Abstract. This text tries to draw a general view of the development of the Christian th th Orthodox art in the 16 and 17 centuries. The author represents in brief the main SOME ASPECTS OF THE DEVELOPMENT monuments and artists during the above OF CHRISTIAN ORTHODOX ART IN THE period on the Balkans as well as the 16th AND 17th CENTURIES: THE TESTIMONY interactions between different cultures in historical context. Special interest is given OF CHURCH INSCRIPTIONS to the art appeared on and the AND ARTISTS’ SIGNATURES role of Patriarchate of Constantinople as a political and spiritual factor in the Ottoman empire and their influence in the Trans- Danubian principalities. Most of the existing bibliography on this subject is presented and analyzed. In his critical reading of the available publication E. Moutafov suggests for instance that it is more accurate to speak about Cretan Emmanuel Moutafov1 painters on Mount Athos, rather than about the presence of a Cretan school in the (Sofia) artistic processes there. On the hand, when speaking of Western/ European influences, on the Balkans, inscriptions on frescoes in he believes that the influencing side should Orthodox churches continued to be the be interested as well, i.e. the West should same in the 16th century as the ones during have been interested in its influence over the two previous centuries. This means for the Christian East, which is not Moutafov that the ethnic profile of painters, documented. It is important to note the clergy, and users of this art remained the observation made here, that during the same. A century later, however, a preparation of the mural programs for the hellenization process began with varying temples in Bulgarian lands, the artists used intensity and two forms of manifestation – a Greek-language painter’s manual of the by the direct use of Greek and manuals in type of the First Jerusalem Manuscript, or Greek or by encouraging the use of the of the so-called hermeneia of the priest local language, for instance in the Daniel. Also interesting noting is that the monuments in Romania from the 17th Russian “лицевые подлинники” appeared century. In this the author agrees with around the same time, which is evidence for Helen Evans’ insight that the year 1557, a common need of established models when the term “Byzantium” appeared in across the Orthodox world, regardless of research, was in fact an important date for the political situation of the lands where the the Christian East because it marked the specific monuments were located. Until end of the medieval Orthodox tradition and then for the author there was no need for its transition into the pre-modern period. written manuals since the tradition was alive and art was passed on from teacher to Keywords: Artists’signatures; Christian student and by imitation from good models. Orthodox Art; Church in Dobrasko village; This does not mean that painters did not Church inscriptions; Church of St Demetrios make preparatory sketches (anthivola) or of Boboshevo village; did not collect them. One thing is certain ; Dzordzis; First Jerusalem though: in spite of the Ottomans’ presence Manuscript; Frangos Katelanos; Great

REV. ROUM. HIST. ART, Série BEAUX-ARTS, TOME LIV–LV, P. 47–64, BUCAREST, 2017–2018 47

Lavra, Gyromeri monastery; Mount Athos; remained the only sustainer of Orthodoxy Hellenisation process; Hermeneia of the during the period of the Ottoman rule, priest Daniel; St Niketas’ church in Cucer because the Trans-Danubian principalities village; Theophanes the Cretan. were subjected to the Sultan but kept only their internal governance. Therefore various Back at the end of the 15th century the Moldowallachian rulers were founders or Sultan Mehmed II conferred on the donors of churches on Mount Athos. This Patriarch of Constantinople Gennadius fact determines the tolerant attitude of the Scholarios the right to represent all Greek clergy to the ministry and writing in Christians subjected to the Sublime Porte. Church Slavonic in the first centuries of the Thus the Ecumenical Throne became the Ottoman occupation on the Balkans. In only legitimate Orthodox institution within some areas, however, the Phanariot policy the Empire. To an extent the Patriarchate of replaced it by stimulating the creation of a Constantinople, with the Ottomans’ help, local literary tradition, as it has happened in the lands of present-day Romania from the gained for the first time independence from th 2 political power as well as control over the 17 century onwards . old autonomous Slavic churches, which had been unthinkable prior to the 15th c. This Before it was conquered by the was marked in a peculiar manner when in Ottomans in 1669, the island of Crete was 1526 Ioannes, a tailor from Ioannina, was also a powerful artistic centre. Between tortured and burnt by the Ottomans in 1453-1526, the existence of 120 painters in Istanbul, thus becoming the first new Heraklion was documented. They painted martyr of the transformed Byzantine mostly icons, adhering either to the strict Church. The cult towards him immediately Byzantine tradition, or to the Maniera spread throughout the empire and gave rise Italiana. Urban centers in the Balkans did to a multitude of new martyrs, not have such conditions because the strengthening the influence of the Greek Ottomans imposed restrictions on the Patriarchate. Thirty years later the Patriarch construction of new churches and short Joassaph founded in the Ottoman capital a deadlines for repair works on the old priest school, thanks to the financial temples. Exceptions were some urban support from Tsar Ivan IV the Terrible, centers such as Ioannina (until 1611) and with which the Greeks filled both the Athens, where due to certain privileges for the local population greater construction religious and the education gap in th Orthodoxy at the time. During the second took place in the 16 century. half of the 16th c. small parish schools also Thus the centres of artistic activity operated in Athens, Thessaloniki, Ioannina, naturally became where the islands of Chios and Patmos, etc. In monumental art and architecture developed 1577 a Greek college was founded in Rome following the medieval patterns. Representatives of the so-called Art school as an attempt to attract the Sultan’s subjects th to Catholicism, but also as recognition for of Castoria from the late 15 and the early 16th c. worked on the old katholikon of the the prestige of the Greek element and the 3 Greek language in Orthodoxy, which was Transfiguration monastery in Meteora , on the St Nikita church, in the village of why the college was equipped with a 4 printing press and the Holy Bible was Chucher (Fig. 1), etc. Donors and founders translated into the common Greek were mostly representatives of the high language. The Constantinopolitan Patriarch clergy. The Voevods of Moldowallachia Jeremiah II appointed the Moscow bishop and Russian tsars were supporters of the Job for patriarch in 1589 as token of the canon and tradition and they donated funds for the decoration of churches mostly in the support provided for preserving Orthodoxy 5 48 within the Ottoman Empire. In fact Russia Holy Mountain .

Fig. 1 – Detail of the mural decoration at the St Niketas’ church in Cucer village, FYROM, 15th century.

The Fall of Constantinople in Ottoman The painting of the first layer of the hands was an event that stained European decoration of the old katholik on of this culture and shifted its balance, which monastery can be attributed to the same naturally had an impact on art in Mount workshop. An image of the Dormition of the Athos. From the 16th century on the Virgin Mary has survived as well. It is Athonite monasteries, unprepared for such located at the entrance of the Protaton church burden, would replace the Constantinopolitan from 1511-1512, where all the stylistic centers as leaders because they were features later typical for the so-called Cretan granted a special status and privileges in the School, named after the origins of its two Ottoman legislation. On the other hand, most renowned representatives6 were already their main patrons and donors became the present. rulers on the other side of the Danube Also noteworthy is the fact that a little because the dynasties of Byzantine rulers in before the appearance of Theophanes the Constantinople were wiped out. These two Cretan, a painting workshop functioned on factors became fundamental to the design of the monastic peninsula, transferring the new monumental painting in the most through its brushes entirely different important spiritual center of Orthodoxy – traditions and perception of the world. Its Athos – and this would reflect on the art work included the frescoes in the St John across the Balkans because of the undeniable the Baptist chapel in Protaton (1525-1526), theological authority of the ascetic and the ones in the St Blasios church in the monastic peninsula. The frescoes from the (1528-1529) and in chapels, in refectory of the have the cells of Flaskas in Karies and of been preserved since the late 15th century. Fakinos close to the Pantokrator monastery. 49

Fig. 2 – St Menas the Egyptian, by Theophanes Strelitsas-Bathas, Katholikonof the monastery, Mount Athos, 16th century.

The style of these painters is characterized without exception the repainting of existing by a purity of line and bright colours, and mural ensembles in the landmark cult their work is rightfully linked to the centers of Mount Athos and in Thessaly to influence of Ohrid and its painting heritage the artistic teams of the Cretan painters from the 15th century.7 Theophanes Stelitzas-Batas and Dzordzis. During the reign of Suleiman the It is through them that during the second Magnificent (1522-1560) there were and third quarters of the 16th century, mural favourable conditions for cultural and painting would have its second prosperous economic growth of subjected populations. period on Mount Athos8. This formally It is not a coincidence that from the third called Cretan school is believed to have decade of the 16th century across continental imported “Western” or “Venetian” and Mount Athos monasteries and influences to the Athonite monumental churches went through renovations, painting, which, translated through the filter temples, chapels and refectories were of the peculiar Orthodoxy of Crete, spread decorated with frescoes. Donors were both to the northernmost peninsula of Halkidiki9. rulers of Moldowallachia and local However, researchers often tend to forget 50 clergymen who commissioned almost that its representatives were only born on

this Cycladic island, and they became truly later, together with his successor Simeon, accomplished as painters in Meteora or in the he decorated the main church, the refectory Holy Mountain. I believe that those accused and one of the chapels of the Stavronikita of being influenced by the realistic art of the monastery (1545-1546); he is believed to West, a place of a different faith, were simply have painted some of the frescoes in the more gifted painters. Moreover, they did not Southern chapel of the katholikon in the share many common features with painters Pantokrator monastery, which statement working on Crete, such as Andreas Ritsos (+ should be taken with some grain of salt about 1492), Andreas Pavias (+ about 1504), since the monument was demolished in the Nikolaos Zaphouris (+ about 1507), together th th mid 19 century. Two mural ensembles with their successors from the 17 c. from the same period also have to be (Emmanuel Dzanes Bounialis (1610-1690), 10 included in this overview: the katholikon of Theodoros Poulakis (1622-1692) etc. The the Koutloumousioumonastery (1539-1540) latter were the true representatives of the and the small trikonchal Church of Cretan School, as influenced by the Italian Molibdoecclesia in the cell The masters, such as Raphael, M. Raimondi and Dormition of the Virgin Mary by Karies Bellini. In this sense I believe it is more (1541). The inscriptions on the two accurate to speak about Cretan painters on monuments mentioned the name of the Mount Athos, rather than about the presence painter and monk Makarios, who was part of a Cretan school in the artistic processes of the same artistic movement and by no there. In reality, the search for Western/ European influences in church art on the means a lesser painter than Theophanes. It Balkans during the first half of the is possible that the same Makarios assisted 18th century, as well as the correlation the Cretan painter in the work on the between renaissance and post-renaissance refectory of the Lavra or vice versa – that processes and a completely different type of Theophanes worked with him in culture, is rather a compensatory act in the Koutloumousiou or Karies. The other minds of contemporary researchers, caused representative of Cretan artists, Dzordzis, more by modern yearnings for geopolitical believed to be Theophanes’ apprentice, belonging and the complex of the Anatolian belonged to the same powerful artistic stigmatization, than it is an act based on real trend. According to written data this Cretan observations on the medieval view of the started to work on Athos, painting the Orthodox creator, who probably felt at ease katholikon of the with their visual world of two-dimensional (1546-1547), but in recent years this mysticism and theatrical conditionality. On assumption has been disproved because the hand, when speaking of influences, the there we can notice more than one hand and influencing side should be interested as well, higher professionalism, which is not typical i.e. the West should have been interested in for the artist’s later work11. After lengthy its influence over the Christian East. Such work in Thessaly and Meteora, Dzordzis influence, however, is not documented, and was also invited in the Holy Mountain the borrowings or rather the occasional with his assistants in order to decorate appearance of certain patterns, gestures, and the Docheiariou Monastery (1567-1568) compositions is not enough evidence for the (Fig. 3). The reorganization and new existence of influence. painting of the katholikon of the Dionysiou The ophanes arrive din Mount Athos Monastery during the second half of the already an established master, which is why 16th century was funded by the Moldovian he was commissioned to paint the prince Ioan-Peter, and later on the Voevode katholikon of the Great Lavra (1534-1535), Alexander and his wife Roksandra built where he became a monk and lived with his nowadays’ main church of the Docheiariou two sons until 1543 (Fig. 2). Ten years Monastery and paid for its painting. 51

Fig. 3 – Archangel Gabriel, by Tzortzis, katholikon of Docheiariou monastery, Mount Athos, 16th century.

Also worth noting from the 16th century in monastery (1544), but the decoration of the Athos are: the katholikon of the St John the Apostle chapel in the Vatopediou Monastery, where there is an image of the cell of St Procopius (1536-1537) and the St painter Marko with a halo, standing among George Chapel in the St Paul Monastery the donors, as well as the frescoes in the (1552-1555) are attributed to him to an refectory of the (1561- extent. This painter borrowed certain ele- 1574). The same master has worked on both, ments of the esthetic of the Cretans, aliens in but as part of a team. The stylistics of the two Athos, but he was clearly not a student of ensembles is very similar to the one of the Theophanes’. Cretans Theophanes and Dzordzis. Other It should be noted that the so-called frescoes important for the development of "Northern Greek" school or "school of late medieval art, despite their poor state, are Thebes"12 is represented here by a single the ones in the katholikon of the monument. These are the frescoes of the Monastery, which are also influenced by the chapel St Nicholas of the katholikon of the art of the two Cretan painters. The name of Great Lavra (1559-1560), which are unique the painter Antonios is also well-known. He because they are the last and only signed work 52 signed the old katholikon in the Xenophontos of Frangos Katelanos of Thebes (Fig. 4).

Fig. 4 – S. Ermolaos Anargyros, by Frangos Katelanos, St Nickolas chapel at the katholikon of the Great Lavra, Mount Athos, 16th century.

Only the frescoes in the narthex of the well as of the tangible support of the old central church in Xenophontos, signed Voevodes beyond the Danube, the Athonite by a certain painter Theophanes, a monk in monasteries were only in a position to 1563, cannot be related to the major complete the already started endeavoursor workshops, which operated in Mount Athos undertake small-scale renovation works. at the time: the ones of Theophanes the Nevertheless, the Docheiariou Monastery Cretan, Makarios, Dzordzis, Antonios or maintained the monastic painting workshop, FrangosKatelanos. The figures on those which is why only one of the twelve frescoes are interesting but of poorer monuments from the first half of the 17th quality of execution. century isn’t work of its representatives. The It is not a sheer coincidence that the date main master of this local artistic workshop is of the last significant monument of the monk Daniel, who was inspired by the monumental painting on the Holy Mountain – works of the Cretan Dzordzis but was no the katholikon of the Docheiariou Monastery student of his. In 1602-1603 Daniel painted (1567-1568) – coincides with date of the the refectory of the Dionisiou Monastery, confiscation of Athonite convents by Sultan and in 1607-1608, assisted by Merkourios, Selim II. Deprived of this type of income, as he decorated the St John the Apostle 53

chapel, and after working on the St. George The 16th century was a period of chapel in the same monastery, he retired prosperity for mural painting in continental from there and decorated with frescoes the Greece as well. Apart from Theophanes Sts. Anargyroi chapel in the Monoxylites. Strelitzas or Batas, who worked in Meteora His student the monk Merkourios continued and Mount Athos, the aforementioned working on the frescoes of chapels and Frangos Katelanos from Thebes worked other halls of the Dionysiou Monastery but during that century, painting temples in since he had good reputation and a fine Epirus, Thessaly and Macedonia. Another taste for the beautiful, he was commis- important painter of the period was the sioned to paint the phiale of the Great priest Onoufrios who painted murals in Lavra in 1634-1635. The ’s nowadays’ central Albania, Castoria, Valsh, authorities also invited Merkourios and his Shelcan, Berat, Prilep (1547-1554), etc.19 apprentices soon, which is visible in the After the Ottomans’ conquest of Cyprus in paintings of the St George cell in Provata 1571, Onoufrios of Cyprus (1594-1615)20 from 1634-1635. The only exception to the painted in the lands of what is now ubiquitous art of the painter-monks from Southern Albania. The influence of Cypriot Dionysiou was the non-Greek monastery of icon-painting art from this period is evident Hilandar, where the Serbian monk Georgi in the emulation of metal fittings in Mitrophanovich13 was invited to paint the painting. However, the migration of artists refectoryin 1622. from Cyprus to other parts of the Balkans Almost all Athonite monasteries have was not a widespread but ratheran isolated icons, painted by representatives of the phenomenon. They usually preferred to tradition from Crete. The most remarkable work in Palestine or the Middle East21. examples of their craftsmanship are the Between 1570 and the end of the icons of the royal and apostle rows painted 17th century in Epirus, Western Macedonia by Theophanes and his son on the altar and the Western mainland part of Greece screens of the Lavra, Iviron, Stavronikita, family teams of painters appeared Pantokrator and Grigoriou. Other Cretans originating from the village of Linotopi. who worked on icons in Mount Athos were: Their pieces were signed only by their first 14 Euphrosinos (active in 1542) – Dionysiou ; names. Their aesthetic is naïve, their Michael Damaskinos (c. 1535 – 1592/93) – colors – vivid, and their typical multifigured Stavronikita15; Konstantinos Paleokapas 22 16 compositions are almost miniature . In this (active in 1635-1640) – Karakalou ; last trait they reminiscent many of the IoannesApakas (active at the end of the mural monuments in Romania, but that 16th – beg. of the 17th c.) – Great Lavra17 18 does not mean there is a direct link between etc. Cretan icons, however, were costly the two. Linotopi’ masters didn’t even work and appeared rarely in other parts of the on Mount Athos23. The "Garden of the Balkans, especially if there was no Greek- Virgin" did not host representatives of the speaking population in those areas. Castoria school,nor any Cypriot artists. In modern-day Greece Mount Athos is Despite the bleak picture of decay in the greatest consumer of religious art from Christian Orthodox art on the Balkans, it the Ottoman period. Still, despite the must be acknowledged that, in the period relatively favourable living conditions for between the 13th and the 15th centuries, the Christians in the Ottoman capital, the inscriptions in all church frescoes which existence of an artistic centre in the 16th survive in Bulgaria and have been dated with century there remains doubtful. The Greek researcher Pallas believes that because the some confidence are in Palaeobulgarian, with insignificant additions of texts in Greek on artist Dzordzis was mentioned, there were 24 th art workshops in Constantinople, which the scrolls held by Saints . In the 15 century produced icons for the needs of Christians in particular, churches were decorated with in the Empire, but we do not have any frescoes of high quality and with inscriptions in Palaeobulgarian, despite the loss of 54 evidence for that today.

political and religious independence25. Only Another Greek signature is that of at the end of the 16th century did Greek Constantine34, who made icons in Nessebar inscriptions make their appearance in some and was certainly Greek as well. On the basis churches in Bulgarian territories (St Steven’s of such scanty data, we can tentatively church from 1599 in Nessebar), but over the deduce that, a century after the Ottoman 26 next century or so, they began to increase . conquest, the highest-ranking clergy in Icon-painters started to sign their works Bulgarian territories had been replaced by relatively late, but their signatures could Greeks, some of the monks were of Greek serve as interesting grounds for making origin as well, or began to write in Greek, and some observations. The names of three that happened mostly in places with compact fifteenth-century artists are known in Greek populations like Plovdiv and the Black present-day Bulgaria, signed in Bulgarian Sea coast. Nevertheless, the workshop of in the monastery of St Demetrios in PimenZographski became active in Sofia and Boboshevo (Fig. 5): Neophit and his sons 27 its vicinity, producing high-quality wall- Dimitar and Bogdan . paintings for the monastery of St John of Rila Another one is the monk Marko from in Kurilo in 1596; for the church of St Dubrovnik28; i.e. we do not have any signed Theodor Teron and St Theodor Stratelates in piece by a Greek painter. Over the next the village of Dobarsko in 1614 (Fig. 7); and century the number of painters who signed for the monastery of the village of Seslavtsi in their works rose to seven. Four of them, or 1615-1616; at the beginning of the following more than a half, are Bulgarians: Nedelko 29 30 century, it produced works within the present from Lovetch , Pimen Zographski and his teacher Thoma from Sofia31, but the borders of FYROM and in the Zographou monastery on M. Athos. Frescoes from 16th to other two are Greek clergymen: Arsenios, th bishop of Plovdiv,32 and hieromonk 17 century survived as well in the Ilientsi Pachomios (Fig. 6)33. Monastery, near Sofia (Fig. 8).

Fig. 5 – Detail of a mural decoration with cryptograms from the church of St Demetrios at Boboshevo village, Bulgaria, 15th century. 55

Fig. 6 – St George, by hieromonk Pachomios, National Art Gallery, Sofia, 16th century.

From the seventeenth century, data are Greek: hieromonk Kesarios (Fig. 9) and available for more or less the same number Jakovos Daronas35, who painted icons for of artists who signed their names. There are the Greeks in Nessebar. eight of them. The following are certainly 56

Fig. 7 – Roof mural decoration of the Sts Theodor Stratelates and Theodor Teron’ church in Dobarsko village, Bulgaria, 1614.

Fig. 8 – The Presentation of Christ in the Temple, Ilientsi, near Sofia, 16-17th century. 57

Fig. 9 – Virgin Hodegetria with Christ, by hieromonk Kesarios, National Art Gallery, Sofia, 17th century.

A cryptograph of the monk Lephteris consolidated by the economically and has recently been found in Arbanassi36, politically powerful Phanariot community where masters from today’s Albania were which was fostered by the Patriarchate43. It called in as well. Five painters, however, is important to note that, during the are doubtless of Bulgarian origin: Joan preparation of the mural programs for the from Tsivinodola37, Joan38, Joan Komnov39 temples in Bulgarian lands, they used a and the teachers Nedelko40 and Nedio41. Greek-language painter’s manual of the Judging by frescoes in Bulgarian territories, type of the First Jerusalem Manuscript, or Greek and Bulgarian inscriptions on them of the so-called hermeneia of the priest were almost equal in number in the 17th Daniel. In my view, the prototype of this century42. This is due to the fact that the text must have been created in Crete no 58 church leadership of Constantinople was later than the end of the 16th century44.

There are plenty of unsigned icons with began49. These tendencies were inspired by aesthetics which would most probably the Constantinople Patriarchate (Fig. 10) and identify them as belonging to Greek were aimed mostly at weakening the workshops as well. Also interesting noting Bulgarian element in local churches within is that the Russian “лицевые подлинники” the Ottoman Empire, and not so much at appeared around the same time, which is limiting the Russian influence, which is evidence for a common need of established related to a significant political and financial models across the Orthodox world, support from the Ecumenical Throne. regardless of the political situation of the The same happened a century later on a lands where the specific monuments were smaller scale in Serbianlands, since the located. Until then there was no need for Patriarchate of Peć existed until 176650. written manuals since the tradition was alive and art was passed on from teacher to The Cyrillic inscriptions on works of student and by imitation from good models. churchart were always predominant there; This does not mean that painters did not Fenertreated the Serbs with respect or make preparatory sketches or did not certain lack of interest, which his why collect them. influences from the Habsburgs, Russia and The Romanian principalities, vassals to Ukraine extended more easily. Last but not the Sublime Porte, used exclusively least, the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate Palaeobulgarian in the inscriptions on was never afraid of a “Bulgarisation” of the frescoes and icons from the beginning of the Serbian Church for obvious historic 17th century. As with other Balkan nations, reasons. Thus Serbia is a more particular Romanians acquired a translation of the example of the development of Balkan Bible in their native language thanks to the culture during the Ottoman period. 45 Protestants . It was only in 1640 that the We can only regret that despite the rising first work in Romanian was printed, but it importance of Mount Athos in the 16th-17th 46 was also translated from Church Slavonic . centuries in Albanian, Bulgarian, Serbian and This fact, however, is not due to Protestants Romanian lands there were no masters of the in Transylvania only, but to the increased class of Theophanes the Cretan and Frangos Greek presence north of the Danube after the th Katelanos. This made the Holy Mountain a late 16 century. Numerous Greek traders, centre for the artistic life of the time, and in councillors and creditors settled in those the periphery painters of more modest talent relatively free territories, and their numbers worked, following unconsciously the same increased steadily over the next century. At developments and models. We cannot speak the time many clergymen of Greek origin or of Athonite influence on Balkan painting in education settled in the Romanian states, and the 16th century. There was art on Mount the influence of Mount Athos over local Athos, but there was no Athonite art. monasteries grew, which lead to “a Echoes of the so-called Macedonian or Hellenization of the Romanian Church and Ohrid art school of the second half of the to the Greek language replacing the Slavic ones during the liturgy”47. Furthermore, fifteenth century are discovered by Greek from that period onwards “Greek practically researchers in Dorohoi (1522) and Hirlau replaced Church Slavonic and became the (1530).Relatively small is the number of official language of the Church and rulers”48. Greek masters who worked in the Romanian These are parallel processes observed also in lands as George from Trikala (+ 1530), Bulgarian lands – in the 17th century Nikolaos of Crete, Andrew, Mark, Mina Bulgarian and Greek inscriptions in Stamatelos Kotronas from Zakynthos (1554). churches were equal in terms of quantity, Some of them, however, are certainly while during the next century the ones in koutsovlachoi/ arumani. Assumed, but rather Greek predominated, when in Moldavia and far-fetched, is that in Moldovitsa (1557) also 51 Wallachia the so-called “Phanariot period” worked priest Onoufrios from Neokastro . 59

Fig. 10 – View to the entrance of the main church of the Ecumenical Patriarchate today, Istanbul.

60 Fig. 11 – The Request of Joseph of Arimathea, Gyromeri monastery, Thesprotia, Greece, 16th century.

Of course there are some difficult-to- donors, or some iconographic bilingual explain parallels in the choice of manuals that we are not familiar with. iconographic themes in a completely There is no evidence as to the presence of different linguistic and cultural arumani in Thesprotia, there were environment. An example is the appearance concentrated in Thessaly and Epirus. A of the scene with “The request of Joseph of clear proof for the delegation of powers Arimathea” (Fig. 11) in the frescoes of the from Ottoman authorities to Wallachian main church in the Gyromeri Monastery, rulers regarding the population south of the Thesprotia in Epirus (1577-1590)52 and Danube was an edict of Suleiman the even more in some Romanian monuments Magnificent from 1543. It stipulated that from the 16th century, such as the Radu Pajsie (1535-1545) had to take care of St George’s church in Hirlau53, Popauti54, the Rila Monastery, protect the rights of the the Dobrovat Monastery55, and Vatra Rila monks and do so as vassal of the Moldovitei56. Sultan but also as chieftain of these lands61. The scene appeared already in the It is clear that Wallachian rulers had Paleologian period57 but in art from the 15th extensive rights in the territories south of century it existed only in Greek and the Danube, and their status was similar to Romanian monuments. In this particular the one of Ottoman dignitaries. What is case there is a link between the monastery more, they also had the possibility to make in Epirus and the trans-Danubian use of this status in order to help the local principalities: a decree by Patriarch population. Their rights, however, did not Metrophanes III from 1568 mentioned as lead to artistic influences in the biggest donator Mr. Axiotis, who was born in Bulgarian monastery, which, in its turn, is a Epirus and was the first agas of Ungro- sign for certain selectivity despite the lack Wallachia between 10.12.1567 and of a language barrier. 23.05.156858. It is based on his initiative One thing is certain though: in spite of that in the same year the prince of the Ottomans’ presence on the Balkans, Wallachia Petru the Younger granted a inscriptions on frescoes in Orthodox yearly support to the Gyromeri Monastery churches continued to be the same in the in the amount of 1000 aspras59. In the 16th century as the ones during the two 17th century the interest of Romanian rulers previous centuries. This means that the in this Greek monastery increased60. It is ethnic profile of painters, clergy, and users unclear, however, how the donations of this art remained the same. A century became borrowed ideas for iconographic later, however, a hellenization process themes and what was the direction of began with varying intensity and two forms influence: whether art in Greek lands of manifestation – by the direct use of influenced the Romanian one, or vice versa Greek and manuals in Greek or by – old iconographic schemes remained on encouraging the use of the local language, the periphery of the former Slavic and for instance in the monuments in Romania Byzantine community and then transformed from the 17th century. In this we can agree returned back to the lands with a Greek- with Helen Evans’ insight that the year speaking population. Another issue is the 1557, when the term “Byzantium”62 language of the inscriptions in these scenes, appeared in research, was in fact an since if we assume that the direction was important date for the Christian East from Paleologian art, via Epirus to because it marked the end of the medieval Romania, then why weren’t those Orthodox tradition and its transition into inscriptions preserved in Greek in the the pre-modern period. In the art and 16thcentury? On the other hand it is culture of the peoples subjected to the important to specify who the carrier of Sultan this period started in the next these borrowings was: painters, monks, century to pave the way for the new Balkan 61

national differentiation during the 1th and sounds were in their etymological places, in the 19th centuries. Behind their apparent most case the “er”-s were also written in conservatism the inscriptions on frescoes their etymological places, this is proven by also reflected the stages of this process. morphological features etc. The spelling of As a Bulgarian scholar I am expected to the Slavic language is Middle Bulgarian, write about the language of the inscriptions because it is used like this after the reform in Romanian monuments from the 16th of Patriarch Euthymios. Before that often century, which was definitely not the there had been inconsistencies in spelling. Russian version of Church Slavonic from However, this does not make the the 18th century. It appeared on the Balkans monuments in Moldowallachia Bulgarian in the 18th century through old printed just as the inscriptions in Greek appearing books, published in Russia. Since the 1990s in Bulgarian lands do not make Bulgarian researchers have not been writing automatically our churches Greek. Painters about a “language” when describing from the Paleologian period had to be at manuscripts or reading epigraphics so as to least bilingual in order to serve avoid misunderstanding. Such monuments communities with different mother tongues, exist on the territories of Ukraine, Serbia use written sources in Slavonic and Greek, etc. In the case of Romania, according to and speak the language of the the established practice (A. A. Turilov’s administration in the territories they most recent observations63) it should be crossed. Until the end of the 18th century noted that the inscriptions on frescoes from the main distinctive feature on the Balkans the 16th century were written in the “Middle was religion, and not nationality or Bulgarian spelling” because the nasal language.

Notes 1 Dr. Emmanuel S. Moutafov is an Associate Popovska-Korobar, The Icone of Jesus Christ The Professor and a Director of the Institute of Art Savior and the question of continuity of Ohrid Studies at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, as painting school from the XVth c. – In: Изкуство/Аrt well as a member of the General Assembly of the in Bulgaria, 33-34, 1996, 34-38; Г. Суботић, same Academy. He is a Hellenist, Byzantinist and Костурска сликарска школа. Наслеђе и works in the fields of Greek epigraphy and образовање домаћих радионица. Глас САНУ, paleography, Orthodox iconography, painter’s СССLXXXIV, Одељењеисторијских наука, кн.10, manuals and comparative Balkan Studies. 1998, 109-139, etc. 2 Until the beginning of the 17th century the 5 For instance the Wallachian chieftain Mihea II documents related to Romanian lands and preserved donated the Plubuita monastery to Xeropotamou in in the archive of the in Mount Athos in 1585Μαρινέσκου, Φ.Op. cit., 78-79. Mount Athos, were in Church Slavonic, later on 6 Τουτός, Ν., Γ. Φουστέρης, Ευρετήριον της documents in Romanian became more and more µνηµειακής ζωγραφικής του Αγίου Όρους 10ος – 17ος numerous. SeeΜαρινέσκου, Φ. Ρουµανικά έγγραφα αιώνας. Αθήνα, 2010,σ. 21. του Αγίου Όρους. Αρχείο Ιεράς Μονής 7 Ibidem. Ξηροποτάµου. τ. Α΄, Αθήνα, 1997. 8 Βοκοτόπουλος, Π.Μνηµειακή ζωγραφική. – In: 3 Chatzidakis, M. Recherches sur le peinre Θησαυροί του Αγίου Όρους, Β΄ εκδ., Θεσσαλονίκη, Théophane le Crétois. – In: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 1997, σ. 38. 23/24, Washington DC, 1969-1970, ill. 132. 9 Χατζηδάκης, Μ. Ο κρητικός ζωγράφος 4 Св. Радоjичић, Jeдна сликарска школа из Θεοφάνης. Η τελευταία φάση της τέχνης του στις другеполовине ХV века. – В: Св. Радоjичић, τοιχογραφίες της Ιεράς Μονής Σταυρονικήτα, Άγιον Одабрани чланци и студиjе (1933 – 1978). Όρος, 1986. Београд,1982, 258 – 279 (препечатано от ЗЛУ, 1, 10 AbouttheCretanmastersseeΧατζηδάκης, Μ. 1965, 69-139); M. Chatzidakis, Aspects de la ΈλληνεςζωγράφοιµετάτηνΆλωση.τ. Α΄, Αθήνα, peinture religeuse dans les Balkans (1300-1550). – 1987, σ. 79-94. In: M. Chatzidakis, Etudes sur la 11 Τουτός, Ν., Γ. Φουστέρης,Op. cit., σ. 22. peinturepostbyzantine. London, 1976, 177-197; Ε. 12 Αχειµάστου-Ποταµιάνου, Μ. Η µονή Γεωργιτσoγιάννη, Ένα εργαστήριο ανωνύµων του Φιλανθρωπινών και η πρώτη φάση της βυζαντινής δεύτερου µισού του 15ου αιώνα στα Βαλκάνια και η ζωγραφικής, Αθήναι, 1983, etc. επίδρασή του στη µεταβυζαντινή τέχνη. – In: 13 Kajmakovic, Z. GeorgijeMitrofanovic, Sarajevo, 62 Ηπειρωτικά χρονικά, 29, 1988-1989, 145-172; V. 1977 и др.

14 Χατζηδάκης, Μ. Έλληνεςζωγράφοι..., τ. Α΄, σ. бр. 2, Скопjе, 1996, с. 213-237; Поповска-Коробар, 289. В. Към атрибуцията на живописта в Слимничкия 15 Χατζηδάκης, Μ. Έλληνες ζωγράφοι..., τ. Α΄, σ. манастир и нейните паралели в някои църкви в 241-253. България. – В: Проблеми на изкуството, кн. 2, 16 Χατζηδάκης, Μ., Ευ. ∆ρακοπούλου, Έλληνες 1997, с. 3-9; Гергова, И. Резбата в ателието на ζωγράφοι..., τ. Β΄, σ. 266-267. Пимен Зографски. – В: Проблеми на изкуството, 17 Χατζηδάκης, Μ. Έλληνες ζωγράφοι..., τ. Α΄, σ. кн. 2, 2003, с. 23-32 и др. 175-176. 31 Динеков, П. Житието на Пимен Зографски. – 18 Icons of Cretan Art: From Chandax to Moscow В: Известия на Института за българска and St Petersburg (in Greek), Ηράκλειο, 1979. литература, кн. 2, 1954, с. 233-248 и др. 19 Χατζηδάκης, Μ., Ευ. ∆ρακοπούλου, Έλληνες 32 Герлах, С. Дневник на едно пътуване до ζωγράφοι µετά την Άλωση. Β΄, Αθήνα, 1997, 256-258. Османската порта в Цариград. С, 1976, с. 259. 20 Βοκοτόπουλος, Π.Η θρησκευτική ζωγραφική 33 Ждраков, З. Влиянието на критската школа στην Αλβανία από τον 10ο έως τον 19ο αιώνα. – In: върху българската живопис през ХVI в., сб. Εικόνες από τις Ορθόδοξες κοινότητες της Αλβανίας, Българският ХVI в., С, 1996, с. 569. Θεσσαλονίκη, 2006, σ. 20. 34 Паскалева, К. Икони от България, № 32-34; 21 Мутафов, Е. Страници от хаджийския Божков, А. Българската икона, ил. 95; Ждраков, дневник: някои наблюдения върху православното З. Op. cit., с. 566 християнско изкуство в Йерусалим и връзките му 35 Тотева, П., С. Москова, 24 икони от Южна с балканската традиция през османския период. – България. С. 1987., с. 7-8, ил. 4-5; Паскалева, К. 24 В: Проблеми на изкуството, 4/2012, с. 9-10. икони от Криптата. С., 1987, с. 9, ил. 10-11; 22 Βοκοτόπουλος, Π.Η θρησκευτική…, с. 21. Москова, С. Осем несебърски икони от 23 Moutafov, E.Живописта на Атон през Държавната художествена галерия - Пловдив – В: призмата на новите научни изследвания. Проблеми на изкуството, 1997, 2, с. 46-52 и др. Размисли. – In: Art Studies Quarterly, vol. 1, Sofia, 36 Мутафов, Е. Новооткрит криптограф 2012, с. 10 от църквата на Арбанашкия манастир 24 Бакалова, Е. Стенописни надписи…, с. 187. 25 „Успение Богородично”. – В: Etropolskata Those are the churches of the Virgin Mary of knizhovna shkola I balgarskiat 17ti vek, Sofia, 2011, Vitosha, St Theodor, Sts Apostles Peter and Paul, St 281-285. George, St Archangel Michael, Holy Archangels, 37 Акрабова-Жандова, И. Икони в Софийския Mother of God at Mislovshtitsa, and St John the археологически музей, № ХV, с. 66; Гергова, И. Theologian at Poganovo, which are in the area of Зограф Йоан от Чивинодола. – В: Проблеми на Southwestern Bulgarian epigraphic monumental изкуството, кн. 2, 1997, с. 31-40 artifacts influenced by the Ohrid archiepiscopate in 38 Гергова, И. Врачанската иконопис от ХVII the fifteenth century.See Андреев, Х. Новоразкрити в. – В: Изкуство, кн. 9-10, 1990, с. 12, ил. на с. 11; надписи от 1475/1476 година в олтарното Тарашоева, В., В. Борисов, Експозицията във пространство на църквата в Драгалевския Възнесенската църква – храм-паметник “Св. манастир. – В: СтаробългаристикаXXXI (2007), Софроний, еп. Врачански” във Враца. – В: ИМСБ, кн. 4, C., p. 82. т. 17, С, 1991, с. 185, ил. 9. 26 Ibid. 39 Машниќ, М. Црквата Света Петка во 27 Божков, А. Краят на неизживяното българско Селник и неjзините паралели со сликарството на кватроченто. – В: Изкуство, 1967, кн. 1, с. 35, бел. 10; Суботиќ, Г. Охридската сликарска школа од ХV Алинскиот манастир Свети Спас. – В: Културно наследство, 17-18, Скопjе, 1994, с. 102-111. век. Охрид, 1980, с. 134-141; Машниќ, М. Прилози 40 за три малку познати споменици во Кичевско- Мутафчиев, П. Из нашите старопланински бродскиот краj од поствизантискиот период. – В: манастири, Избрани произведения. т. ІІ, С., 1975, Културно наследство, 16, Скопjе, 1993, с. 96-101. с. 373, 374; Пандурски, В. Манастирската 28 стенна живопис в Карлуково. С., 2002, с. 193. Димитров, Б. Петър Богдан Бакшев. 41 Български политик и историк от ХVII в. С, 1985, Гергова, И. Църквата на арбанашкия с. 177; Документи за католическата дейност в манастир Успение Богородично. – В: Проблеми на изкуството, кн. 1, 1999, с. 10-12, ill.onp. 10, 11. България през ХVII в. С., 1993, с. 193. 42 29 Паскалева, К. Икони от България, С., 1981, № Корпус на стенописите от XVII в. в 21; Божков, А. Българската икона, С., 1984, ил. 114. България. Под ред. на Б. Пенкова и Ц. Кунева, С., 30 Пандурски, В. Куриловският манастир. С., 2012. 43 1975; Геров, Г. Аргументи за датировката и Jorga, N. ByzanceaprèsByzance. Continuation атрибуцията на няколко икони от Зографския de l’ “Histoire de la vie byzance”.Institut d’Études манастир. – В: Светогорска обител Зограф, т. І, Byzantines, Bucharest, 1935, 220-237, etc. 44 С., 1995, с. 131-142; Гергова, И. Още веднъж за Мутафов, Е. Страници от хаджийския св. Пимен Зографски. – В: Българският ХVII в. дневник: някои наблюдения върху православното (под печат); Поповска-Коробар, В. Кон християнско изкуство в Йерусалим и връзките му атрибуциата на живописот во црквата на с балканската традиция през османския период. – Слимничкиот манастир. – В: Зборник. Нова сер. В: Проблеми на изкуството, 4/2012, с. 9-10. 63

45 История на Османската империя. Ред. Р. 55 Stefanescu, I. Op. cit., ill. XLVIII.1. Мантран, С., 1999, с. 322. 56 Henry, P. Op. cit., ill. XXIV.1. 46 Ibidem, с. 323. 57 Millet, G. Monuments de l’ Athos. I les peintures, 47 Ibidem, с. 326. Paris, 1927, Ill. 27.1; Millet, G. Recherches sur 48 Sugar, P. Η Νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη κάτω l’iconographie de l’Evangelie au XIVe, XVe et XVIe από Οθωµανική κυριαρχία (1354-1804). τ. Β΄, siècles, Paris, 1960, p. 465-466, ill. 490. Αθήνα, 1994, σ. 36. 58 Nasturel, P. Le Mont Athos et les Roumens. – 49 История на Османската империя, с. 325. In: Orientalia Christiana Analecta 227/ Roma, 1986, 50 История на Османската империя, с. 354. p. 228, etc. 51 Χατζηδάκης, Μ.Έλληνες ζωγράφοι..., τ. Α΄, σ. 59 Τσιούρης, Ι.Op. cit., с. 18. 130. 60 Βρανούσης, Λ. Μονή Γηροµερίου. – In: 52 Τσιούρης, Ι. Ο τοιχογραφικός διάκοσµος του Θρησκευτική και ηθική εγκυκλοπαίδεια, τ. ∆΄ καθολικού της Μονής Γηροµερίου Θεσπρωτίας (1964), σ. 500. (1577-1590). Συµβολή στη µελέτη της εντοίχιας 61 For a translation of this document see: θρησκευτικής ζωγραφικής του 16ου αιώνα στην Архимандрит Кирил Рилски, Кратки спомени из Ήπειρο. Αθήνα, 2011, σ. 82. миналия ми живот1861–1931, С., 1931, 146-147. 53 Stefanescu, I. L’ art Byzantin et l’ art Lombard 62 Evans, H. C. Byzantium: Faith and Power en Transylvanie. Peintures murales de valachie et de (1261-1557) – In: Byzantium: Faith and Power Moldavie, Paris, 1938, ill. XXXII.1. (1261-1557), The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New 54 Henry, P. Les églises de la Moldavie du Nord, York, 2004, p. 15. Des origines à la fin du XVIe siècle. Architecture et 63 Турилов, А. Критерии определения славяно- peinture. Album. Monument de l’art Byzantine VI, молдавских рукописей ХV–ХVІ вв. – В: Хризограф. Paris, 1930, ill. XXXVI.2. Кн. 2. Москва, 2005, 139–168.

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