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BDOHP Biographical Details and Index Lord Wright of Richmond
BDOHP Biographical details and index Lord Wright of Richmond (28.06.31-06.03.20) - career outline with, on right, relevant page numbers in the memoir to the career stage. Served Royal Artillery, 1950–51 p 3 Joined Diplomatic Service, 1955 pp 2-3 Middle East Centre for Arabic Studies, 1956–57 pp 3-6 Third Secretary, British Embassy, Beirut, 1958–60 - Private Secretary to Ambassador and later First Secretary, pp 12-15 British Embassy, Washington, 1960–65 Private Secretary to Permanent Under-Secretary, FO, 1965–67 pp 10-11 First Secretary and Head of Chancery, Cairo, 1967–70 - Deputy Political Resident, Bahrain, 1971–72 - Head of Middle East Department, FCO, 1972–74 - Private Secretary (Overseas Affairs) to Prime Minister, 1974–77 pp 7-10, 25, 34-35 Ambassador to Luxembourg, 1977–79 pp 30-31 Ambassador to Syria, 1979–81 pp 30-33 Deputy Under-Secretary of State, FCO, 1982–84 - Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, 1984–86 pp 33-34, 36 Permanent Under-Secretary of State and Head pp 11-12, of Diplomatic Service, 1986–91. 16-18, 21, 30 Member, Security Commission, 1993–2002. - General comments on Middle East and United States, pp 6-8; political versus professional diplomatic appointments, pp 15-20; retirement age in diplomatic service, pp 21-23; recruitment, pp 23-25; Foreign Office image, pp 38-40; John Major, pp 40-42; leaking of restricted papers, pp 43-45. Lord Wright of Richmond This is Malcolm McBain interviewing Lord Wright of Richmond at his home in East Sheen on Monday, 16 October 2000. MMcB: “Lord Wright, you were born in 1931, educated at Marlborough and Merton College, Oxford, you did a couple of years’ national service in the Royal Artillery, and then joined the Diplomatic Service, presumably after going to Oxford, in 1965. -
1 NEWS Colmar Brunton Poll 22 – 26 May 2021
1 NEWS Colmar Brunton Poll 22 – 26 May 2021 Attention: Television New Zealand Contact: (04) 913-3000 Release date: 27 May 2021 Level One 46 Sale Street, Auckland CBD PO Box 33690 Takapuna Auckland 0740 Ph: (09) 919-9200 Level 9, Legal House 101 Lambton Quay PO Box 3622, Wellington 6011 Ph: (04) 913-3000 www.colmarbrunton.co.nz Contents Contents .......................................................................................................................................................... 1 Methodology summary ................................................................................................................................... 2 Summary of results .......................................................................................................................................... 3 Key political events ................................................................ .......................................................................... 4 Question order and wording ............................................................................................................................ 5 Party vote ........................................................................................................................................................ 6 Preferred Prime Minister ................................................................................................................................. 8 Public Sector wage freeze ............................................................................................................................. -
Adapting to Institutional Change in New Zealand Politics
21. Taming Leadership? Adapting to Institutional Change in New Zealand Politics Raymond Miller Introduction Studies of political leadership typically place great stress on the importance of individual character. The personal qualities looked for in a New Zealand or Australian leader include strong and decisive action, empathy and an ability to both reflect the country's egalitarian traditions and contribute to a growing sense of nationhood. The impetus to transform leaders from extraordinary people into ordinary citizens has its roots in the populist belief that leaders should be accessible and reflect the values and lifestyle of the average voter. This fascination with individual character helps account for the sizeable biographical literature on past and present leaders, especially prime ministers. Typically, such studies pay close attention to the impact of upbringing, personality and performance on leadership success or failure. Despite similarities between New Zealand and Australia in the personal qualities required of a successful leader, leadership in the two countries is a product of very different constitutional and institutional traditions. While the overall trend has been in the direction of a strengthening of prime ministerial leadership, Australia's federal structure of government allows for a diffusion of leadership across multiple sources of influence and power, including a network of state legislatures and executives. New Zealand, in contrast, lacks a written constitution, an upper house, or the devolution of power to state or local government. As a result, successive New Zealand prime ministers and their cabinets have been able to exercise singular power. This chapter will consider the impact of recent institutional change on the nature of political leadership in New Zealand, focusing on the extent to which leadership practices have been modified or tamed by three developments: the transition from a two-party to a multi-party parliament, the advent of coalition government, and the emergence of a multi-party cartel. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
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European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits. -
Presidential Files; Folder: 7/19/77; Container 32
7/19/77 Folder Citation: Collection: Office of Staff Secretary; Series: Presidential Files; Folder: 7/19/77; Container 32 To See Complete Finding Aid: http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/library/findingaids/Staff_Secretary.pdf WITHDRAWAL SHEET (PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARIES) FORM OF CORRESPONDENTS OR TITLE DATE RESTRICTION DOCUMENT memo From Bob Thomson to The President (2 pp.) re: 7/15/77 c Nomination of Don Tucker to the CAB/ enclosed in Hutcheson to Moore 7/19/77 -. " - .• FILE LOCATION Carter Presidential Papers- Staff Offices,. Office of the Staff Sec.- Presidential Handwriting File 7/19/77 Box ~ RESTRICTION CODES (A) Closed by Executive Order 12356'governing access to national security information. (B) Closed by statute or by the agency which originated the document. (C) Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in the donor's deed of gift. NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION. NA FORM 1429 (6-85) ~l'IIE PRESIDENT'S SCHEDULE Tuesday ~ July 19, 1977 . 7:15 Dr. Zbignicw Brzezinski - Oval Office. 7:45 Mr. Frank Moore - The Oval Office. 8:00 Breakfast with Senate Group. (Mr. Frank Moore). ( 6 0 min.) The Roosevelt Room. 9:15 Senator Daniel Moynihan. (Mr. Frank Moore). (15 min.) The Oval Office. 10:00 Hr. Jody Pmvell The Oval Office. 10:30 Arrival Ceremony for.His Excellency The Prime ' Minister of Israel and Mri. Menahe~ Begin. The South Grounds. 11:00 Meeting with Prime Minist~r Menahem Begin. (90 min.) (Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski) - Oval Office and Cabinet Room. 1:30 Vice President lval ter F. Mondale, Admiral (20 min.) Stansfield Turner, a~d Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski. The Oval Office. -
Best Copy Available J "I \ I
Document Symbol: A/2437 Best copy available j "i \ I UNiTED NA1'IONS REPORT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY Covering the period from 16 July 1952 to 15 July 1953 GENERAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL RECORDS: EIGHTH SESSION SUPPLEMENT No. 2 (A/2437) NEW YORK, 1953 UNITED NATIONS REPORT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL TO THE GENERAL ASSEl\fBLY Covering the period from 16 July 1952 to 15 July 1953 GENERAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL RECORDS: EIGHTH SESSION SUPPLEMENT No. 2 (A/2437) New York, 1953 NOTE All United Nations documents are designated by symbols, i.e., capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United :0T ations document. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION V PART I Questions considered by the Security Council under its responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security C!z(l.pter 1. THE INDIA-PAKISTAN QUESTION 1 PART n Other matters considered by the Security Council 2. ADMISSION OF NEW MEMBERS 12 3. ApPOINTMENT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL .. 24 PART III The Military Staff Committee 4. \VORK OF THE MILITARY STAFF COMMITTEE. ........................... 26 PART IV Matters brought to the attention of the Security Council but not discussed in the COUlwiI 5. COMMUNICATIONS RELATING TO THE PALESTINE QUESTION. ............... 27 6. CO:\IMUNICATIONS RELATING TO THE KOREAN QUESTION . .. 28 7. COMPLAINT OF FAILURE BY THE IRANIAN GOVERNMENT TO COMPLY WITH PROVISIONAL MEASURES INDICATED BY THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE IN THE ANGLO-IRANIAN OIL COMPANY CASE 28 8. REPORT ON THE TRUST TERRITORY OF THE PACIFIC ISLANDS. ............ 28 9. A REPORT OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE BRITISH-UNITED STATES ZONE OF THE FREE TERRITORY OF TRIESTE 29 10. -
Garter Banners
Garter Banner Location (updated October 2017) Living Knights and Ladies of the Order are shown in bold Sovereigns of the Order 1901 - Edward VII - The Deanery, Windsor Castle 1910 – George V – above his tomb, Nave of St George’s Chapel 1936 – George VI - above The Queen’s stall, St George’s Chapel Ladies of the Garter 1901 - Queen Alexandra – the Deanery, Windsor Castle 1910 - Queen Mary – above her tomb St George’s Chapel 1936 - Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother – Clarence House 1994 – Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands 1958 – Queen Juliana of the Netherlands 1979 – Queen Margrethe of Denmark – St George’s Chapel 1989 – Princess Beatrix of the Netherlands – St George’s Chapel 1994 – HRH The Princess Anne (Princess Royal) – St George’s Chapel 2003 – HRH Princess Alexandra – St George’s Chapel Companions of the Order Queen Elizabeth II appointments 1009 – King Felipe VI of Spain - not yet in place 1008 – Sir David Brewer – St George’s Chapel 1007 – Lord Shuttleworth – St George’s Chapel 1006 – Baron King of Lothbury – St George’s Chapel 1005 – Baroness Manningham-Buller - St George’s Chapel 1004 - Lord Stirrup – St George’s Chapel 1003 – Lord Boyce – St George’s Chapel 1002 – Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers – St George’s Chapel 1001 – Sir Thomas Dunne – St George’s Chapel 1000 – HRH Prince William of Wales – St George’s Chapel 999 - Lord Luce – St George’s Chapel 998 – HRH The Earl of Wessex – St George’s Chapel 997 – HRH The Duke of York – St George’s Chapel 996 – Sir John Major – St George’s Chapel 995 – Lord Bingham of Cornhill – St -
1 Multilateralism Recalibrated
Multilateralism Recalibrated: Japan’s Engagement in Institution Building in the Past 70 Years and Beyond Akiko Fukushima1 Introduction In the 1980s, the international community criticized Japan for free riding on the international order without paying its dues. But did Japan actually undermine institution building in the 70 years after the end of World War II? No—on the contrary, Japan never opposed multilateral institutions either at the global level, such as the United Nations (UN), or at the regional level in the Asia-Pacific. Emerging from the ashes of the war, Japan did not engage in visible leadership in building multilateral institutions, nor was it expected to take such leadership by the international community. Instead, Japan was expected to be on the receiving side of the international order created by the victors of the war. Japan, however, has consistently been an active supporter of institutions throughout the past 70 years. On the global front, although Japan was not a party in establishing institutions, particularly in the earlier decades after the war, Japan sought ways to contribute as a loyal member. On the regional front, after the end of World War II the Asia-Pacific region was infertile ground for institution building, in sharp contrast to Europe, as demonstrated by the failure of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). The only exception was the sub-regional Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and track two and three institutions such as the Pacific Basin Economic Conference (PBEC) and the Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference (PECC). Since the 1990s, however, the Asia-Pacific region has witnessed budding regional institutions with varying geographical footprints in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific more broadly. -
Showcasing the Chinese Version of Moderni-Tea in Africa: Tea Plantations and PRC Economic Aid to Guinea and Mali During the 1960S
W O R K I N G P A P E R # 80 Showcasing the Chinese Version of Moderni-tea in Africa: Tea Plantations and PRC Economic Aid to Guinea and Mali during the 1960s By Gregg Brazinsky, July 2016 THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. The project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to accelerate the process of integrating new sources, materials and perspectives from the former “Communist bloc” with the historiography of the Cold War which has been written over the past few decades largely by Western scholars reliant on Western archival sources. It also seeks to transcend barriers of language, geography, and regional specialization to create new links among scholars interested in Cold War history. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a periodic BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for young historians from the former Communist bloc to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications. -
NEWSLETTER GULF WAR AFFECTS OUR FAMILY for a Brief Time During
1 THE SER~CHARLAP FAMILY NEWSLETTER Vol.2,No.2 Av 5751, Summer 1991 GULF WAR AFFECTS OUR FAMILY For a brief time during the Gulf War, Israel was the recipient of a great deal of justified praise from the Bush administration. The President and, for a change, the media expressed admiration and appreciation for Prime Minister Shamir's restraint in not retaliating against Saddam Hussein. The West, for a brief pause, seemed to remember what we all know; that Israel is surrounded by implacable enemies who will use any kind of force or subterfuge to undermine the well-being of the Jewish nation. Many American members of our family kept the transoceanic telephone lines busy by calling the mishpocha in Israel. We received much correspondence from those living under the Iraqi threat. These letters provided a profound understanding of the danger faced by our family, by Israel, and the Jewish people. The following was received from Malka Stalkowski(306,Pl.3ba) in early April: Dear Family, ****************************************** Thank you very much for the also heartbroken. He was a wonderful man. newsletters you have been sending us. In [ed:see obituaries] these unsettling times they give us a We are looking forward to the family connection to our large family and make us reunion and hope to meet many new feel part of a greater whole. About two relatives. Our new address is: months ago, on February 7th, Itzhak's (305) 19 Balfour Street father Moshe Stalkowski (280) passed away. Petach Tikvah 49350 Israel It was very sudden and occurred during the Shalom and our best wishes to all, Scud attacks on Israel. -
China's Afrika Beleid
China in Afrika: ontwikkelingsland of grootmacht Een neoklassieke analyse van het Afrikabeleid van China tussen 1978-2002 - Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen - Masterthesis Politicologie Internationale Betrekkingen Nijmegen, 27 maart 2013 Ramona Schmetter, 3023249 Begeleider: Dr. Anna van der Vleuten Tweede lezer: Prof. Dr. Bertjan Verbeek Abstract China’s presence on the African continent goes back to the ancient times. China supported African countries during the Cold War mainly on a bilateral basis. In 2000, with the establishment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), the character of the cooperation between China and African countries changed rapidly to a more multilateral kind. It is not clear what explains the shift from bilateral connections to extended multilateral cooperation. In this masterthesis I tried to offer an explanation for this change in Chinese foreign policy behaviour with the help of the neoclassical realist theory. China’s relative power has increased in the last two decades and while the perception of the China’s foreign policy executive (FPE) changed positively, other internal factors like the power position of the FPE remained relatively unchanged. In fact, this shows some anomalies for the expectations of neoclassical realism. Trefwoorden: Africa, China, foreign policy, Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), neoclassical realism. 2 Voorwoord in het Duits Ich bin keine Frau großer Worte, vorallem nicht schriftlich oder in einer fremden Sprache. Hiermit präsentiere ich Ihnen meine Masterarbeit, das Resultat meiner Bemühungen um sowohl fachkenntlich als auch sprachlich zu beweisen, was ich in den letzten Jahren gelernt habe. Auch wenn der Weg zur Vollendung dieser Masterarbeit steinig war und die eine oder andere Träne geflossen ist, möchte ich diese Zeit nicht missen.