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Complaint for of the Estate of MARIE COLVIN, and Extrajudicial Killing, JUSTINE ARAYA-COLVIN, Heir-At-Law and 28 U.S.C
Case 1:16-cv-01423 Document 1 Filed 07/09/16 Page 1 of 33 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CATHLEEN COLVIN, individually and as Civil No. __________________ parent and next friend of minors C.A.C. and L.A.C., heirs-at-law and beneficiaries Complaint For of the estate of MARIE COLVIN, and Extrajudicial Killing, JUSTINE ARAYA-COLVIN, heir-at-law and 28 U.S.C. § 1605A beneficiary of the estate of MARIE COLVIN, c/o Center for Justice & Accountability, One Hallidie Plaza, Suite 406, San Francisco, CA 94102 Plaintiffs, v. SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC, c/o Foreign Minister Walid al-Mualem Ministry of Foreign Affairs Kafar Soussa, Damascus, Syria Defendant. COMPLAINT Plaintiffs Cathleen Colvin and Justine Araya-Colvin allege as follows: INTRODUCTION 1. On February 22, 2012, Marie Colvin, an American reporter hailed by many of her peers as the greatest war correspondent of her generation, was assassinated by Syrian government agents as she reported on the suffering of civilians in Homs, Syria—a city beseiged by Syrian military forces. Acting in concert and with premeditation, Syrian officials deliberately killed Marie Colvin by launching a targeted rocket attack against a makeshift broadcast studio in the Baba Amr neighborhood of Case 1:16-cv-01423 Document 1 Filed 07/09/16 Page 2 of 33 Homs where Colvin and other civilian journalists were residing and reporting on the siege. 2. The rocket attack was the object of a conspiracy formed by senior members of the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad (the “Assad regime”) to surveil, target, and ultimately kill civilian journalists in order to silence local and international media as part of its effort to crush political opposition. -
Streets Songs from the Syrian Protests
Orient-Institut Studies 2 (2013) Simon Dubois Streets songs from the Syrian protests <1> Since March 2011, the Syrian uprising has created spaces for popular expression that were restricted during the preceding four decades of dictatorship. Numerous productions of texts, poems, caricatures, and songs began to appear on social media sites, and activists then gathered them onto networks providing local alternative information. These networks included websites, blogs, YouTube channels, Facebook and Twitter accounts. They often contained sections titled "Art of the Revolution" or the like, which listed the cultural production of the protests. <2> This article is part of a study conducted online via networks (for instance, F.N.N,1 Deir Press2) and websites or YouTube channels that focused on the revolution©s music, such as "Music from the great or Dndne Indesasye.4 An initial survey of protest 3,( موسيقى الثورة العربية الكبرى) "Arab revolution songs, conducted between October 2011 and March 2012, revealed a vast production of protest music. This research presents some of the results of a global analysis carried out on a collection of material composed exclusively of demonstration chants, which represented cultural production in the service of protest. Videos of the demonstrations that frequently accompany these chants have a special status, since they are evidence that the protest rallies really took place, a fact that was repeatedly denied by the regime at the beginning of the protest movement. <3> In this research, demonstration chants are determined by two criteria. First, there must be interaction between the public and the singer; that is to say, the audience has to be active, repeating some lyrics that constitute the chorus. -
Arabic Comics After the Revolution
Strategics Sectors | Culture & Society Panorama Telling Graphic Stories of the Region: Arabic Comics after the Revolution Lina Ghaibeh most of the earlier comics targeted children and it Associate Professor and Director was not until the arrival of Shafei’s Metro in 2008, Mu’taz and Rada Sawwaf Arabic Comics Initiative, with its controversial content widely covered in the American University of Beirut media, and the long history preceding it, that the adult Strategics Sectors | Culture & Society graphic novel genre publicly emerged and comics targeting adults became more widespread in Egypt Comics: a Rich Heritage in the Region1 and the region. Comics, especially those for children, have been around in the Arab world for over 70 years. But re- A Decade of Growth: Paving the Way cent years have witnessed a sudden rise in the num- ber of comics that target adult audiences, particu- The foundations were laid for the spread of comics larly since the uprisings, and with it an unprecedented with the cautious revival of the genre in the mid- 324 growing interest and avid following. 2000s through a series of independent adult-fo- The comic genre in the Arab world has not grown cused comics. The unveiling of the personal narra- from nothing; its seeds stem from the region’s wealth tive Le Jeu des Hirondelles by Zeina Abi Rashed, of local heritage and experiences.2 Magazines of to- depicting her childhood during the Lebanese civil day, such as TokTok, like to remind their audiences war, the rise of the local superhero Malak from the of this history, regularly featuring comic figures from cedar trees of Lebanon in the form of a comics se- local heritage in its pages, in order to emphasise that ries, the formation of The 99, from Kuwait, depicting the art is rooted in a rich past, and not a mere repli- a more moderate face of Islam in the wake of 9/11, cation of the West (Bank). -
Is It Possible to Understand the Syrian Revolution Through the Prism of Social Media? Juliette Harkin University of East Anglia
WESTMINSTER PAPERS VOLUME 9 ISSUE 2 / APRIL 2013 IS IT POSSIBLE TO UNDERSTAND THE SYRIAN REVOLUTION THROUGH THE PRISM OF SOCIAL MEDIA? Juliette Harkin University of East Anglia Juliette Harkin, M.Phil Oxon, is a researcher and consultant on the Arab media and a PhD student undertaking research on Syria in the School of Political, Social and International Studies at the University of East Anglia. Her M.Phil thesis (2009) focused on the changing practice of journalism in Syria. The aim of this article is to explore a renewed and radical ‘media culture’ that has developed in the extraordinary conditions of the Syrian revolution. The article quickly dismisses the focus on the technology and platforms while using small-scale ethnography to examine social networking sites like Facebook and to underscore the diversity of content being produced by Syrians. It notes how the Syrian media revolution is clearly well under way and how radical, alternative forms of media production are flourishing. KEYWORDS media, radical alternative media, revolt, semi-published, social media, social networking sites, Syria JULIETTE HARKIN: University of East Anglia 92 93 IS IT POSSIBLE TO UNDERSTAND THE SYRIAN REVOLUTION THROUGH THE PRISM OF SOCIAL MEDIA? Juliette Harkin University of East Anglia The Arab revolutions have reminded the world that radical change can be effected by the people, rather than by top-down regime change or ‘transitology’ models that have prevailed in much academic literature (see critique in the Latin American context by Sparks, 2010). For Syrians irreversible transformations happened in the maelstrom of the revolt; they did not wait for the regime to fall or for discussion to commence about media reform blueprints. -
Re-Imagining Peace: Analyzing Syria’S Four Towns Agreement Through Elicitive Conflict Mapping
MASTERS OF PEACE 19 Lama Ismail Re-Imagining Peace: Analyzing Syria’s Four Towns Agreement through Elicitive Conflict Mapping innsbruck university press MASTERS OF PEACE 19 innsbruck university press Lama Ismail Re-Imagining Peace: Analyzing Syria’s Four Towns Agreement through Elicitive Conflict Mapping Lama Ismail Unit for Peace and Conflict Studies, Universität Innsbruck Current volume editor: Josefina Echavarría Alvarez, Ph.D This publication has been made possible thanks to the financial support of the Tyrolean Education Institute Grillhof and the Vice-Rectorate for Research at the University of Innsbruck. © innsbruck university press, 2020 Universität Innsbruck 1st edition www.uibk.ac.at/iup ISBN 978-3-903187-88-7 For Noura Foreword by Noura Ghazi1 I am writing this foreword on behalf of Lama and her book, in my capacity as a human rights lawyer of more than 16 years, specializing in cases of enforced disappearance and arbitrary detention. And also, as an activist in the Syrian uprisings. In my opinion, the uprisings in Syria started after decades of attempts – since the time of Asaad the father, leading up to the current conflict. Uprisings have taken up different forms, starting from the national democratic movement of 1979, to what is referred to as the Kurdish uprising of 2004, the ‘Damascus Spring,’ and the Damascus- Beirut declaration. These culminated in the civil uprisings which began in March 2011. The uprisings that began with the townspeople of Daraa paralleled the uprisings of the Arab Spring. Initially, those in Syria demanded for the release of political prisoners and for the uplift of the state of emergency, with the hope that this would transition Syria’s security state towards a state of law. -
SYRIA ALERT XIII Forced Ceasefires: the Case of Barzeh and Qaboun
SYRIA ALERT XIII Forced ceasefires: The case of Barzeh and Qaboun June 20th, 2014 Over the few past months, the Assad regime has been negotiating ceasefires with opposition forces in several neighbourhoods and suburbs of Damascus. This Syria Alert looks into the ceasefire negotiations in Barzeh and Qaboun, on the basis of a longer forthcoming paper prepared by PAX’s Syrian partner Etana1. The Free Syrian Army (FSA) was forced into these negotiations as the Assad regime starved and threatened civilians while systematically destroying their neighbourhoods. The regime was not able to get all their demands as the FSA was only willing to negotiate a ceasefire and release of prisoners. The regime’s claims of victory contradict the facts on the ground, because in reality, the Assad regime did not regain control inside the neighbourhoods, but rather had only control of certain points on the outskirts and made it appear as if they had regained control. This Syria Alert concludes that the ceasefires between the Assad regime and FSA are temporary, tactical agreements as part of a military strategy and have nothing to do with political agreements. This underscores the urgency for the international community to genuinely search for a new political framework to address the conflict, after the failure of the Geneva 2 talks. Secondly, the case of Barzeh and Qaboun illustrates how the Assad regime has misrepresented the ceasefires in its public relations for Geneva 2 and the presidential elections, purporting it had gained control of certain neighbourhoods, when in fact it only gained control of some key strategic points. -
SYRIA on Al-JAZIRA TELEVISION by Najib Ghadbian*
CONTESTING THE STATE MEDIA MONOPOLY: SYRIA ON Al-JAZIRA TELEVISION By Najib Ghadbian* The influx of independent satellite TV stations in the Arab world has undermined the ability of governments to control what people watch and consequently to control what they think. This article takes the al-Jazira satellite TV station and its coverage of Syrian politics as a case study. It analyzes the content of sample news and programs that have tackled issues considered sensitive to the Syrian regime, and illustrates how these programs may be forcing the government to change its discourse. Satellite TV stations are subtly controlled by states. The significance of the challenging the state's monopoly over the Syrian case lies in the fact that the Syrian means of persuasion and information in the regime is highly authoritarian and still Arab World. Not only is government media maintains total control of information and rendered less relevant by the new satellite communication. I examine al-Jazira's channels, but also the introduction of freer reporting of several issues considered highly and more independent sources of information sensitive according to the censorship policies may be an additional tool for civil society in of Syria's ministries of information, culture its struggle with states over such issues as the and guidance: political opposition in Syria, freedom of expression, human rights and succession, and the impact of the peace democracy. This is apparent from the way process on the regime's survival ability. I will people are excited about the programs of analyze the content of sample news and these stations. -
R/Evolutions: Global Trends and Regional Issues, Volume 3
| R | EVOLUTIONS | VOLUME 4 | ISSUE 1 | 2016 | | REGIONAL ISSUES | cooke, m., “Creativity and Resilience in the Syrian Revolution,” R/evolutions: Global Trends & Regional Issues, Vol 4, No. 1, 2016, (ISSN: 2449-6413), pp. 90-108. | R | EVOLUTIONS | VOLUME 4 | ISSUE 1 | 2016 | | REGIONAL ISSUES | UNRAVELING THE UPRISINGS | INTRODUCTION After World War I, the French and the British carved up the eastern region of the Mediterranean into zones of control. While Jordan, Palestine and Iraq (for a short twelve years) became British Mandates, Lebanon and Syria CREATIVITY fell under French mandatory rule. In each country, resistance to European rule was intense. The French left Lebanon in 1943 and Syria in 1946, the IN THE AND RESILIENCE SYRIAN same year that Jordan was separated from Palestine and given autonomy. In 1948, the British handed Palestine over to the newly established Jewish state of Israel. 750,000 Palestinians fled their homes into neighboring REVOLUTION countries and those who did not leave became second-class citizens in their ancestral homeland. The Palestinian resistance, begun under the British, persists until today. For many Arabs, the Palestinian crisis became emblematic of the condition miriam cookE of most Arab countries that the colonizers had left but where their influence remained in the form and practices of local leaderships that soon proved to be corrupt and unjust. The neo-colonialism of post-independence Arab governments mirrored the modus operandi of the Israeli state vis-à-vis IN SYRIA, A COUNTRY COWED INTO SILENCE its Palestinian citizens. Independence movements, and their failures, gave AND COMPLIANCE FOR FORTY YEARS, birth to leftwing Arab intellectualism. -
Syria—A Decade of Lost Chances Repression and Revolution from Damascus Spring to Arab Spring
Syria—A Decade of Lost Chances Repression and Revolution from Damascus Spring to Arab Spring By Carsten Wieland Syria—A Decade of Lost Chances Repression and Revolution from Damascus Spring to Arab Spring © 2012 By Carsten Wieland Cune Press, Seattle 2012 Hardback ISBN 978-1-61457-001-1 $34.95 Paperback ISBN 978-1-61457-002-8 $19.95 eBook ISBN 978-1-61457-003-5 $4.95 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wieland, Carsten. Syria--a decade of lost chances : repression and revolution from Damascus Spring to Arab Spring / by Carsten Wieland. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-61457-001-1 (hardback : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1- 61457-002-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-61457-003-5 (ebook) 1. Syria--Politics and government--2000- 2. Syria- -Social conditions--1971- 3. Political persecution--Syria- -History--21st century. 4. Protest movements--Syria- -History--21st century. 5. Assad, Bashar, 1965- I. Title. DS98.6.W528 2012 956.9104’2--dc23 Photo Credits for Cover: Picture-Alliance Syria Cross Road Select titles in the Syria Cross Road Series: Steel & Silk: Men and Women Who Shaped Syria 1900 - 2000 - by Sami Moubayed A Pen of Damascus Steel: The Political Cartoons of an Arab Master - by Ali Farzat The Road from Damascus: A Journey Through Syria - by Scott C. Davis Syria - Ballots or Bullets? Democracy, Islamism, and Secularism in the Levant - by Carsten Wieland www.cunepress.com | www.cunepress.net Contents Foreword 10 1 Hariqa: The Fire Spreads 16 2 Regime Reflexes & Reactions 28 3 A Decade of Lost Chances -
A Wasted Decade RIGHTS Human Rights in Syria During Bashar Al-Asad’S First Ten Years in Power WATCH
Syria HUMAN A Wasted Decade RIGHTS Human Rights in Syria during Bashar al-Asad’s First Ten Years in Power WATCH A Wasted Decade Human Rights in Syria during Bashar al-Asad’s First Ten Years in Power Copyright © 2010 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-663-2 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org July 2010 1-56432-663-2 A Wasted Decade Human Rights in Syria during Bashar al-Asad’s First Ten Years in Power Executive Summary ............................................................................................................ 1 I. Repression of Political and Human Rights Activism ......................................................... -
The Birth of Democracy ; the Role of Women in the Revolution and Beyond
The birth of democracy ; the role of women in the revolution and beyond Azza Sirry,Ph.D Professor of urban planning , HBRC , [email protected] Land of the birth of civilization Jordan · A unified Kingdom arose 3200 BCB.C. and a series of Dynasties ruled in Egypt for three millennia. · In 341 B.C., the last Egyptian Dynasty fell to the Libya Persians who were followed by the Greeks, Romans and Byzantines. · In the 7 Century A.D., Islam and the Arabic langgguage were introduced byy, the Arabs, who ruled for the next six centuries. yy.. · 1952 Revolution and the change from the monarchy to the republic. Population : 81 million · The October war of 1973,and peace treaty of 1979 (2011 est.) Aggg(e range (15-60): - The assignation of President Sadat in October 1981 represents 62.2% - The Revolution of 25th January 2011 Many of those 30 and younger are educated citizens who are experiencing difficulty finding work. Highest density: in Cairo, 2136.1(pers./km2), against 63.7 (pers./km2) in all Egypt High Population growth rate (women has a role in the solution) The urban /rural huge difference , upper and lower Egypt regional development differences wide income gap, growing inequalities ,rising unemploymen t, hig h literacy ra tes espec ia lly f emal e Egypt development is on only 6% of it’s territory Growth of urban areas on surrounding fertile arable land consuming 30-50 thousand acres a year –unsustainable , while desert lan d is un deve lope d Primacy -Greater Cairo region where 20 million inhabitants live that is 25% of Egyptian population -
13. the Syrian Uprising
The Syrian Uprising: Dynamics of an Insurgency Carsten Wieland, Adam Almqvist, and Helena Nassif University of St Andrews Centre for Syrian Studies 2013 1 2 The Syrian Uprising CONTENTS • Foreword—Tina Zintl. • Assad's Decade of Lost Chances—C. Wieland. • The Syrian Uprising and the Transnational Public Sphere: Transforming the Conflict in Syria—A. Almqvist. • Celebrity Politics in Troubled Times: The Case of Muna Wassef—H. Nassif. Appendix: Memorandum of the Advisory Committee about the Internal Situation on the Verge of the Second Decade of the Leadership of your Excellency. Foreword 3 Foreword Tina Zintl In this issue of the St Andrews Papers, three excellent articles – each based on empirical information collected in interviews with Syrian respondents – as well as an internal whitepaper by a presidential advisory committee share remarkable insights on the first months of the Syrian uprising that begun in March 2011. Though the articles take very different perspectives, i.e. on the transnational public space, on an individual artist’s divided loyalties as well as a retrospective state- centred point of view, they all show the inconsistencies and contradictions the Syrian political system was afflicted with and which, ultimately, were brought to the fore and aggravated by the uprising. Carsten Wieland demonstrates at which points of his rule and how Bashar al-Asad could have taken a different route down history. Wieland’s counterfactual analysis thus emphasizes that there were several lost opportunities which became particularly obvious in retrospect. For instance, what seemed, at first, like a comeback to the international stage, carefully orchestrated by the Syrian regime from the 2008 onwards, was ‘wasted’ and not translated into corresponding domestic political reform.