Religion and Politics in Russia: an Insider’S View

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Religion and Politics in Russia: an Insider’S View will happen to the Church, and we will greater—genuine conversations about have no resources to control the out- hard questions, which do not degen- come. While some commentators and erate into apologetics, politicking, and participants in the conference have ex- character defamation. That hope is per- pressed the desire only to see a peace- haps for now too great, considering the ful Council come to pass, in the hope restriction of the 1976 agenda. So what © 2015 The Wheel. that its mere occurrence will herald a are we to make of next year’s Council? May be distributed for renewal of Orthodox witness in the I shall leave the last word to Metropoli- noncommercial use. modern world, I hold out for the Holy tan Kallistos: “Don’t expect too much— www.wheeljournal.com Spirit to bring about something far if it happens . .” Gregory Tucker is a PhD candidate at Fordham University. He re- ceived his BA and MSt from the University of Oxford and his MA from St Vladimir’s Orthodox Theological Seminary. His research in- terests lie in the areas of Patristic and Byzantine theology and liturgy. He has recently completed a survey of the history and theology of the Sixth Ecumenical Council (Orbis, forthcoming 2016). STATE OF AFFAIRS Religion and Politics in Russia: an Insider’s View Xenia Loutchenko interviewed by Christopher Stroop The prominent Russian journalist and state of Russia’s predominant Church. commentator on religion and society The author of Mothers: Priest’s Wives Xenia Loutchenko and I sat down over on Themselves and Their Lives (Ma- coffee at a Moscow cafe on May 8, 2015. tushki: Zheny sviashchennikov o zhizni i During our interview, we discussed the sebe, [Nikeia: 2015]), Loutchenko is a reg- meaning of Christian politics; religion ular contributor to the independent Or- and politics in Putin’s Russia; her work thodox Christian media outlet Pravmir unpacking connections between Amer- (Orthodox World), which publishes a lim- ican and Russian social conservatives, ited quantity of its material in English, including a former Fox News employee’s and a contributor to liberal Russian news work on a far right Russian Christian outlets such as Colta. I have translated the media project; and what she would like interview from Russian and edited it for American audiences to know about the length and clarity. 30 Christopher Stroop: Xenia, thank you CS: Is there such a thing as liberal Or- for agreeing to this interview. I cer- thodox Christianity in Russia, and do tainly want to talk about our mutual you consider yourself a liberal Ortho- interest in the collaborative efforts dox Christian? of ideologically oriented American and Russian religious conservatives, XL: You know, it’s a strange time, be- a topic we’ve both written about, but cause now there’s this impulse for ev- first I’d just like to invite you to say eryone to divide themselves into two a bit about yourself and your career. camps, liberals and conservatives. But Why did you decide to write about re- liberalism, it seems to me, concerns ligion, and what are your current and one’s political views, whereas Christi- future plans? anity is about faith. These are distinct categories. I’m not a big fan of these Xenia Loutchenko: Why did I choose labels, but politically, within contem- to write about religion? Well, you porary Russian reality, I can of course could say that in part it was accidental. count myself among the liberals. It was the 1990s, when everything was very different here. The Church was CS: And within the Church, I suppose, also very different. I was an Orthodox it’s complicated. Christian, but not particularly active. I studied in the Journalism Faculty at XL: Well, if we get back to the original Lomonosov Moscow State University; meaning of the term, then all Chris- there was a study group dedicated to tians are liberals, because we have a religious journalism, but I only went to Gospel that proclaims freedom, free- a few of its individual seminars, which dom of choice, the dignity of the indi- were led by Fr. Georgy Chistyakov, a vidual. disciple of Fr. Alexander Men. I had an instructor named Maria Lukina—she CS: But nevertheless there are a lot taught specialized courses on religion of Christians who want to discipline and media. I started to write a course other people’s behavior. Are Chris- paper for her and got interested in tians really for the freedom of all? just finding out what was out there in terms of Orthodox Christian media, I XL: Well, in my understanding that’s interned for a television project, and I a perversion of the Gospel’s teach- just ended up going in this direction. ing. You can only control your own At a time before most people realized decisions. If we take the teaching the significance of the Internet, for a of the Savior to go into all the world while I became the sole academic ex- and preach the Gospel, etc., literally, pert on how the Russian Orthodox then that means you should tell peo- Church was utilizing new technology, ple about Christ, about choosing that although this is no longer the primary path, but not do things the other way focus of my work. I’m now more inter- around, first establish prohibitions, ested in people. I’ve ended up working and then say that’s Christ. on gender, although I didn’t originally plan to, and I continue to do work that CS: So you’re saying that religion and could be described as personal narra- politics should be completely separate tives, oral history. things? THE WHEEL 3 | Fall 2015 31 Russians and Americans in this re- spect actually go deeper into history than most people know. For example, Cole Parke of Political Research Asso- ciates has taken note of the influence of the Russian sociologist Pitirim Sorokin on the founder of the World Congress of Families, Allan Carlson. Parke also points out the influence of other Rus- sians on Carlson; the influence here is not one-sided. How would you assess the current situation? What have Rus- sian culture warriors borrowed from Americans? And what might you be able to say about influence in the other XL: No. But what’s called political Or- direction? thodoxy in Russia today is an absolute caricature and has nothing in common XL: In terms of connections, in the with normal politics; we don’t have early ‘90s, when the Russian anti-abor- normal political processes. This “battle tion movement began, there was heavy for traditional values” in Russia is con- American influence, our entire pro-life trived, it’s PR. discourse is connected with Amer- ica—we got films, materials, in Russian CS: So what is a genuine Christian translation. There was the Life Center, politics? What does that look like? associated with Fr. Maxim Obukhov— they started this whole program about XL: Well, people will participate in abortion, they worked with Protestant political processes in accordance with organizations. And then later, as this their convictions. Some European poli- whole rhetoric of traditional values ticians, also some from South America, gained popularity, the current head Catholics, they work for the passage of of Russian Railways, Vladimir Yaku- laws that support the poor, provide nin, he created the forum “Dialogue a social safety net for the have-nots. of Civilizations” [currently co-chaired They’re for a return to humaneness by the Packey J. Dee Professor in the in politics, wanting to make sure that Departments of Philosophy and Polit- first of all people’s needs are met, and ical Science at the University of Notre then we can talk about the interests of Dame, Fred Dallmayr – C.S.], which has the state, the interests of the nation, been taking place on Rhodes for more etc. That’s Christian politics. than ten years, where he gathers retired and active European and American CS: All right then, let’s go ahead and politicians and social actors. To use an talk a bit about Russian and Ameri- analogy, it’s sort of like a traditional- can religious conservatives. In the En- ist version of the Soviet exportation of glish-language press in recent years Communism. It’s a right-wing Interna- there’s been a lot of discussion of tional. I can’t say anything definitive the exporting or globalization of the about this, but there also seems to be American culture wars, that is, battles financial influence from the Russian for so-called “traditional” and “fam- side. Marine Le Pen received a loan ily” values. The connections between from Russia, for example. 32 CS: So the goal for these sorts of Rus- about patriotism, their children live sian initiatives is to influence Euro- in Europe. This is why the sanctions pean and American politics, yes? actually seriously bother them. They all get health care abroad. XL: Yes, and I see that in Europe it’s very successful. We shouldn’t under- CS: To get back to connections be- estimate this, because Putin is loved tween Russia and America, did you in Europe. Many Italians love him, for read Pat Buchanan’s article, “Whose example. There’s also a serious split in Side Is God on Now?” the contemporary Russian diaspora. A significant proportion is very pro-Rus- XL: Yes. I don’t systematically read sian, pro-Putin, but it seems that this everything in the Western press, but is partially connected with the overly Buchanan is well known, and I did zealous anti-Russian views of the glance through that piece.
Recommended publications
  • MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights
    MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights Research Team: Juliana Martínez, PhD; Ángela Duarte, MA; María Juliana Rojas, EdM and MA. Sentiido (Colombia) March 2021 The Elevate Children Funders Group is the leading global network of funders focused exclusively on the wellbeing and rights of children and youth. We focus on the most marginalized and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation, and violence. Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) is a collaboration of funders and philanthropic advisors working to expand global philanthropic support to advance the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global1 South and East. TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ...................................................................................... 4 Acronyms .................................................................................................. 4 Definitions ................................................................................................. 5 Letter from the Directors: ......................................................... 8 Executive Summary ................................................................... 10 Report Outline ..........................................................................................13 MOBILIZING A GENDER-RESTRICTIVE WORLDVIEW .... 14 The Making of the Contemporary Gender-Restrictive Movement ................................................... 18 Instrumentalizing Cultural Anxieties .........................................
    [Show full text]
  • RIGHTS at RISK
    RIGHTS at RISK Time for Action Observatory on the Universality of Rights Trends Report 2021 RIGHTS AT RISK: TIME FOR ACTION Observatory on the Universality of Rights Trends Report 2021 Chapter 4: Anti-Rights Actors 4 www.oursplatform.org 72 RIGHTS AT RISK: TIME FOR ACTION Observatory on the Universality of Rights Trends Report 2021 Chapter 4: Anti-Rights Actors Chapter 4: CitizenGo Anti-Rights Actors – Naureen Shameem AWID Mission and History ounded in August 2013 and headquartered Fin Spain,221 CitizenGo is an anti-rights platform active in multiple regions worldwide. It describes itself as a “community of active citizens who work together, using online petitions and action alerts as a resource, to defend and promote life, family and liberty.”222 It also claims that it works to ensure respect for “human dignity and individuals’ rights.”223 United Families Ordo Iuris, International Poland Center for World St. Basil the Istoki Great Family and Endowment Congress of Charitable Fund, Russia Foundation, Human Rights Families Russia (C-Fam) The International Youth Alliance Coalition Russian Defending Orthodox Freedom Church Anti-Rights (ADF) Human Life Actors Across International Heritage Foundation, USA FamilyPolicy, Russia the Globe Group of Friends of the and their vast web Family of connections Organization Family Watch of Islamic International Cooperation Anti-rights actors engage in tactical (OIC) alliance building across lines of nationality, religion, and issue, creating a transnational network of state and non-state actors undermining rights related to gender and sexuality. This El Yunque, Mexico visual represents only a small portion Vox party, The Vatican World Youth Spain of the global anti-rights lobby.
    [Show full text]
  • Spinning Russia's 21St Century Wars
    Research Article This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative The RUSI Journal Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-NoDerivatives License (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Spinning Russia’s 21st Century Wars Zakhar Prilepin and his ‘Literary Spetsnaz’ Julie Fedor In this article, Julie Fedor examines contemporary Russian militarism through an introduction to one of its most high-profile representatives, the novelist, Chechen war veteran and media personality Zakhar Prilepin. She focuses on Prilepin’s commentary on war and Russian identity, locating his ideas within a broader strand of Russian neo-imperialism. he Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 brand of militarism that has come to pervade the and the war in the Donbas which began Russian media landscape, Prilepin warrants our T that same year have been accompanied by attention. Studying his career and output can help a remarkable drive to mobilise cultural production to illuminate the context and underpinnings of the in Russia in support of a new brand of state- domestic support for the official military doctrine sponsored militarism. Using a variety of media and policy that is more commonly the subject of platforms and reaching mass popular audiences, scholarship on Russian military and security affairs. a range of cultural celebrities – actors, writers, This article focuses on Prilepin’s commentary rock stars, tabloid war correspondents – have on the nature of war and Russian identity, locating played a key role in framing and shaping domestic his ideas within a broader strand of Russian perceptions of Russia’s 21st Century wars. Despite neo-imperialism in which war is claimed as a vital their prominence in Russian media space, their source of belonging, power and dignity.1 It shows activities have received surprisingly little scholarly how the notion of a special Russian relationship attention to date.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Covid-19 on Orthodox Groups and Believers in Russia
    The Impact of Covid-19 on Orthodox Groups and Believers in Russia Anastasia V. Mitrofanova Abstract This chapter intends to discover how Orthodox groups and believers of different ideological orientations in Russia reacted to the 2020 world health crisis. Its fo- cus lies on the groups and individual believers from the field of Russian Ortho- doxy who could be labelled as ‘fundamentalists’. Therefore, an analysis of the offi- cial ecclesiastical reaction to the pandemic will be provided, that underlines how some contradictory messages from above caused significant numbers of believers to sympathize with the so called “corona-dissidents” within the Church. Under the topic ‘dissidents’, various other groups apart from the fundamentalists such as the moderate traditionalists, liberals, or individuals who usually follow the mainstream ecclesiastical opinion, can be subsumed. Furthermore, it could be observed that fundamentalists mostly discuss themes that might be common for all “dissidents”, although they are more open towards their criticism in view of the mainstream reactions. They stick to the assumption that both mundane and ecclesiastical leaders have discredited themselves and need to be replaced. Keywords: Orthodox Christianity, Covid-19, Ecclesiastical Lockdown, Corona- Dissidents, Fundamentalist Networks, Traditionalism, Russian Orthodox Church 1. Introduction This chapter intends to discover how Orthodox groups and believers of different ideological orientations in Russia reacted to the 2020 world health crisis. It focusses on groups and individuals who are labelled as “fundamentalists”, because they be- lieve for instance that the entire socio-political life should be changed in terms of 48 AnastasiaV.Mitrofanova collective religious salvation.1 Apart from the official position of the Moscow Pa- triarchate («the patriarchal platform»), Irina Papkova distinguishes three informal political ideologies within the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC): liberal (associated with intra-church movements initiated by late Fr.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Oligarchs Go Shopping Patrick Drahi Groupe Altice
    MEDIA OLIGARCHS GO SHOPPING Patrick Drahi Groupe Altice Jeff Bezos Vincent Bolloré Amazon Groupe Bolloré Delian Peevski Bulgartabak FREEDOM OF THE PRESS WORLDWIDE IN 2016 AND MAJOR OLIGARCHS 2 Ferit Sahenk Dogus group Yildirim Demirören Jack Ma Milliyet Alibaba group Naguib Sawiris Konstantin Malofeïev Li Yanhong Orascom Marshall capital Baidu Anil et Mukesh Ambani Rupert Murdoch Reliance industries ltd Newscorp 3 Summary 7. Money’s invisible prisons 10. The hidden side of the oligarchs New media empires are emerging in Turkey, China, Russia and India, often with the blessing of the political authorities. Their owners exercise strict control over news and opinion, putting them in the service of their governments. 16. Oligarchs who came in from the cold During Russian capitalism’s crazy initial years, a select few were able to take advantage of privatization, including the privatization of news media. But only media empires that are completely loyal to the Kremlin have been able to survive since Vladimir Putin took over. 22. Can a politician be a regular media owner? In public life, how can you be both an actor and an objective observer at the same time? Obviously you cannot, not without conflicts of interest. Nonetheless, politicians who are also media owners are to be found eve- rywhere, even in leading western democracies such as Canada, Brazil and in Europe. And they seem to think that these conflicts of interests are not a problem. 28. The royal whim In the Arab world and India, royal families and industrial dynasties have created or acquired enormous media empires with the sole aim of magnifying their glory and prestige.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's and China's Increasing Influence in the Western Balkans
    Working Paper #1 The European Union Dilemma: Russia’s and China’s Increasing Influence in the Western Balkans (Case study: Serbia and Montenegro) By Vesko Garčević The Frederick S. Pardee Center for the Study of the Longer-Range Future Rising Powers Initiative Pardee School of Global Studies Boston University 67 Bay State Road Boston, MA 02215 www.bu.edu/pardee/rpi THE EUROPEAN UNION DILEMMA: RUSSIA’S AND CHINA’S INCREASING INFLUENCE IN THE WESTERN BALKANS The Frederick S. Pardee Center for the Study of the Longer-Range Future, Pardee School of Global Studies, Boston University, 2021. Suggested citation: Garcevic, V. (2021). “The European Union Dilemma: Russia’s and China’s Increasing Influence in the Western Balkans.” Rising Powers Initiative, The Frederick S. Pardee Center for the Study of the Longer-Range Future, Pardee School of Global Studies, Boston University, 2021. https://www.bu.edu/pardee/files/2021/05/Pardee-RPI-001-May-2021.pdf Keywords: Russia, China, European Union, Soft power, Western Balkans RPI WORKING PAPER #1 2 THE EUROPEAN UNION DILEMMA: RUSSIA’S AND CHINA’S INCREASING INFLUENCE IN THE WESTERN BALKANS Introduction This paper discusses the growing influence and transformative power of Beijing and Moscow in the Western Balkans (WB), particularly as regards Serbia and Montenegro, and its implications for the European Union (EU). It draws upon both primary and secondary sources and narratives currently dominating public discourse in Serbia and Montenegro. A country’s “soft power” rests primarily on three resources: its culture, its political values, and its foreign policies,1 but it cannot exist on its own.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Report Final
    1 2 CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 4 2. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 3. THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND FREEDOM OF THE PRESS: RUSSIA’S HUMAN RIGHTS OBLIGATIONS 5 3.1. INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSAL AND REGIONAL LAW AND STANDARDS 5 3.2. DOMESTIC LAW 7 4. A DETERIORATING CLIMATE: LEGISLATIVE CHANGES AFFECTING THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION 7 4.1. CREATION OF A BLACKLIST REGISTRY 7 4.2. ‘GAY PROPAGANDA’ BAN 8 4.3. CRIMINALISATION OF OFFENDING RELIGIOUS FEELINGS 8 4.4. ANTI-EXTREMISM LAW 9 4.5. ‘BLOGGER’S LAW’ 9 4.6. LAW CONCERNING THE REHABILITATION OF NAZISM 9 4.7. RESTRICTIONS ON FOREIGN INVESTMENT AND MEDIA OWNERSHIP 10 4.8. LAWS REGULATING NEWS AGGREGATORS 10 4.9. COUNTER-TERRORISM LAWS 10 4.10. CHANGES IN ELECTORAL LEGISLATION RELATED TO THE WORK OF THE MEDIA 11 4.11. LAWS BANNING VPNS AND CONTROLLING MESSAGING APPS 11 5. VIOLATIONS OF THE FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 12 5.1. ATTACKS ON THE MEDIA 12 5.1.1. RANKINGS PRESS FREEDOM 12 5.1.2. PHYSICAL ATTACKS ON AND INTIMIDATION OF JOURNALISTS AND OTHER MEDIA EMPLOYEES 12 5.1.3. CRIMINAL PROSECUTIONS OF JOURNALISTS AND BLOGGERS 13 5.1.4. DETENTION OF JOURNALISTS COVERING CONTENTIOUS EVENTS 14 5.1.5. HACKING ATTEMPTS OF THE ACCOUNTS OF JOURNALISTS AND CIVIC ACTIVISTS 15 5.1.6. BLOCKING THE OPERATIONS OF ELECTRONIC MEDIA 16 5.1.7. DENIAL OF REGISTRATION IN THE CRIMEA 16 5.2. POLITICALLY MOTIVATED PROSECUTIONS BASED ON LEGAL RESTRICTIONS OF THE FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION 16 5.2.1.
    [Show full text]
  • Mediaobrazovanie) Media Education (M Ediaobrazovanie
    Media Education (Mediaobrazovanie) Has been issued since 2005. ISSN 1994–4160. E–ISSN 1994–4195 2020, 60(1). Issued 4 times a year EDITORIAL BOARD Alexander Fedorov (Editor in Chief ), Prof., Ed.D., Rostov State University of Economics (Russia) Imre Szíjártó (Deputy Editor– in– Chief), PhD., Prof., Eszterházy Károly Fõiskola, Department of Film and Media Studies. Eger (Hungary) Ben Bachmair, Ph.D., Prof. i.r. Kassel University (Germany), Honorary Prof. of University of London (UK) Oleg Baranov, Ph.D., Prof., former Prof. of Tver State University Elena Bondarenko, Ph.D., docent of Russian Institute of Cinematography (VGIK), Moscow (Russia) David Buckingham, Ph.D., Prof., Loughborough University (United Kingdom) Emma Camarero, Ph.D., Department of Communication Studies, Universidad Loyola Andalucía (Spain) Irina Chelysheva, Ph.D., Assoc. Prof., Anton Chekhov Taganrog Institute (Russia) Alexei Demidov, head of ICO “Information for All”, Moscow (Russia) Svetlana Gudilina, Ph.D., Russian Academy of Education, Moscow (Russia) Tessa Jolls, President and CEO, Center for Media Literacy (USA) Nikolai Khilko, Ph.D., Omsk State University (Russia) Natalia Kirillova, Ph.D., Prof., Ural State University, Yekaterinburg (Russia) Sergei Korkonosenko, Ph.D., Prof., faculty of journalism, St– Petersburg State University (Russia) Alexander Korochensky, Ph.D., Prof., faculty of journalism, Belgorod State University (Russia) W. James Potter, Ph.D., Prof., University of California at Santa Barbara (USA) Robyn Quin, Ph.D., Prof., Curtin University, Bentley, WA (Australia) Alexander Sharikov, Ph.D., Prof. The Higher School of Economics, Moscow (Russia) Vladimir Sobkin, Acad., Ph.D., Prof., Head of Sociology Research Center, Moscow (Russia) Kathleen Tyner, Assoc. Prof., Department of Radio– Television– Film, The University of Texas at Austin (USA) Svetlana Urazova, PhD., Assoc.
    [Show full text]
  • Fear of Ideology: Political Theory and Political Practice in Contemporary Russia
    Institute for Political Studies UDC: 321.01+32(470+571) Serbian Political https://doi.org/10.22182/spt.18212018.7 Thought No. 2/2018, Manuscript received: 14.09.2018. Year X, Accepted for publishing: 30.10.2018. Vol. 18 pp. 103-126 Original scientific paper Stevan Gajić1 Institute of European Studies, Belgrade Fear of Ideology: Political Theory and Political Practice in Contemporary Russia Abstract The battle of ideas has raged in Russia since the times of Peter the Great and Catharine the Great and continues even today. The front line is between the lib- erals (Westernisers, Europhiles) and a camp that could broadly be called con- servatives (Slavophiles, Eurasianist). Today’s Russia faces a new challenge, having emerged from a rigid communist system, as before in history the country is faced with soul-searching. In today’s Russia there are three broad ideological camps: liberals, conservatives and realists. Beyond this division they can be defined as systemic and non-systemic, according to whether they are recognised as legitimate by the Kremlin and whether they themselves see the state as a legitimate actor. Liberals and conservatives can be in or out of the system, but not the realists, who because of their centrist position are voluntarily locked in to the system. In this article, I explore the dynamics between the three camps, the attitude of the state towards them and their representation in institutions such as universities and the media. I also determine their positions through a set of test questions pertaining to the 1993 Constitution, the Russian Central Bank and the conflict in Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP and SURVEILLANCE in RUSSIA Update © Markus Spiske / Unsplash
    TAKING CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP AND SURVEILLANCE IN RUSSIA update © Markus Spiske / Unsplash This is an update of the report “Taking Control? Internet Censorship and Surveillance in Russia” published by RSF in November 2019. The deadline for this update was 1 July 2021. You can find the English version at: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russiareport-update Дополнение к докладу „Всё под контролем: интернет-цензура и слежка в России“, опубликованномy РБГ в ноябре 2019 года. Информация по состоянию на 1 июля 2021 года. Русская версия доступна здесь: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/doklad-update Grundlage dieses Updates ist der Bericht „Alles unter Kontrolle? Internetzensur und Überwachung in Russland“, den Reporter ohne Grenzen im November 2019 veröffentlicht hat. Redaktionsschluss für dieses Update war der 1. Juli 2021. www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russlandbericht-update A REPORT BY REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS / AUGUST 2021 © Markus Spiske / Unsplash TABLE OF CONTENTSI 1 Overview 5 2 Laws restricting media and internet freedom 9 Chronology from December 2019 to July 2021 3 Lawsuits and brutality 22 Journalists, bloggers and tech companies under attack 4 Taking aim at international platforms 35 Authorities up the pressure on Facebook, Google and Twitter 5 Digital security training and scholarships 49 How RSF supports journalists and bloggers 6 Recommendations 52 OVERVIEW What a contrast to the mood in the country before the last elections in the summer of 2019! Back then, tens of thousands took to the streets after opposition candidates were excluded from regional elections in the biggest protests the country had seen 5 since the 2011/12 demonstrations against Vladimir Putin.
    [Show full text]
  • How Kremlin Controls Major Russian Media
    Kremlin Watch Report 01.04.2017 How Kremlin controls major Russian media Ilyas Sharibzhanov Analyst of the Kremlin Watch Programme The European Values Think-Tank is a non- governmental policy institute defending liberal democracy. Kremlin Watch Report 01.04.2017 How Kremlin controls major Russian media Mass media in Russia have changed significantly since the days of President Yeltsin and the contrast with the free and independent media in Russia of just 20 years ago has been ever so evident for the past three years, with Russia’s media turning from a market into a state-organized system of propaganda machine. When did it all start? The demise of Russia’s independent media market did not occur recently or suddenly. Indeed, the first ominous signs emerged as far back as President Putin’s first term in the early 2000s and the early signs of a huge propaganda machine to come were seen during such turbulent events as, for example, the Estonian Bronze Soldier controversy1 in 2007 and the Russo-Georgian war of 2008. In the light of the events surrounding the 2016 U.S. elections, it is worthwhile to note that in 2007-2008, it was the first time that Estonian and Georgian government websites were hacked, along with the ongoing media propaganda campaign against these two countries and the events on the ground. Putin’s return to presidency in 2012 was to become fateful for the Russian media leviathan, as illustrated by his 2013 decision to abolish RIA Novosti and to make Rossiya Segodnya (“Russia Today”) the official state media giant, right in the middle of revolutionary events breaking out in Ukraine at the time [1].
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Flight MH17
    Holger Mölder Vladimir Sazonov The Impact of Russian Anti-Western Conspiracy Theories on the Status-Related Confl ict in Ukraine: The Case of Flight MH17 Holger Mölder TalTech Law School, Tallinn University of Technology Akadeemia tee 3, Tallinn 12618, Estonia E-mail: [email protected] Vladimir Sazonov Ancient Middle Eastern Studies, University of Tartu Ülikooli 18, Tartu 50090, Estonia E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The Russian Federation has a wide arsenal of tools at its disposal for conducting information warfare to achieve its strategic objectives in the ongoing status confl ict with the West. The active exploitation of conspiracy theories has thrived since pro-Kremlin forces started armed confl ict against Ukraine in 2013–2014. This article focuses on the crash of Flight MH17, widely used by the Russian media to fabricate various conspiracy theories which make out that the West and Ukraine are responsible for the disaster. This study examines several Russian outlets and TV channels and concludes that the Russian media often used falsifi ed stories and emotional rhetoric in narratives they spread about the crash of Flight MH17. The narratives used to create these conspiracy theories claim that the incident was a Western provocation attempting to generate hostility towards Russia. In disseminating these kinds of conspiracy theories, the pro- Kremlin media created distrust against the West and the Ukrainian government among a larger audience and produced discomfort and disorientation about Western and Ukrainian news. 96 doi: 10.1515/bjes-2019-0024 BalticBaltic JournalJournal ofof EuropeanEuropean StudiesStudies TallinnTallinn UniversityUniversity ofof TechnologyTechnology (ISSN(ISSN 2228-0588),2228-0588), Vol.Vol.
    [Show full text]