــذه املنتخبــة أو االنتقاليــة ونقــد سياســاتها ومامرســاتها الفرصــة التاريخيــة يف إعــادة االعتبــار لفكــرة الوحــدة والحكــم عــى مــدى التزامهــا بأهــداف الثــورة أو توليــد اتحــاد عــى أســس جديــدة تعــزز مــن فــرص وقيمهــا، وهــي األقــدر عــى التصــدي ملحــاوالت عــودة العــرب إىل خارطــة القــوى الدوليــة، وتفتــح فرض سياســات واختيارات اقتصادية واجتامعية ال مســارات واعــدة الزدهارهـــم وتطورهـــم باالســتناد تلبــي الحاجــة إلحــداث تغيــري حقيقــي يف العالقــات إىل مخزونهـــم مــن الطاقــات واملــوارد الهائلــة. كــام االجتامعيــة لصالــح الفقــراء والطبقــات الشــعبية أن صعــود الحــركات اإلســالمية يف أكــر مــن بلــد واملهـمشي. تستند فكرة املجتمع املدين العريب عــر االنتخابــات، يعــزز مــن االتجــاه التوحيــدي، املوحــد، فــوق كل مــا ذكرنــا، إىل تاريــخ مشــرك مــن ويطــرح مــن ناحيــة ثانيــة تحديــاً حقيقيــاً أمــام باقــي العمــل والتشــبيك والتواصــل وتبــادل الخــرات، القــوى الليباليــة واليســارية والقوميــة، يتمثــل يف وجــود شــبكات عربيــة وبرامــج موحــدة، وأطــر بحثيــة إعطــاء الفرصــة للقــوى اإلســالمية يك تحكــم نتيجــة عربيــة ونخــب عابــرة للقطريــات. غــري أن التعاطــي فوزهــا يف االنتخابــات، ويف ذات الوقــت إجبارهــا مــع مــا يســمى باملجتمــع املــدين اإلســالمي، أو عــى الدخــول يف بنــاء عقــد اجتامعــي يؤســس الجمعيــات االســالمية يشــكل أحــد أبــرز التحديــات لدولــة املؤسســات والقانــون والحريــات، أي دولــة يف هــذا االتجــاه. مدنيــة حقيقيــة. ويف ذات الســياق، شــكل ســقوط أ بعــض أنظمــة القهــر والعــزل فرصــة النبثــاق أحــوزة جالمعيات الهلية إالسالمية عامــة متشــابهة وتتجــاوز حــدود الــدول القطريــة قــدم ســيف الديــن عبــد الفتــاح إســامعيل محاولــة والبوليســية، ويعــزز مــن هــذه الفرصــة الفضــاء املــواز لتأصيــل مفهــوم املجتمــع املــدين يف ســياق الخــرة الــذي خلقتــه تكنولوجيــا املعلومــات، واملعانــاة اإلســالمية، معتمــدا عــىً رد هــذا املفهــوم يف الطويلــة واملشــركة )أســباباً ومظاهــر(. إن مــام ســياق خبتــه التاريخيــة إىل مجموعــة ظواهــر وعــدد

187 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا مــن الــ وطرش )ترجمــة املفهــوم اىل جوهــر يتعلــق الســيايس للحركــة اإلســالمية انعكــس يف ديناميــات بالظواهــر املرتبطــة بــه، والــرشوط الخاصــة بــه(، وهــو الربيــع العــريب ومآالتــه الحاليــة واملحتملــة. اتســمت يــرى أن هــذه الظواهــر والــرشوط )جوهــر املفهــوم( الحركــة بالطابــع التطــوري التدريجــي، واشــتملت ميكــن إيجادهــا ضمــن عنــارص منظومــة املفاهيــم اســراتيجياتها عــى ديناميــة العمــل الجمعيــايت، اإلســالمية، يف ســياق الخــرة والفكــر اإلســالميي، حيــث ارتبــط ميــ د المعظــم الجمعيــات األهليــة يف ويقــرح مفهــوم »مؤسســات األمــة« التــي تتاميــز عــن االقطــار العربيــة يف القــرن العرشيــن بالســمة الدينيــة مؤسســات الســلطة، تتمثــل املصــادر األساســية )مســيحية وإســالمية(، واســتمر امللمــح الدينــي املحفــزة لنشــأة قطــاع املنظــامت األهليــة وتطــوره لنشــاط جانــب كبــري مــن القطــاع األهــي حتــى اآلن يف األديــان الســاموية واملبــادئ والفلســفات يف املنطقــة العربيــة ككل. املســتمدة منهــا، واذا كان الديــن، ومــازال، قــد ش لعــب دوراً أساســيا ًيف حفــز العمــل الخــريي جالمعيات إالسالمية ورسوط الفعالية والتطوعــي يف أغلــب مناطــق العــامل، اال أنــه اتســم السياسية ببعــض الخصوصيــة يف العــامل العــريب، نظــراً مــن املؤكــد أن هــذه املنظــامت املحســوبة عــى لألهـــمية التــي يحتلهــا املكــون الدينــي يف الثقافــة االتجــاه اإلســالمي قــد متيــزت بالفعاليــة السياســية، الســائدة. نظــراً لقدراتهــا عــى مواجهــة مشــكلتي أساســيتي: ومــن املعــروف تاريخيــا، ًان املســاجد التمويــل والتطــوع. مثــة تفاعــل ملحــوظ بــن الحركــة قــد لعبــت دوراً مهـــامً – قبــل نشــأة الجمعيــات اإلســ مية ال يف أغلــب األقطــار العربيــة، وبــن األهليــة – يف ترجمــة فلســفة التكامــل االجتامعــي، الجمعيــات األهليــة، حيــث متثــل هــذه الجمعيــات فاملســجد مل يكــن مجــرد مــكان للصــالة والعبــادة، قنــاة اتصــال مــع القاعــدة العريضــة مــن املجتمــع ولكنــه كان مؤسســة تعليميــة وثقافيــة واجتامعيــة، وحيــث تقــوم بتلبيــة االحتياجــات األساســية لهــا يقــوم عليهــا متطوعــون مــن العلــامء ورجــال الديــن، مــن خــالل نظــم مســاعدة الفقــراء وتقديــم خدمــات ومــن أبــرز منــاذج ذلــك »الزوايــا« و«الكتاتيــب« يف الرعايــة االجتامعيــة والصحيــة، ميكــن التمييــز بــن مــرص. كان املســجد، إذن، يلعــب دوراًاجتامعيــاً ثالثــة وظائــف تضطلــع بهــا املنظــامت يف هــذا واقتصاديــاً وسياســياً حيــث تناقــش أمــور السياســة الســياق، طبقــا ًلدراســة د. أمــاين قنديــل: الوظيفــة والحكــم. األوىل تقديــم نظــام ضــامن اجتامعــي بديــل شــهدت الســنوات األخــرية تصاعــدا ًيف الــوزن )مــرص(، الوظيفــة الثانيــة القيــام بالــدور الســيايس

188 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) االجتامعــي معــاً )تونــس(، الوظيفــة الثالثــة تعبئــة عــن تصوراتهــا وآرائهــا املختلفــة، ومدخــالً لخطابهــا املؤيديــن ومتهيــد املنــاخ لالنتقــال مــن مرحلــة الجامهــ ي ريالكتســاب األنصــار واملؤيديــن لهــا، العمــل االجتامعــي إىل العمــل الســيايس. وتســهل وصــوالً إىل الســلطة مالحظــة أن هــذه الوظائــف كانــت مبثابــة أطــوار متــر ربيع ي نفلسط�: ي نب� إالزهار املعجل بهــا الجمعيــات األهليــة اإلســالمية نحــو الهــدف ث الحقيقــي الــذي تســعى إليــه الحــركات السياســية إوال�ار املؤجل! اإلســالمية وهــو الوصــول إىل الســلطة. ت�هيد تزايــد نفــوذ وعــدد الجمعيــات األهليــة يف ســياق الــرصاع الدامــي ضــد الحركــة الصهيونيــة اإلســالمية يف مــرص ألســباب عديــدة أهـــمها: الــدور عــى أرض فلســطي، شــهد نضــال الجامهــري املحــوري للمكــون الدينــي يف ثقافــة املجتمــع الفلســطينية أكــر مــن ربيــع رغــم الشــتاء الطويــل. املــ ي، رصإمكانــات التمويــل الــذايت، تراجــع دور ففي أعقاب النكبة وردا ًعليها متكن الفلســطينيون الدولــة املرصيــة يف مجــال تقديــم الخدمــات مــن اســتعادة وحدتهـــم السياســية رغــم شتاتهـــم، للفئــات الفقــ ة ري واملحتاجــة والنائيــة، القــدرة وخاضــوا غــامر الكفــاح حتــى انتزعــوا اعــراف العــامل عــى الحشــد والتعبئــة للمؤيديــن واملتطوعــن بهـــم بوصفهـــم كذلــك وبحقوقهـــم ومبمثــل رشعــي باســتخدام الشــعارات اإلســالمية، تراكــم الخــرة ووحيد لهـم. ويف أعقاب حرب حزيران عام 1967، التاريخيــة والعمليــة لهــذه الجمعيــات منــذ منتصــف ورداً عــي نتائجهــا، واصــل الفلســطينيون حمــل رايــة القــرن التاســع عــرش. الكفــاح ومتكنــوا يف غضــون عقديــن مــن إعــادة بنــاء مفهــوم »املجتمــع املــدين« هــو مفهــوم مجتمع الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة عل النحو الذي إشــكايل، وال توجــد لــدى الحــركات السياســية جســده مــا ســمي مبجتمــع االنتفاضــة )مجتمــع اإلســ ميةال قــراءة جــادة لــه، النهــا ال تهــدف إلعــادة ســيايس، تكافــل اجتامعــي، اقتصــاد يقــوم عــى العالقــة بــن الدولــة واملجتمــع املــدين، فــكل مــا االعتــامد عــى الــذات والحاميــة الشــعبية،...(. ورداً كانــت تحــرص عليــه يف هــذه املضــامر هــو معارضــة عــى ســقوط الرهــان عــى مســ ةري التســوية ومامطلــة الســلطة مــن خــالل املشــاركة ضمــن القنــوات حكومــات االحتــالل ومواصلتهــا فــرض الوقائــع عــى الرشعيــة املتاحــة و«قواعــد اللعبــة« املســموح األرض مبــا يجحــف بفــرص قيــام دولــة كاملــة الســيادة بهــا، وقــد وجــدت يف انخراطهــا يف املؤسســات يف حــدود الرابــع مــن حزيــران، اندلعــت املواجهــة والنقابــات »عضويــة وإدارة« فرصــة ســانحة للتعبــري الكــرى عــام 2000 فيــام ســمي باالنتفاضــة الثانيــة.

189 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا ويف كل مــرة، وبالرغــم مــن جســامة التضحيــات، وألن األمــر كذلــك فالشــباب هـــم مــن ينــوب عنــه مل يكــن مقــدراً لربيــع الفلســطينيي أن يثمــر بدحــر يف امللــامت الكــرى أو الفزعــات التــي تتطلــب االحتــالل ونيــل االســتقالل، ليعــودوا مــرة أخــرى رسعــة الحركــة والــرد، يف الحــروب واالنتفاضــات كــام للمحاولــة دون يــأس أو قعــود. يف عمليــات البنــاء وأعــامل الغــوث واملســاعدة. ولذلــك، تفــرض هــذه الورقــة أن ربيــع اجــرح الجيــل األول معجــزة الكفــاح املســلح وبعــث الفلســطينيي الثالــث قــد أزهــر قبــل ربيــع العــرب الشــخصية الوطنيــة، أمــا الجيــل الثــاين قــدم منــوذج بحــوايل عقــد مــن الزمــن أو نحــو ذلــك. وإذا كان النضــال الجامهــريي، عــر الهيئــات والحــركات ربيــع العــرب قــد أمثــر أو ميكــن أن يثمــر عــام قريــب، واملنظــامت األهليــة والطوعيــة والنقابيــة والطالبيــة فمــن شــأن ذلــك، أن يعــزز مــن فــرص نجــاح ربيــع والنســوية، تجســد يف مجتمــع االنتفاضــة األوىل الفلســطينيي ويعجــل مــن يــوم استقاللهـــم ونيــل ومــا تالهــا مــن بلــورة مــا ســمي مبنظــامت املجتمــع حقوقهـــم. وعليــه، متثــل قــراءة التجربــة الفلســطينية املــدين التــي اضطلعــت بــأدوار مختلفــة يف إطــار خــالل هــذا العقــد، بالرغــم مــن الخصوصيــة، رضورة عمليــة التحــرر والبنــاء والتحــول الدميوقراطــي. تزامــن قصــوى لفهـــمديناميــات الربيــعالعــريب واســتخالص صعــود الجيــل الثالــث مــن الشــباب الفلســطيني العــر والــدروس النافعــة لضــامن إحــداث التغيــري مــع وصــول املــرشوع الوطنــي إىل طريــق مســدود، املنشــود. ولذلــك، يكمــن التحــدي الرئيــس يف مــدى قــدرة هــذا الجيــل عــى انتــزاع زمــام املبــادرة لقيــادة ن الراك ب يالشبا� يالفلسطي�: املــرشوع الوطنــي التحــرري واملجتمــع واخراجــه مــن شــكل الشــباب الفلســطيني عــامد املواجهــة مــع الطريــق املســدود وصــوالً إىل تحقيــق غاياتــه. املــ وعرش الصهيــوين يف منعطفاتهــا الرئيســة، وهــو الث�ار املؤجل: أزمة السلطة الفلسطينية مــا ال يتعــارض مــع طبائــع األشــياء، فحيثــام تكــون ث القضايا ك ىب أو مصريية أو جامعة، يكون الشــباب وتع� البديل ال يسالم بالــرورة. وألن املجتمــع الفلســطيني قيــد التشــكل أزهــر ربيــع فلســطي مبكــرا ًلكنــه مل يثمــر بعــد، وإعــادة التشــكل يف أتــون هــذا الــرصاع الدامــي فقــد حــدث التحــول الكبــري عــى مســتوى النظــام وطويــل األمــد، فالكتلــة التاريخيــة الحاملــة ملــرشوع الســيايس بانكســار الهـــمينة والتفــرد، وبإجــراء الفلســطينيييف مواجهة االحالل واالســتيطان، مل االنتخابــات، وبالحــوار الوطنــي، وباملنحــى الجديــد تكــن طبقــة اجتامعيــة بعينهــا، بــل مجمــوع الشــعب، يف عمــل منظــامت املجتمــع املــدين، وبانبثــاق

190 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) حركــة متناميــة لشــباب الجيــل الثالــث، متافقــاً مــع وأجحفــت بالبيئــة وباالســتدامة، وعــززت االعتامديــة وصــول القــوى املهيمنــة إىل طريــق مســدود، عــى والتفــاوت، مــا نجــم عنــه انعــدام للثقــة والعــزوف صعيــد إســراتيجية التفــاوض أو املقاومــة عــالوة عــن الفعــل الجامعــي، وزيــادة االنكشــاف أمــام عــى الفشــل الذريــع يف إدارة الســلطة واملجتمــع. املامرســات اإلرسائيليــة االحتالليــة، يف وقــت وصلــت فيــه إســراتيجية التفــاوض إىل طريــق أزمة السلطة الفلسطينية مســدود. تواجــه الســلطة الوطنيــة الفلســطينية أزمــة شــاملة؛ ث تتعلــق بآفــاق وفــرص تحولهــا إىل دولــة كاملــة تع�بديل »محاس« الســيادة. مــن الواضــح أن سياســات الســلطة باملقابل، ميكن القول أن حكومة حامس يف قطاع ومامرساتها مل تسهـم يف تعزيز الصمود ويف متكي غــزة فشــلت يف الجمــع بــن الســلطة واملقاومــة الفلســطينيي مــن مواجهــة االحتــالل وتدشــن مثلــام إدعــت، بالرغــممــن صــدى منوذجهــا وتأثرياتــه البدايــات املؤسســاتية الســليمة للدولــة العتيــدة. عــى الجــوار العــريب بحكــم وســائل االعــالم. تحــول فشــلت الســلطة يف أن تكــون ســلطة واحــدة القطــاع إىل »منــوذج ثــوري«، وخصوصــاً بعــد ومفــردة وعقالنيــة تســتوعب القــوى األخــرى يف العــدوان عــى غــزة، يلهــب خيــال الشــعوب العربيــة املجتمــع )االندمــاج وبنــاء اإلجــامع(، وتحافــظ عــى ويحرضهــا عــى الفعــل يف مواجهــة أنظمــة متواطئــة طبيعتهــا الدوالنيــة واالنتقاليــة يف ذات الوقــت. وعاجــزة، متــارس سياســات اإلفقــار املــادي أسســت للتمييــز والتهـــميش، كــام ساهـــمت يف والروحــي تجــاه شــعوبها، وال تحــرك ســاكناً لنــرصة إهــدار املــوارد، وتشــجيع االتجاهــات االســتهالكية، الفلســطينيي. والغريــب أن االنقســام املرفــوض وأدت يف نهايــة املطــاف إىل تركيــز الســلطة والــروة مــن قبــل الفلســطينيي أنفسهـــم، اُســتقبل عــى وبــروز تحالــف بــن الســلطة واملــال، يشــكل املقــرر مســتوى الشــعوب العربيــة غالبــاً، وبفضــل الــدور األول ليــس يف الشــأن االقتصــادي فحســب، وبــل التعبــوي للفضائيــات العربيــة أو بعضهــا، عــى ويف الشــأن الســيايس واالجتامعــي أيضــاً. كــام أنــه انقســام بــن الحــق والباطــل، بــن املامنعــة ميكــن القــول كذلــك، إن املامرســات التــي انبثقــت واالعتــدال، بــن تحــدي عنجهيــة إرسائيــل وبــن عــن هــذه الخطــط والتوجهــات والسياســات، ليــس الرضــوخ إلمالءاتهــا، وهــو اســتقبال، عــى أي حــال، فقــط أنهــا مل تــنالقــدرات االقتصاديــة، وإمنــا أيضــاً ينطــوي عــى مغالطــات ومفارقــات. ساهـــمت يف تدمــري البنــى واألصــول واملقــدرات، راهــن كثــري مــن الفلســطينيي الذيــن صوتــوا

191 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا لصالح كتلة »اإلصالح والتغيري« عل أن »حامس« هــي نتيجــة املشــاركة يف االنتخابــات، وهــذا هــو ســتواصل مشــوار املقاومــة حتــى نهاياتــه املظفــرة الفــخ الــذي نصــب ملــرشوع املقاومــة وحــامس ركــن من ناحية، ويف ذات الوقت ستعمل عل تصحيح أســايس فيــه«. مســار الســلطة الفلســطينية بتخليصها من فســادها ويف الوقــت الــذي مل تعــد مقــوالت الجهــاد ومــن قيودهــا والتزاماتهــا تجــاه الطــرف اإلرسائيــي واملقاومــة تشــكل الخطــاب املهيمــن أو املعيــار وعــى إعــادة بنــاء نظــام ســيايس فلســطيني يقــوم املحــدد للســلوك، شــهدت هــذه الســنوات أقــل عــى املشــاركة وليــس الهيمنــة والتفــرد، مــن ناحيــة مســتوى مــن العمليــات والهجــامت قياســاً بالفــرة ثانيــة. وكان خالــد مشــعل رئيــساملكتــب الســيايس الزمنيــة منــذ عــام 1990 وعــام 2005. باملقابــل، للحركــة قــد أكــد أن أولويــات »حــامس«، تتكــز يف أثبتــت الحركــة قدرتهــا عــى ضبــط األمــور وبســط ثالثــة نقــاط رئيســية، هــي إصــالح الواقــع الفلســطيني سيطرتها وتحكمها، يقول د. ناجي رشاب أن حامس وتغيــ ه ريإىل األفضــل، وحاميــة املقاومــة وحشــد »اقتبــت مــن تحقيــق نظــام فعــال، وإعــادة تشــكيل الجامهــري حــول ذلــك، وترتيــب مؤسســة القــرار النظــم القانونيــة والترشيعيــة وإعــادة إدارة الشــئون الفلســطيني عــى أســاس الرشاكــة وهــي املجالــس الصحيــة واالجتامعيــة، واســتطاعت فــرض النظــام البلديــة واملجلــس الترشيعــي ومنظمــة التحريــر وضبــط الســالح وخفــض القيــادات العشــائرية الفلســطينية. واألنشــطة اإلجراميــة والعدائيــة، كــام أثبتــت مهارتهــا يف الواقــع، بينــت التجربــة العمليــة أن مــن خــالل اختاقهــا الواضــح للحصــار«، ومــع ذلــك، »حــامس« مل تســتطع الجمــع بــن الحكــم يف غــزة يالحــظ رشاب غلبــة النزعــة األمنيــة؛ ســواء يف واملقاومــة يف الضفــة الغربيــة، كــام مل تســتطع أن العالقــة مــع التنظيــامت السياســية أو منظــامت تجمــع بينهـــام يف قطــاع غــزة ذاتــه، بغــض النظــر عــن املجتمــعاملــدين أو مبــادرات الشــباب، هــذا عــالوة األســباب، وهنــا نــورد مصطلــح »املقاومــة« باملعنــى عــى سياســة الجبايــة يف ظــل أوضــاع اقتصاديــة الــذي تقصــده الحركــة وتعــر عنــه يف أدبياتهــا، متديــة ونقــص الخدمــات. يقــول رمضــان شــلح، األمــن العــام لحركــة الجهــاد مل تتحقــقاألهــداف الثالثــة التــي أعلنهــا خالــد اإلســالمي«يف قطــاع غــزة املقاومــة مجمــدة بقــرار مشــعل بعــد مــرور خمــس ســنوات، بــل رمبــا ازداد ذايت حفاظــاً عــى اســتقرار ســلطة حــامس.. إذن، األمــر ،ســوءاً فالواقــع الفلســطيني مل يصبــح أفضــل، ليــس هنــاك جمــع بــن الســلطة واملقاومــة، هنــاك ومؤسســة القــرار مل تبــق عــى حالهــا بــل تفاقــم أمرهــا تغييــب للمقاومــة وســلطتان يف غــزة والضفــة. هــذه مــع االنقســام. ال يصعــب القــول إن »حــامس« مل

192 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) تنجــح يف التخلــص مــن القيــود ومواصلــة مســرية الداخليــة. ولكــن، يبقــى مــن غــري املفهــوم، أو املــرر الكفــاح املظفــرة، كــام مل تطــرح بديــالً ملصــادر أن تقــف الحركــة عاجــزة عــن مواجهــة التحــدي بصــورة التمويــل مبــا يخفــف مــن ضغوطــات وتأثــريات معقولــة تقــوم عــى ترتيــب األولويــات وإعــادة صياغة األجنــدات السياســية. إىل ذلــك، رضخــت الحركــة األهــداف وتغيــري املقاربــات، وقبــل كل ذلــك ومعــه إىل انســداد األفــق الســيايس وراحــت تتكيــف مــع امتــالك القــدرات املعرفيــة والتحليليــة للواقــع »الواقع«. باملقابل، مل يتحســن أداء الفلســطينيي املعقــد الــذي وجــدت الحركــة نفســها فيــه وجعلــت ال يف مجــال املقاومــة، التــي انتهــت إىل تهدئــة مــن الحالــة الفلســطينية برمتهــا فريســة لــه. إكراهيــة ومــن طــرف واحــد، وال يف مجــال إدارة ن ن شــؤون الســلطة، التــي تحولــت يف غــزة إىل ســلطة جاملتمع ياملد� يالفلسطي�: عودة الروح؟ أســ ة ريوعاجــزة، ويف رام اللــه ســلطة اعتامديــة تحــت ميثــل العقــد األول مــن القــرن العرشيــن بدايــة انبثــاق االحتالل. وال يف إدارة املجتمع الذي تزداد مظاهر الوعــي الوطنــي الفلســطيني، حتــى بــات االنتســاب التفســخ والفرقــة والتفــاوت بــن فئاتــه ومناطقــه تــارة واالنتامء إىل فلسطي أمراً شائعا. ًغري أن املجتمع بفعــل الفصــل والعــزل وتــارة بفعــل السياســات الفلســطيني، ظــل طــوال فــرة االنتــداب، يعيــش واملامرســات الخاطئــة وخصوصــا ًيف مجــال صيانــة جــدل التفــكك والبنــاء، بــن هيمنــة العالقــات الحقــوق والحريــات العامــة والخاصــة. االجتامعيــة التقليديــة، وتلــك القامئــة عــى التوافــق لعلــه مــن نافــل القــول، أن عــى أي ســلطة يف وتناســق املصالــح بشــكل عقــ ين،ال يف ظــل الحالــة الفلســطينية، كــام يف كل حالــة أخــرى، أن تفاقــم املخاطــر والتحديــات الناجمــة عــن األطــامع توازن بي أضالع ثالثة يف مثلث الحكم: السياسة، البيطانيــة والصهيونيــة. ولذلــك، يصعــب القــول: االقتصــاد واألمــن، وأن تقــدم منظــوراً متكامــالً يجمــع إن شــعوراًجامعيا ًللمجتمع الســيايس الفلســطيني بــن مقتضيــات كل مــن هــذه األضــالع. ويكمــن خطــأ باالنتــامء إىل قضيــة كبــرية واحــدة، قــد تبلــور وتشــكل حــامسيف عــدم امتالكهــا مثــل هــذا املنظــور، بالكامــل. واســتعاضت عنــه بإجــراءات وتكتيــكات منفصلــة شــكلت الجمعيــات اإلسالمية-املســيحية بعضهــا عــن بعــض، وحتــى يعــارض بعضهــا بعضــاً. يف فلســطي أوىل محــاوالت العمــل الســيايس بالتأكيد، ميكن أن نلتمس العذر للحركة وحكومتها واملدين املنظم يف ظل الحكم العثامين املبارش. إذا مــا أخذنــا بعــن االعتبــار ثقــل التكــة االقتصاديــة ومــن أهدافهــا؛ املحافظــة عــى حقــوق أبنــاء الوطــن واألمنيــة، ووطــأة الحصــار والعزلــة واملناكفــة املاديــة واألدبيــة، االهتــامم بشــؤون الوطــن الزراعيــة

193 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا واالقتصاديــة واالجتامعيــة، إحيــاء العلــم وصقــل املقاومــة. لقــد ساهـــمت شــبكة املؤسســات الــروح الوطنيــة. اعتفــت بهــا الســلطات البيطانيــة السياســية واالجتامعيــة واالقتصاديــة والعســكرية كهيئــات متثيليــة. مثلــت قيــادة هــذه الجمعيــات للمنظمــة يف توفــري القــوة وإظهــار النضــج الوطنــي، رأس الهــرم االجتامعــي، فــكان زعامؤهــا مــن األرس وتشــكل بفضلهــا نــوع مــن »الكيــان« الفلســطيني الثيــة. واعتمــدت أســلوب النضــال الســيايس غــري املــريئ. واليــوم مــع تصاعــد دعــوات إعــادة الســلبي لتحقيــق املطالــب العربيــة، انطالقــاً مــن تجديــد بنــاء م.ت.ف، مــن الــروري التكيــز عــى إميانهــا بإمكانيــة توافــق املصالــح البيطانيــة مــع إعــادة النظــر يف االتحــادات واملنظــامت الشــعبية املصالــح العربيــة. مــن حيــث البنيــة واألداء والكفــاءة والفعاليــة. مــع تبعــر الشــعب الفلســطيني منــذ العــام باعتــامد مبــدأ االنتخابــات وتكريــس الدميقراطيــة 1948، يف تجمعــات متعــددة، تتبايــن يف ظروفهــا داخلهــا، واالبتعــاد عــن نظــام الكوتــا، وتعزيــز مبــدأ االجتامعيــة واالقتصاديــة وتفتقــر اىل التكويــن التمثيــل االجتامعــي واملهنــي الحقيقــي ومراعــاة املجتمعــي املوحــد، شــكل الــدور التوحـــيدي تكامــل العالقــة بــن هــذه االتحــادات واملنظــامت ملنظمــة التحريــر الفلســطينية )التعبــري املؤسســايت ومثيالتهــا يف أرايض الســلطة الفلســطينية. إن عــن النظــام الســيايس الفلســطيني( عامــالً أساســياً املجلــس املركــزي للمنظــامت الشــعبية يشــكل يف صيانــة الهويــة الفلســطينية الوطنيــة وتطويرهــا رضورة الســتعادة دور هــذه املنظــامت يف التعبئــة مــن خــالل اتحاداتهــا الشــعبية واملهنيــة وكذلــك الدميقراطيــة ومتثيــل مصالــح الفئــات والرشائــح الشــبكات التنظيميــة للفصائــل السياســية املؤتلفــة االجتامعيــة وتأكيــد حضورهــا اإلقليمــي والــدويل يف إطارهــا واملؤسســات الجامعــة التــي شــكلت دفاعــاً عــن حقــوق الفلســطينيي وفضــح مامرســات لتمثيل التجمعات الفلسطينية ووفرت منباً موحداً االحتــالل وانتهاكاتــه اليوميــة. إن تحــول معظــم هــذه لبلــورة الخطــاب الســيايس للشــعب الفلســطيني. املنظــامت إىل مجــرد مكاتــب قياديــة دون قواعــد أدت ســيطرة فصائــل املقاومــة عــى م.ت.ف منظمة أو فاعلة واستفحال أسلوب العمل اإلداري يف العــام 68/69 إىل إعــادة تنظيــم هيكليتهــا، البريوقراطــي بديــالً عــن عمليــات التعبئــة السياســية وصقــل مجموعــة مــن املهــام أكــر إتســاعاً وحداثــة. واالجتامعيــة يســتدعى التحــرك فــورا ًإلعــادة بنــاء وجــرت إعــادة تشــكيل مهــام املؤسســات الوطنيــة وتفعيــل هــذه املنظــامت قبــل أن تــذوي بالكامــل السياســية والعســكرية واالجتامعيــة وتنظيمهــا وتختفــي مــن املشــهد الفلســطيني. وتشــغيلها عــر عمليــة تفــاوض وتفاهـــم بــن فصائــل تظهــر تجربــة املنظــ تام األهليــة مفارقــة ذات

194 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) داللــة فيــ اميتعلــق بفعاليــة دورهــا وتناميــه: مامرســة فــإن ارهاصــات تبلــور حركــة الجيــل الثالــث جــرت يف الــدور يف فضــاء اإلقصــاء املتبــادل مــع االحتــالل إطــار التشــكيالت املدنيــة القامئــة واملســتحدثة، أكســبها رشعيــة وطنيــة، بينــ اممامرســة دورهــا يف عــر عمليــات التعبئــة وأنشــطة التوعيــة والتدريــب ســياق اإلقصــاء املتبــادل مــع ســلطة وطنيــة مقيــدة والتطــوع وتزويــد الخدمــات والدعــم. وانتقالية أكسبها رشعية مجتمعية بوصفها معارضة )2( انطلقت الورقة من فرضية أســبقية الربيع عقالنيــة، بالرغــم مــن اإلشــكالية التــي شــابت الفلســطيني، مــن حيــث تغــري عالقــات القــوة لصالح املجتمعــن الســيايس واملــدين عــى حــد ســواء. قــوى اجتامعيــة وسياســية جديــدة، ومــن حيــث أمــا يف ظــل االنقســام عــى الســلطة السياســية، النــزوع نحــو الدميوقراطيــة والتغيــري وضــد الفســاد فلــم تعــد هــذه املنظــامت قــادرة عــى إعــادة تعريــف والهـــمينة وتــردي األوضــاع االجتامعيــة واالقتصاديــة، ذاتهــا ، اجتامعيــاًفتعرضــت إىل مامرســات الهيمنــة ومــن حيــث إجــراء االنتخابــات كوســيلة إلعــادة بنــاء واإلقصــاء والتقييــد، مــن ناحيــة، ومــن ناحيــة أخــرى نظــام ســيايس تعــددي وتشــاريك، ومــن حيــث جــرى اســتيعابها يف الغالــب ضمــن هيكلــة املعرفــة انــدالع مظاهــر للعنــف واالقتتــال بــن قــوى النظــام واملامرسة يف إطار إستاتيجيات املعونة الخارجية. وقــوى املعارضــة اإلســالمية تحديــدا.ً مــن املؤكــد املفارقــة األخــرى تتمثــل يف أن العالقــة الوطيــدة بــن أن اســتلهامات متبادلــة حدثــت بــن الربيعــن: زيادة عدد املنظامت وارتفاع الطلب عل خدماتها اســتلهام منــوذج االنتفاضــة الشــعبية، االعتــامد مــن جهــة، وبــن زيــادة الفعاليــة، وخصوصــاً الفعاليــة عــى الحــراك الشــبايب، اســتخدام ذات الوســائل السياســية، غــري مؤكــدة. واألســاليب يف التعبئــة والحشــد والتظاهــر. غــري أن )1( بالرغــم مــن غلبــة الطابــع الســيايس عــى مثــة متايــز جــي بــن الربيعــن، نابــع مــن خصوصيــة مســ ة ريالكفــاح الفلســطينية، إال أن املضامــن الوضــع الفلســطيني املحــدد أساســا ًباالحتــالل، االجتامعيــة والثقافيــة واالقتصاديــة ظلــت حــارضة فالربيــع الفلســطيني مل يســتهدف إزاحــة نظــام أو بصــورة أو بأخــرى، وشــكلت األطــر واملنظــامت تنظيــم بعينــه بقــدر مــا اســتهدف كــرس حــدة التفــرد الجامهرييــة ومــن ثــم املنظــامت األهليــة والحــركات وتأكيــد املشــاركة والتــداول، واألحــرى، إعطــاء الطوعيــة أحــد التعبــريات الرئيســة عــن هــذه الجيــل الثالــث فرصــة انتــزاع املبــادرة يف قيــادة املضامــن. إذا كانــت نشــأة مــا يعــرف باملجتمــع املــ وعرش ويف إضفــاء بصمتــه عــى مضامــن املــدين وخصوصــا ًاملنظــ ت ام األهليــة اقتنــت املــرشوع وآليــات تحقيقــه يف ظــل معطــى تاريخــي بنضــاالت الجيــل الثــاين مــن الشــباب الفلســطيني، جديــد. األزمــة يف الحالــة الفلســطينية ليســت أزمــة

195 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا حكــم، وليســت أزمــة دميوقراطيــة، وليســت أزمــة دفــع منظــامت املجتمــع املــدين للتســاوق مــع اقتصاديــة، بــل أزمــة مــرشوع وطنــي ولــج نفقــاً مظلــامً هــذه الحركــة ودعمهــا ومحاولــة توظيفهــا: حــدث بتأثــري مامرســات االحتــالل أساســاً، ومــن ثــم تأثــريات ذلــك مــع إرضاب العــامل يف بدايــة االنتفاضــة، العامــل الــذايت ونواقصــه. ومــعاملبــادرات الشــبابية، ومــع الكتــل الطالبيــة ومــع )3( تراجعــت الفعاليــة السياســية ملنظــامت خريجــي الجامعــات ومــع الشــباب الريفــي. أدركــت املجتمــع املــدين مــع انــدالع االنتفاضــة الثانيــة منظامت املجتمع املدين الفلسطيني أن املعركة بســبب التكيــز عــى األنشــطة ذات الطابــع اإلغــايث مــن أجــل االســتقالل ومــن أجــل الدميوقراطيــة ومــن وتراجــع أنشــطة املدافعــة والتأثــري ومــن ثــم بســبب أجــل تحقيــق غايــات التنميــة اإلنســانية هــي معركــة االقتتــال واالنقســام. والالفــت أنــه مبجــرد تكريــس سياســية باملقــام األول، وأن أعــامل اإلغاثــة الخرييــة وجــود حكومتــن فلســطينيتي، واحــدة يف الضفــة واالكتفاء بتقديم الخدمات والعزوف عن السياســة الغربيــة والثانيــة يف قطــاع غــزة، راحــت الفعاليــة مــن شــأنه أن يفاقــم أزمتــه ويضعــف دوره وميّكــن السياســية للمجتمــع املــدين تتزايــد وتائرهــا، أوالً ســلطتي رام اللــه وغــزة مــن الزحــف املنظــم الحتــالل تحــت تأثــري االســتهداف املبــارش مــن قبــل أجهــزة الفضــاء العــام وتقليــص مســاحة الفعــل الســيايس أمــن الحكومتــن، وصــوالً إىل إغــالق جمعيــات واالجتامعــي أمــام اآلخريــن. واالســتيالء عــى مقراتهــا وممتلكاتهــا، وثانيــاً، )4( ومــع كل مــا ذكــر، علينــا أن نعــرف أن النخراطهــا يف أنشــطة الضغــط مــن أجــل املصالحــة املجتمــع املــدين الفلســطيني الزال ملتبــس الــدور وتكريــس ثقافــة الحــوار والتســامح ونبــذ العنــف، والهويــة يف غيــاب الدولــة الوطنيــة وفشــل الســلطة ، وثالثــاًلدخولهــا يف حالــة اشــتباك يــراوح بــن يف التحــول إىل دولــة، ويف ســياق بيئــة تتســم التنســيق والتعــاون مــن جهــة، واالنتقــاد وتقديــم باالنقسام السيايس والتفسخ املجتمعي )يختلف البدائــل مــن جهــة ثانيــة، مــع الحكومتــن مــن حيــث عنه يف زمن االحتالل والسلطة(. املجتمع املدين السياســات القطاعيــة وتخصيــص املوازنــات الفلســطيني مبثابــة ميــدان متنــازع عليــه بــن أكــر من العامــة وتصميــم البامــج واملشــاريع. أخــرياً، ارتباطــاً طــرف: الســلطة، هيئــات املعونــة الخارجيــة، القــوى بالحركــة املتناميــة يف أوســاط الشــباب واملعــر السياســية اإلســالمية والعلامنيــة، لبســط الهيمنــة. عنهــا باملبــادرات الرافضــة لالقتتــال أو الداعيــة وبالتــايل ليــس غريبــاً أن تجــد منظمــة تعمــل عــى للوحــدة وبــروز قيــادات شــابة قــادرة عــى إســامع رصــد انتهــاكات حقــوق اإلنســان ومالحقــة مرتكبيهــا، صوتهــا وحشــد اآلراء وبنــاء التحالفــات، وهــو مــا بينــام منظمــة أخــرى تعمــل مبثابــة وكيــل بالباطــن

196 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013) لتنفيــذ أجنــدات خارجيــة. أو منظــامت تقــوم الثقــب األســود، بتعبــري تقريــر التنميــة البرشيــة عــى التمويــل الــذايت، وأخــرى تعتمــد باملطلــق العربيــة، كافــة أشــكال املعارضــة: قضــت عــى يف وجودهــا واســتمرارها عــى التمويــل الخارجــي املعارضــة العنيفــة بحمــ تال أمنيــة رشســة، دجنــت املســيس. وإذا كانــت هــذه املنظــامت تتشــابه املعارضــة التقليديــة باالحتــواء والزجــر والقهــر. مــن حيــث الشــكل املؤســي، غــري أنهــا بالتأكيــد مل تستســلم الشــعوب، رغــم ذلــك، وعــرت عــن تتفــاوت مــن حيــث الفعاليــة، أي مــن حيــث درجــة ذلــك باحتجاجــات مل تنقطــع يومــا،ً وبابتــداع أمنــاط االســتقاللية والنفــوذ. جديــدة للتواصــل والتعبئــة والتعبــري بعيــداً عــن وبالرغــم مــن ذلــك، فــام يحــدث اليــوم هــو أجهــزة األمــن. وكان أن اُســتدعي مفهــوم املجتمــع مبثابــة حــرب أهليــة ســلمية إىل حــد كبــري، تقــرص أو املــدين، مــن تراثــه العــريب ومــن تجــارب اإلنســانية، تطــول، فســيكون مــن شــأنها أن تفــيض، يف نهايــة يف محاولــة للحــد مــن تغــول الدولــة وتوســيع نطــاق املطــاف، إىل إعــادة بنــاء اجــ عام حقيقيــة يف إطــار الحيــز العــام، حيــث الحــوار العقــالين والتعاقــد دول مدنيــة عرصيــة قــد تندرج/تندمــج يف تكتــالت الحــر، والتعبــري املشــرك والجامعــي عــن الهـــموم إقليمية أوســع. إذ ال خيار أمام العرب ســوى الولوج واملصالــح والتطلعــات. يف زمنهـــم واالندمــاج يف عرصهـــم. ومبقدورهـــم لذلــك، تــرى الورقــة أن منظــامت املجتمــع التغلــب عــى الصعوبــات وتجــاوز مخــاوف بعضهـــم املــدين، بالرغــم مــن النواقــص والســلبيات، لعبــت بإطــ ق الطاقــات الشــعب املكبوتــة والثقــة بهــا، دورا ًيف الربيــع العــريب، حتــى أن نجــاح الثــورة هنــا وبتوسيع الفضاء العام أمام مختلف أشكال الفعل أو هنــاك، ارتبــط مبــدى تطــور هــذا املجتمــع. الســيايس واالجتامعــي، وبالحــوار بــن االتجاهــات ويعتــر وجــوده رضورة وضامنــة للتغيــري واالنتقــال، الفكريــة والسياســية والتوصــل إىل عقــد اجتامعــي ومساهـــامته حيويــة يف مجــاالت رصــد انتهــاكات جديــد، وباســتلهام تجــارب رشــيدة عديــدة يف عــامل حقــوق اإلنســان، مراقبــة أداء الحكومــات الجديــدة، اليــوم، تجمــع بــن الخصوصيــة التاريخيــة واالنفتــاح تعليــم الدميوقراطيــة، تحقيــق العدالــة االنتقاليــة عــى معطيــات العــرص واالندمــاج يف مجــراه واملساهـــمة يف عمليــات بنــاء اإلجــامع، ومواجهــة اإلنســاين العــام. وصــوالً إىل بنــاء الدولــة املدنيــة التحديــات مــا بعــد الثــورة. ومــن غــري املؤكــد القامئــة عــى الحــق والقانــون واملواطنــة، وإدمــاج نجــاح منظــامت املجتمــع املــدين يف االضطــالع حقــوق اإلنســان يف مجمــل عمليــات إعــادة البنــاء. مبســؤولياتها ومهامهــا هــذه، مــا مل يســتعيد هــذا )2( اســتبعدت الدولــة الغنامئيــة، دولــة املجتمــع عافيتــه وفعاليتــه السياســية: رد االعتبــار

197 ملا رامثالاو رخأتملا راهزالا نيب :يبرعلا عيبرلا !ةلتحملا نيطسلف ةبرجت ءوض يف ديدج نم ةلالطا ملفهــوم املواطنــة، ســد املنافــذ أمــام كافــة أشــكال وصــول املــرشوع الوطنــي إىل انســداد واضــح عــى االخــراق الخارجــي، عــدم تــرك املجــال االجتامعــي صعيــد إســراتيجية التفــاوض واملقاومــة وإدارة والعمــل املبــارش مــع النــاس، رفــض أي نشــاط الســلطة واملجتمــع. أو برنامــج مــن شــأنه أن يزيــد مــن حــدة التــرشذم إن مــام الشــك فيــه، أن املجتمــع املــدين واالســتقطاب داخــل املجتمــع، إبــداء قــدر كبــري الفلســطيني ســيبقى ملتبــس الــدور والهويــة يف مــن التجــاوب وااللتــزام مــع متطلبــات الدميقراطيــة، غيــاب الدولــة الوطنيــة وفشــل الســلطة يف التحــول التخــي عــن امليــول النخبويــة، والدخــول يف إىل دولــة، ويف ســياق بيئــة تتســم باالنقســام مامرســات دميقراطيــة حقيقيــة، بنــاء وتطويــر مجتمــع الســيايس والتفســخ املجتمعــي. غــري أن وعــود مــدين عــريب موحــد. الربيــع العــريب بالدميوقراطيــة تقتــيض بالــرورة )3( يف غضــون عقــد حــدث التحــول الكبــري توســيع الفضــاء العــام وتعزيــزه، كــام أن عــودة عــى مســتوى النظــام الســيايس الفلســطيني منســوب الفعاليــة السياســية إىل االرتفــاع ســيجعل بإجــراء االنتخابــات، وفــوز حركــة املقاومــة اإلســالمية مــن منظامتــه مكونــاً أصيــالً مــن مكونــات حركــة »حــامس« وبالتــايل انكســار الهـــمينة والتفــرد، ومــن التحــرر الفلســطيني دون أن تســقط املضامــن ثــم االقتتــال واالنقســام. ترافــق هــذا التحــول مــع الدميوقراطيــة واالجتامعيــة.

198 MAJALLA KAIRALA • Society, Culture and Politics in West Asia: Post-Arab Spring Dynamics • July 2014 Seminar Special (24-25, OCT. 2013)