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Bolivia's 2020 Election: Winning Is Only the Beginning for Luis Arce and The
LSE Latin America and Caribbean Blog: Bolivia’s 2020 election: winning is only the beginning for Luis Arce and the MAS Page 1 of 3 Bolivia’s 2020 election: winning is only the beginning for Luis Arce and the MAS The new MAS government of Luis Arce will be caught between popular expectations of a return to relative prosperity, a growing ecological catastrophe tied to a declining economic model, and a range of social and ideological challenges that pit right-wing religious forces against an increasingly progressive younger generation. But even if the years ahead will show that this victory was in fact the easy part, for now Bolivians have given the world a vital lesson in democracy, writes Bret Gustafson (Washington University in St Louis). Though the official tally is still being finalised, exit polls released around midnight on Sunday 18 October suggest an overwhelming victory for the MAS party in Bolivia, just eleven months after the ouster of Evo Morales. To avoid a run-off, the MAS presidential candidate Luis Arce needed at least 40 per cent of the vote and a ten-point lead over his nearest rival, but this looked like anything but a foregone conclusion in the lead-up to the elections. Luis Arce and his MAS party achieved a sweeping victory just eleven months after Evo Morales was ousted from the presidency (flag removed, Cancillería del Ecuador, CC BY-SA 2.0) Pre-election polling and a divided opposition In the weeks and days before the vote, polling suggested that Carlos Mesa, a right-leaning historian who was briefly president in the early 2000s, stood a good chance of making it to the second round. -
Línea Base De Conocimientos Sobre Los Recursos Hidrológicos E Hidrobiológicos En El Sistema TDPS Con Enfoque En La Cuenca Del Lago Titicaca ©Roberthofstede
Línea base de conocimientos sobre los recursos hidrológicos e hidrobiológicos en el sistema TDPS con enfoque en la cuenca del Lago Titicaca ©RobertHofstede Oficina Regional para América del Sur La designación de entidades geográficas y la presentación del material en esta publicación no implican la expresión de ninguna opinión por parte de la UICN respecto a la condición jurídica de ningún país, territorio o área, o de sus autoridades, o referente a la delimitación de sus fronteras y límites. Los puntos de vista que se expresan en esta publicación no reflejan necesariamente los de la UICN. Publicado por: UICN, Quito, Ecuador IRD Institut de Recherche pour Le Développement. Derechos reservados: © 2014 Unión Internacional para la Conservación de la Naturaleza y de los Recursos Naturales. Se autoriza la reproducción de esta publicación con fines educativos y otros fines no comerciales sin permiso escrito previo de parte de quien detenta los derechos de autor con tal de que se mencione la fuente. Se prohíbe reproducir esta publicación para venderla o para otros fines comerciales sin permiso escrito previo de quien detenta los derechos de autor. Con el auspicio de: Con la colaboración de: UMSA – Universidad UMSS – Universidad Mayor de San André Mayor de San Simón, La Paz, Bolivia Cochabamba, Bolivia Citación: M. Pouilly; X. Lazzaro; D. Point; M. Aguirre (2014). Línea base de conocimientos sobre los recursos hidrológicos en el sistema TDPS con enfoque en la cuenca del Lago Titicaca. IRD - UICN, Quito, Ecuador. 320 pp. Revisión: Philippe Vauchel (IRD), Bernard Francou (IRD), Jorge Molina (UMSA), François Marie Gibon (IRD). Editores: UICN–Mario Aguirre; IRD–Marc Pouilly, Xavier Lazzaro & DavidPoint Portada: Robert Hosfstede Impresión: Talleres Gráficos PÉREZ , [email protected] Depósito Legal: nº 4‐1-196-14PO, La Paz, Bolivia ISBN: nº978‐99974-41-84-3 Disponible en: www.uicn.org/sur Recursos hidrológicos e hidrobiológicos del sistema TDPS Prólogo Trabajando por el Lago Más… El lago Titicaca es único en el mundo. -
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“Beggar on a Throne of Gold: A Short History of Bolivia” by Robert W. Jones, Jr. 6 Veritas is a land of sharp physical and social contrasts. Although blessed with Benormousolivia mineral wealth Bolivia was (and is) one of the poorest nations of Latin America and has been described as a “Beggar on a Throne of Gold.” 1 This article presents a short description of Bolivia as it appeared in 1967 when Che Guevara prepared to export revolution to the center of South America. In Guevara’s estimation, Bolivia was ripe for revolution with its history of instability and a disenfranchised Indian population. This article covers the geography, history, and politics of Bolivia. Geography and Demographics Bolivia’s terrain and people are extremely diverse. Since geography is a primary factor in the distribution of the population, these two aspects of Bolivia will be discussed together. In the 1960s Bolivian society was predominantly rural and Indian unlike the rest of South America. The Indians, primarily Quechua or Aymara, made up between fifty to seventy percent of the population. The three major Indian dialects are Quechua, Aymara, and Guaraní. The remainder of the population were whites and mixed races (called “mestizos”). It is difficult to get an accurate census because The varied geographic regions of Bolivia make it one of the Indians have always been transitory and there are the most climatically diverse countries in South America. cultural sensitivities. Race determines social status in Map by D. Telles. Bolivian society. A mestizo may claim to be white to gain vegetation grows sparser towards the south, where social status, just as an economically successful Indian the terrain is rocky with dry red clay. -
Web Apr 06.Qxp
On-Line version TIP OF THE SPEAR Departments Global War On Terrorism Page 4 Marine Corps Forces Special Operations Command Page 18 Naval Special Warfare Command Page 21 Air Force Special Operations Command Page 24 U.S. Army Special Operations Command Page 28 Headquarters USSOCOM Page 30 Special Operations Forces History Page 34 Marine Corps Forces Special Operations Command historic activation Gen. Doug Brown, commander, U.S. Special Operations Command, passes the MARSOC flag to Brig. Gen. Dennis Hejlik, MARSOC commander, during a ceremony at Camp Lejune, N.C., Feb. 24. Photo by Tech. Sgt. Jim Moser. Tip of the Spear Gen. Doug Brown Capt. Joseph Coslett This is a U.S. Special Operations Command publication. Contents are Commander, USSOCOM Chief, Command Information not necessarily the official views of, or endorsed by, the U.S. Government, Department of Defense or USSOCOM. The content is CSM Thomas Smith Mike Bottoms edited, prepared and provided by the USSOCOM Public Affairs Office, Command Sergeant Major Editor 7701 Tampa Point Blvd., MacDill AFB, Fla., 33621, phone (813) 828- 2875, DSN 299-2875. E-mail the editor via unclassified network at Col. Samuel T. Taylor III Tech. Sgt. Jim Moser [email protected]. The editor of the Tip of the Spear reserves Public Affairs Officer Editor the right to edit all copy presented for publication. Front cover: Marines run out of cover during a short firefight in Ar Ramadi, Iraq. The foot patrol was attacked by a unknown sniper. Courtesy photo by Maurizio Gambarini, Deutsche Press Agentur. Tip of the Spear 2 Highlights Special Forces trained Iraqi counter terrorism unit hostage rescue mission a success, page 7 SF Soldier awarded Silver Star for heroic actions in Afghan battle, page 14 20th Special Operations Squadron celebrates 30th anniversary, page 24 Tip of the Spear 3 GLOBAL WAR ON TERRORISM Interview with Gen. -
Rativo De Las Coaliciones Democráticas En Bolivia (1952 Y 1985) María Teresa Pinto Las Élites Y El Pueblo, Sus Alianzas Y Sus Divi- Siones
Las élites y el pueblo, sus alianzas y sus divisiones. Estudio comparativo de las coaliciones democráticas en Bolivia (1952 y 1985) María Teresa Pinto Las élites y el pueblo, sus alianzas y sus divi- siones. Estudio compa- rativo de las coaliciones democráticas en Bolivia (1952 y 1985)* **María Teresa Pinto RESUMEN Bolivia es el único país de América del Sur que ha vivido una revolución popular de dimensiones políticas y sociales importantes. Tuvo una de las dictaduras más severas y represivas de la región andina y, en la actualidad, ha encontrado una estabilidad democrática. ¿Qué factores nos explican esta trayectoria? Y, más específicamente, ¿qué factores han contribuido a establecer los períodos democráticos en este país? El presente artículo pretende comparar dichos procesos democráticos a través de puntos de encuentro que permitan responder estas preguntas, además de conocer las condiciones que favorecen las alianzas de gobierno y la estabilidad democrática, y no la estabili- dad autoritaria. La autora utiliza la aproximación metodológica de Yashar, que propone analizar las coaliciones favorables al establecimiento de la democracia en un país determinado. Palabras claves: élites, alianzas, Bolivia. [88] The elites and the people, their alliances and divisions. A comparative study of the democratic coalitions in Bolivia (1952 and 1985) SUMMARY Bolivia is the only country of South America which has gone through a popular revolution of important political and social dimensions. It had to support one of the most severe and repressive dictatorships of the Andean region and at present has encountered democratic stability. Which factors help to explain this trajectory? And, furthermore, what factors have contributed to establish the democratic periods in this country? This article attempts to compare such democratic processes through points of encounter which permit to respond these questions, besides knowing the conditions which favor the government alliances and democratic stability and not authoritarian stability. -
The Politician Truth Will Ultimately Prevail Where There Is Pains Taken to Bring It to Light
The Politician Truth will ultimately prevail where there is pains taken to bring it to light. —George Washington Obvious pressures to smother and ignore The Politician since its official publication are unmatched in the history of the American book world. Now that this explosive volume is available to anyone who will read and judge for himself, the hundreds of periodicals which were quoting and misquoting from it regularly for two years have failed to give it a review or a mention of any nature. There have been many case histories showing the influence exerted on the seven thousand regular bookstores in the United States which has resulted in a virtual boycott of the book—even by those stores that wanted to offer it for sale. In spite of these problems, the sale of forty thousand copies in the first six months after publication and the continuing strong sale have been encouraging. The truth, so fully documented, is not easy to keep buried, even by all of the powerful influences that are so determined to hide it. BELMONT PUBLISHING COMPANY Belmont, Massachusetts 02178 Copyright 1963 by Robert Welch All rights reserved. Except in quotations for review purposes, of not more than five hundred words in any one review, and then with full credit given, no portion of this book may be reproduced in any form without written permission from the author. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 64-8456 Manufactured in the United States of America CONTENTS Please Note vi Prologue vii Again, Please Note xvi Dear Reader 1 Introduction 3 1. -
Las Dictaduras En América Latina Y Su Influencia En Los Movimientos De
Revista Ratio Juris Vol. 16 N.º 32, 2021, pp. 17-50 © UNAULA EDITORIAL DICTATORSHIPS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THEIR INFLUENCE OF RIGHT AND LEFT MOVEMENTS SINCE THE 20TH CENTURY* LAS DICTADURAS EN AMÉRICA LATINA Y SU INFLUENCIA EN LOS MOVIMIENTOS DE DERECHA E IZQUIERDA DESDE EL SIGLO xx Juan Carlos Beltrán López José Fernando Valencia Grajales** Mayda Soraya Marín Galeano*** Recibido: 30 de noviembre de 2020 - Aceptado: 30 de mayo de 2021 - Publicado: 30 de junio de 2021 DOI: 10.24142/raju.v16n32a1 * El presente artículo es derivado de la línea Constitucionalismo Crítico y Género que hace parte del programa de investigación con código 2019 29-000029 de la línea denominada Dinámicas Urbano-Regionales, Economía Solidaria y Construcción de Paz Territorial en Antioquia, que a su vez tiene como sublíneas de trabajo las siguientes: Construcción del Sujeto Político, Ciudadanía y Transformación Social; Constitucionalismo Crítico y Género; Globalización, Derechos Humanos y Políticas Públicas, y Conflicto Territorio y Paz e Investigación Formativa. ** Docente investigador Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana (UNAULA); Abogado, Universidad de Antioquia; Politólogo, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín; Especialista en Cultu- ra Política: Pedagogía de los Derechos Humanos, Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana (UNAU- LA); Magíster en Estudios Urbano Regionales, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín; estudiante del Doctorado en Conocimiento y Cultura en América Latina, Instituto Pensamiento y Cultura en América Latina, A. C.; editor de la revista Kavilando y Revista Ratio Juris (UNAULA), Medellín, Colombia. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8128-4903; Google Scholar: https://scho- lar.google.es/citations?user=mlzFu8sAAAAJ&hl=es. Correo electrónico: [email protected] *** Directora de la Maestría en Derecho y docente investigadora de la Universidad Católica Luis Amigó, investigadora de la revista Kavilando. -
Part Three Greatest Hits: Outstanding Contributions to the Towson University Journal of International Affairs
TOWSON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS VOL. L, NO. 1 PART THREE GREATEST HITS: OUTSTANDING CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE TOWSON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS 49 FALL 2016 MAKE NO DRONES ABOUT IT Make No Drones About It: Evaluating the U.S. Drone Program Based On Domestic Policy Standards Jacob Loewner Abstract: United States policymakers have set strict standards on the parameters of drone use. They have thereby lain out before the public an idealized narrative of the effectiveness of drones, as well as the restraint with which they are used. Beyond this lofty rhetoric, however, the U.S. government has been incredibly reluctant to furnish information on its drone program. To complicate matters further, the rhetoric on the drone program put out by the administration is rarely corroborated by facts on the ground due to frequent civilian deaths, signature strikes, and the targeting of Americans. This piece analyzes the realities of the drone program against the backdrop of the idealized rhetoric laid out by the Obama Administration and finds that the rhetoric is not supported by the facts on the ground. As such, the piece argues for increased transparency and more effective human intelligence to be applied to the drone program. Introduction In January 2015, the United States conducted a drone strike that led to three deaths which had enormous and widespread consequences. A drone strike targeting an Al Qaeda compound on the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan led to the death of Ahmed Farouq, an Al Qaeda leader and American -
1 the Rise of Evo Morales Through an Electoral Lens: an Introduction 1
NOTES 1 The Rise of Evo Morales through an Electoral Lens: An Introduction 1. Venezuela 1993 (Carlos Andrés Perez), 2002 (Hugo Chávez), Ecuador 1997 (Abdalá Bucaram), 2000 (Jamil Mahuad), 2004 (Lucio Gutiérrez), Bolivia 2003 (Sánchez de Lozada), 2005 (Carlos Mesa). 2. This claim is relevant to the Bolivian case since a group of scholars, following Gamarra (1997a), have pointed to the hybrid nature of its presidential system, contained in Article 90 of the Constitution, as the major determinant of its relative success. 3. Comparativists have consistently affirmed that the primary role of leg- islatures has been either “neglect and acquiescence or obstructionism” (Morgenstern and Nacif 2002: 7). Moreover, according to the latest Latinobarómetro (2007), the general population in Latin America regards legislatures as one of the most ineffective and one of the least trusted institutions. 4. In light of Article 90 of the Political Constitution of the State, which grants authority to Congress to elect the president in case no candidate receives a majority, Gamarra (1997a; 1997b) called the system “hybrid presidentialism.” Shugart and Carey (1992) followed Gamarra’s concep- tualization while Jones (1995) identified it as a “majority congressional system.” Mayorga (1999) called it “presidencialismo parlamentarizado” (parliamentarized presidentialism). Regardless of the variations in the labels assigned to the Bolivian political system, these scholars agree that it exhibits features of both presidential and parliamentary systems. 5. The double quotient formula was calculated in the following manner: the first quotient, the participation quotient, would be obtained by dividing the total valid votes in a department by the number of seats to be distributed. -
N 0'For Publication
N 0' FOR PUBLICATION WITHOUT WRITER'S CONSENT INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS WLM-14 21 April 1989 La Paz, BOLIVIA Peter Bird Martin Executive Director Institute of Current World Affairs Wheelock House 4 West Wheelock Street Hanover, NH 03755 Dear Petei, In the days before the Andean Wars of Independence (1809--1826), when Bolivia was still known as Upper Peru, addressing Ferdinand VII, the King of Spain, was no simple matter. And in Upper Pet"u, %he center of Royalist support was the cap.ital La Plala. LocaTed in the Chuquisaca valley, La Plata was the seat of the Audiencia de Charcas that administered the royal edicts firsl tnder the ju'isdiction of the Viceroyalty of Lima-- and after 1776, under the jurisdict+/-on of the Viceroyalty in Buenos Aires. No long after silver mining began in Poosi in 545, La Plata became a principal crossroads of the Spanish Empire. Miners and landowners flocked to Chuquisaca to inves heir profits [n elegant homes and educate their children at one of the New World's finer institutions, the bniversiT.y de Sai Francisco Xavier (founded 16'74). For bola ininers and large landowners, there was no question of allegiance. The Spanish monarchy, despite feeble atempts to assure the rights of indigenous peoples after the Conquest, generelly tolerated the "mira" and the "pongo." The forner sent thousands of Aymaras and Quechuas to the Potoai mines and hei[ deaths. The allowed landowners, o "hacendados" to exploit Indian "co]ones" who already worked %he patron's lands 3-5 days a week, forcing the "pongo" to give up least one week a year to attend his master's needs in the ci%y of La Plata without pay. -
Asociación Rural Del Paraguay Abc Color
ASOCIACIÓN RURAL DEL PARAGUAY RESUMEN DOMINICAL 30 DE DICIEMBRE DE 2012 ABC COLOR Fisco aprueba el formulario para declarar renta personal -- La Subsecretaría de Estado de Tributación del Ministerio de Hacienda emitió la Resolución General Nº 90, por la cual se aprueba el “Formulario Nº 104” para la presentación de las declaraciones juradas del impuesto a la renta personal (IRP). Los datos de la administración fiscal señalan que hasta este mes se tiene registrado a 1.531 contribuyentes, incluyendo personas físicas y jurídicas. En el caso de las personas físicas, las que alcancen un ingreso de 198 millones de guaraníes hasta el 31 de este mes, deben inscribirse en el plazo de 30 días siguientes. Los contribuyentes tendrán plazo hasta marzo de 2013 para presentar la declaración jurada. La resolución 90 también modifica el artículo 3 de la Resolución General Nº 83/2012 referente a la enajenación ocasional de inmuebles. “Para determinar el rango de incidencia, se deberán sumar los ingresos gravados del ejercicio fiscal que sean anteriores y posteriores a la enajenación ocasional del inmueble. Si de dichos ingresos surgiera la obligación de inscribirse, los ingresos brutos obtenidos por la enajenación ocasional del inmueble serán computados a los efectos de la determinación de la tasa aplicable”, indica la nota.# Precios bajos de carnes permiten cenas de fin de año más baratas -- Los cárnicos vacuno, porcino y de ave registraron en este 2012 una reducción de precio en comparación al 2011, lo que permitirá que para la tradicional cena de fin de año, se tengan menús desde G. 41.000 (según la suma de precios de ingredientes). -
Redalyc.La Dramática Historia De La Guerra Del Pacífico (1879-1883)
Revista Izquierdas E-ISSN: 0718-5049 [email protected] Universidad de Santiago de Chile Chile Guerra Vilaboy, Sergio La dramática historia de la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883) y de sus consecuencias para Bolivia Revista Izquierdas, núm. 15, abril, 2013, pp. 193-213 Universidad de Santiago de Chile Santiago, Chile Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=360133457009 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Sergio Guerra Vilaboy, La dramática historia de la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883) y sus consecuencias para Bolivia, revista www.izquierdas.cl, N°15, abril 2013, ISSN 0718-5049, pp. 193-213 La dramática historia de la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883) y de sus consecuencias para Bolivia Sergio Guerra Vilaboy* Bolivia fue pretexto, con el cual se recogió de paso a Antofagasta; Perú, el objeto real, en el que se iban a saciar, no tanto ansias de poseer las salitreras de Tarapacá, cuanto viejos celosos y tenaces rencores. El odio del fuerte al débil, odio misterioso e implacable1 José Martí La Guerra del Pacífico, que envolvió en un conflicto fratricida entre 1879 y 1883 a Chile, Perú y Bolivia, tiene todavía hoy sus heridas sin cicatrizar, como demuestran los persistentes reclamos bolivianos de una salida al mar. Las verdaderas causas de esta sangrienta contienda