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MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights
MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights Research Team: Juliana Martínez, PhD; Ángela Duarte, MA; María Juliana Rojas, EdM and MA. Sentiido (Colombia) March 2021 The Elevate Children Funders Group is the leading global network of funders focused exclusively on the wellbeing and rights of children and youth. We focus on the most marginalized and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation, and violence. Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) is a collaboration of funders and philanthropic advisors working to expand global philanthropic support to advance the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global1 South and East. TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ...................................................................................... 4 Acronyms .................................................................................................. 4 Definitions ................................................................................................. 5 Letter from the Directors: ......................................................... 8 Executive Summary ................................................................... 10 Report Outline ..........................................................................................13 MOBILIZING A GENDER-RESTRICTIVE WORLDVIEW .... 14 The Making of the Contemporary Gender-Restrictive Movement ................................................... 18 Instrumentalizing Cultural Anxieties ......................................... -
Pussy Riot: Art Or Hooliganism? Changing Society Through Means of Participation
Pussy Riot: Art or Hooliganism? Changing Society through Means of Participation Camilla Patricia Reuter Ritgerð til BA-prófs í listfræði Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Pussy Riot: Art or Hooliganism? Changing Society through Means of Participation Camilla Patricia Reuter Lokaverkefni til BA-gráðu í listfræði Leiðsögukennari: Hlynur Helgason Íslensku- og menningadeild Menntavísindasvið Háskóla Íslands Maí 2015 Ritgerð þessi er lokaverkefni til BA- gráðu í listfræði og er óheimilt að afrita ritgerðina á nokkurn hátt nema með leyfi rétthafa. © Camilla Patricia Reuter 2015 Prentun: Bóksala Menntavísindasviðs Reykjavík, Ísland 2015 Preface In my studies of art history the connection between the past and present has always intrigued me. As a former history major, the interest in historical developments comes hardly as a surprise. This is why I felt that the subject of my essay should concentrate on a recent phenomenon in art with a rich history supporting it. My personal interest in Russian art history eventually narrowed my topics down to Pussy Riot and Voina, which both provide a provocative subject matter. Having spent a semester in St. Petersburg studying the nation’s art history one discovers a palpable connection between politics and art. From Ilya Repin’s masterpieces to the Russian avant-garde and the Moscow Conceptualists, Russian art history is provided with a multitude of oppositional art. The artistic desire to rebel lies in the heart of creativity and antagonism is necessary for the process of development. I wish to thank you my advisor and professor Hlynur Helgason for accepting to guide me in my writing process. Without the theoretical input from my advisor this bachelor’s thesis could not have been written. -
RIGHTS at RISK
RIGHTS at RISK Time for Action Observatory on the Universality of Rights Trends Report 2021 RIGHTS AT RISK: TIME FOR ACTION Observatory on the Universality of Rights Trends Report 2021 Chapter 4: Anti-Rights Actors 4 www.oursplatform.org 72 RIGHTS AT RISK: TIME FOR ACTION Observatory on the Universality of Rights Trends Report 2021 Chapter 4: Anti-Rights Actors Chapter 4: CitizenGo Anti-Rights Actors – Naureen Shameem AWID Mission and History ounded in August 2013 and headquartered Fin Spain,221 CitizenGo is an anti-rights platform active in multiple regions worldwide. It describes itself as a “community of active citizens who work together, using online petitions and action alerts as a resource, to defend and promote life, family and liberty.”222 It also claims that it works to ensure respect for “human dignity and individuals’ rights.”223 United Families Ordo Iuris, International Poland Center for World St. Basil the Istoki Great Family and Endowment Congress of Charitable Fund, Russia Foundation, Human Rights Families Russia (C-Fam) The International Youth Alliance Coalition Russian Defending Orthodox Freedom Church Anti-Rights (ADF) Human Life Actors Across International Heritage Foundation, USA FamilyPolicy, Russia the Globe Group of Friends of the and their vast web Family of connections Organization Family Watch of Islamic International Cooperation Anti-rights actors engage in tactical (OIC) alliance building across lines of nationality, religion, and issue, creating a transnational network of state and non-state actors undermining rights related to gender and sexuality. This El Yunque, Mexico visual represents only a small portion Vox party, The Vatican World Youth Spain of the global anti-rights lobby. -
Elena Sannikova Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c8wh2wkw No online items Inventory of the Elena Sannikova papers Finding aid prepared by Hoover Institution Archives Staff Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 2019 Inventory of the Elena Sannikova 2019C8 1 papers Title: Elena Sannikova papers Date (inclusive): 1974-2018 Collection Number: 2019C8 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: Russian Physical Description: 12 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box(7.0 linear feet) Abstract: Diaries, writings, correspondence, printed matter, and photographs relating to the status of civil liberties and to political prisoners in the Soviet Union and in post-Soviet Russia. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Sannikova, Elena Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Elena Sannikova papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Archives Acquisition Information Materials were acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 2018. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu/ . Materials have been added to the collection if the number of boxes listed in the catalog is larger than the number of boxes listed in this finding aid. Biographical Note Elena Sannikova (born 1959), was a Soviet and Russian human rights activist and political writer. -
Spinning Russia's 21St Century Wars
Research Article This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative The RUSI Journal Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-NoDerivatives License (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Spinning Russia’s 21st Century Wars Zakhar Prilepin and his ‘Literary Spetsnaz’ Julie Fedor In this article, Julie Fedor examines contemporary Russian militarism through an introduction to one of its most high-profile representatives, the novelist, Chechen war veteran and media personality Zakhar Prilepin. She focuses on Prilepin’s commentary on war and Russian identity, locating his ideas within a broader strand of Russian neo-imperialism. he Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 brand of militarism that has come to pervade the and the war in the Donbas which began Russian media landscape, Prilepin warrants our T that same year have been accompanied by attention. Studying his career and output can help a remarkable drive to mobilise cultural production to illuminate the context and underpinnings of the in Russia in support of a new brand of state- domestic support for the official military doctrine sponsored militarism. Using a variety of media and policy that is more commonly the subject of platforms and reaching mass popular audiences, scholarship on Russian military and security affairs. a range of cultural celebrities – actors, writers, This article focuses on Prilepin’s commentary rock stars, tabloid war correspondents – have on the nature of war and Russian identity, locating played a key role in framing and shaping domestic his ideas within a broader strand of Russian perceptions of Russia’s 21st Century wars. Despite neo-imperialism in which war is claimed as a vital their prominence in Russian media space, their source of belonging, power and dignity.1 It shows activities have received surprisingly little scholarly how the notion of a special Russian relationship attention to date. -
Recognition of a Person As a Political Prisoner, Or As a Victim of A
Memorial considers Tver resident Andrei Bubeev a political prisoner Andrei Bubeev is being held on remand in a pre-trial detention centre on charges of crimes under Article 280 Part 2 (public calls to extremist actions using the Internet) and Article 280.1 Part 2 (public calls to actions intended to violate the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation using the Internet) of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. The basis for the prosecution has been the reposting of two statements sharply negative in relation to Russian policy: an article ‘Crimea is Ukraine!’, signed by Boris Stomakhin, and a drawing of a hand squeezing toothpaste out of a tube, with the words: ‘Squeeze Russia out of yourself.’ The article ‘Crimea is Ukraine!’ says that the return of Crimea to Ukraine should be a unifying idea for Russians who have anti-imperial views. At the same time, the author states that the return of Crimea to Ukraine is only possible if the Russian Federation is dissolved, and considers the collapse of Russia to be inevitable. The repost of the drawing with toothpaste is accompanied by a text from an online page ‘Ukrainian Attack’ [‘Украинский наступ’], criticizing the Russian opposition for a lack of decisiveness and indicating that the only appropriate protest slogan would be ‘Russia should not exist.’ We consider the tone of these texts excessively insulting and aggressive. However, in our view this is insufficient reason for a prosecution: the texts do not contain plans for military operations, direct calls to violence, concrete proposals for destroying Russian statehood, and so on. -
The Impact of Covid-19 on Orthodox Groups and Believers in Russia
The Impact of Covid-19 on Orthodox Groups and Believers in Russia Anastasia V. Mitrofanova Abstract This chapter intends to discover how Orthodox groups and believers of different ideological orientations in Russia reacted to the 2020 world health crisis. Its fo- cus lies on the groups and individual believers from the field of Russian Ortho- doxy who could be labelled as ‘fundamentalists’. Therefore, an analysis of the offi- cial ecclesiastical reaction to the pandemic will be provided, that underlines how some contradictory messages from above caused significant numbers of believers to sympathize with the so called “corona-dissidents” within the Church. Under the topic ‘dissidents’, various other groups apart from the fundamentalists such as the moderate traditionalists, liberals, or individuals who usually follow the mainstream ecclesiastical opinion, can be subsumed. Furthermore, it could be observed that fundamentalists mostly discuss themes that might be common for all “dissidents”, although they are more open towards their criticism in view of the mainstream reactions. They stick to the assumption that both mundane and ecclesiastical leaders have discredited themselves and need to be replaced. Keywords: Orthodox Christianity, Covid-19, Ecclesiastical Lockdown, Corona- Dissidents, Fundamentalist Networks, Traditionalism, Russian Orthodox Church 1. Introduction This chapter intends to discover how Orthodox groups and believers of different ideological orientations in Russia reacted to the 2020 world health crisis. It focusses on groups and individuals who are labelled as “fundamentalists”, because they be- lieve for instance that the entire socio-political life should be changed in terms of 48 AnastasiaV.Mitrofanova collective religious salvation.1 Apart from the official position of the Moscow Pa- triarchate («the patriarchal platform»), Irina Papkova distinguishes three informal political ideologies within the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC): liberal (associated with intra-church movements initiated by late Fr. -
Media Oligarchs Go Shopping Patrick Drahi Groupe Altice
MEDIA OLIGARCHS GO SHOPPING Patrick Drahi Groupe Altice Jeff Bezos Vincent Bolloré Amazon Groupe Bolloré Delian Peevski Bulgartabak FREEDOM OF THE PRESS WORLDWIDE IN 2016 AND MAJOR OLIGARCHS 2 Ferit Sahenk Dogus group Yildirim Demirören Jack Ma Milliyet Alibaba group Naguib Sawiris Konstantin Malofeïev Li Yanhong Orascom Marshall capital Baidu Anil et Mukesh Ambani Rupert Murdoch Reliance industries ltd Newscorp 3 Summary 7. Money’s invisible prisons 10. The hidden side of the oligarchs New media empires are emerging in Turkey, China, Russia and India, often with the blessing of the political authorities. Their owners exercise strict control over news and opinion, putting them in the service of their governments. 16. Oligarchs who came in from the cold During Russian capitalism’s crazy initial years, a select few were able to take advantage of privatization, including the privatization of news media. But only media empires that are completely loyal to the Kremlin have been able to survive since Vladimir Putin took over. 22. Can a politician be a regular media owner? In public life, how can you be both an actor and an objective observer at the same time? Obviously you cannot, not without conflicts of interest. Nonetheless, politicians who are also media owners are to be found eve- rywhere, even in leading western democracies such as Canada, Brazil and in Europe. And they seem to think that these conflicts of interests are not a problem. 28. The royal whim In the Arab world and India, royal families and industrial dynasties have created or acquired enormous media empires with the sole aim of magnifying their glory and prestige. -
SEPT 2018 Part A.Pdf
Page | 1 C2BRNE DIARY– September 2018 www.cbrne-terrorism-newsletter.com Page | 2 C2BRNE DIARY– September 2018 CBRNE-Terrorism Newsletter – 2018© September 2018 Website: www.cbrne-terrorism-newsletter.com Editor-in-Chief BrigGEN (ret) Ioannis Galatas MD, MA, MC (Army) PhD cand Consultant in Allergy & Clinical Immunology Medical/Hospital CBRNE Planner & Instructor Senior Asymmetric Threats Analyst Manager, CBRN Knowledge Center @ International CBRNE Institute (BE) Athens, Greece Contact e-mail: [email protected] Editorial Team Bellanca Giada, MD, MSc (Italy) Hopmeier Michael, BSc/MSc MechEngin (USA) Kiourktsoglou George, BSc, Dipl, MSc, MBA, PhD (cand) (UK) Photiou Steve, MD, MSc EmDisaster (Italy) Tarlow Peter, PhD Sociol (USA) Advertise with us! CBRNE-Terrorism Newsletter is published on-line monthly and distributed free of charge. Sponsors of the International CBRNE Institute can advertise for free. CBRNE related companies: negotiable (very low) fees upon request. PUBLISHER Mendor Editions S.A. 3 Selinountos Street 14231 Nea Ionia Athens, Greece Tel: +30 210 2723094/-5 Fax: +30 210 2723698 Contact e-mail: Valia Kalantzi [email protected] DISCLAIMER: The CBRNE-Terrorism Newsletter® is a free online publication for the fellow civilian/military First Responders worldwide. The Newsletter is a collection of papers/articles related to the stated thematology. Relevant sources/authors are included and all info provided herein is from open Internet sources. Opinions and comments from the Editor, the Editorial group or the authors publishing in the Newsletter do not necessarily represent those of the Publisher or the International CBRNE Institute. www.cbrne-terrorism-newsletter.com Page | 3 C2BRNE DIARY– September 2018 CBRNE-Terrorism Newsletter is: 1. -
The Message – Supplement
THE MESSAGE – SUPPLEMENT Dear Friend, Some new information must be shared with you with intention to help you survive the cataclysm and aid the Plan. Because some things, which shouldn’t happened, happened in the recent past, respectively, because most things didn’t happened in accordance with the Plan, some new indications were given about what would happen in the future if the current line of events is going to continue. Indications are that: • World Economy Crisis is going to further develop during this year – 2008. This means that money will be worth less and less, until it won’t have any value anymore. Because of this, it is advisable to use money wisely, for instance, for gathering food, clothes and other stuff, which will be useful to you during the cataclysm. Therefore, it is advisable to use money wisely while it is still worth something. • WWIII will start in August 2009. Those living in Europe and Middle East should get appropriately prepared for it. In all countries, which will get involved, there will be general enrolment. Do not get drafted, as this one is not worth fighting! Do not do yourself any further unnecessary karmic damage! • In the time period from 2010 to 2014, the sea level is going to rise to somewhere from 400 to 500 meters (1 meter = 3,3 feet) above the current sea level. So, if you are going to try to survive the cataclysm, you should find yourself location somewhere above 500 meters above the current sea level. • Pole shift is going to happen during the “Electrical Storm”, from December 21 st to 24 th , 2012. -
Freedom of the Press 2007
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2007 needs updating FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2007 A Global Survey of Media Independence EDITED BY KARIN DEUTSCH KARLEKAR AND ELEANOR MARCHANT FREEDOM HOUSE NEW YORK WASHINGTON, D.C. ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. LANHAM BOULDER NEW YORK TORONTO PLYMOUTH, UK ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, MD 20706 www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright © 2007 by Freedom House All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1551-9163 ISBN-13: 978-0-7425-5435-1 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-7425-5435-X (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-7425-5436-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-7425-5436-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Table of Contents Acknowledgments, vii The Survey Team, ix Survey Methodology, xix Press Freedom in 2006, 1 Karin Deutsch Karlekar Global and Regional Tables, 17 Muzzling the Media: The Return of Censorship in the Common- wealth of Independent States, 27 Christopher Walker Country Reports and Ratings, 45 Freedom House Board of Trustees, 334 About Freedom House, 335 Acknowledgments Freedom of the Press 2007 could not have been completed without the contributions of numerous Freedom House staff and consultants. -
Pussy Riot and Its Aftershocks: Politics and Performance in Putin’S Russia
Pussy Riot and Its Aftershocks: Politics and Performance in Putin’s Russia Victoria Kouznetsov Senior Thesis May 6, 2013 When the all-female anarcho-punk group Pussy Riot staged a protest performance at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior—the spiritual heart of Moscow—in February of 2012, which led to the arrests of three members, they provoked a flood of public responses that quickly spilled over the borders of the Russian Federation. The significance of their “performance” can be gauged by the strength and diversity of these responses, of support and condemnation alike, that were voiced so vocally in the months leading up to and following the trial of Yekaterina Samutsevich, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, and Maria Alyokhina (ages 30, 23, and 24, respectively). The discourse surrounding the group’s performance, amplified by the passions surrounding the imminent reelection of Vladimir Putin to a third term as president on May 7, 2012, reveals many emerging rifts in Russia’s social and political fabric. At a time when Russia faces increasingly challenging questions about its national identity, leadership, and role in the post-Soviet world, the action, arrest and subsequent trial of Pussy Riot serves as an epicenter for a diverse array of national and international quakes. The degree to which politicians, leaders of civil society, followers of the Russian Orthodox faith, and influential figures of the art scene in Russia rallied around the Pussy Riot trial speaks to the particularly fraught timing of the performance and its implications in gauging Russia’s emerging social and political trends. The disproportionately high degree of media attention given to the case by the West, however, has added both temporal and spatial dimensions to the case, evoking Cold War rhetoric both in Russia and abroad.