Unit-I Evolution of Indian culture and civilization

Chapter 1- Palaeolithic culture  Lower Palaeolithic culture  Middle Palaeolithic culture  Upper Palaeolithic culture Chapter 2- Mesolithic cultures Chapter 3-Neolithic culture Chapter 4- Chalcolithic cultures Chapter 5- Megalithic culture Chapter 6- Indus valley civilization  Origins of Indus valley civilization  Geography, environment and chronology of Indian valley civilization  Urban planning in Indus valley civilization  Trade and commerce in Indus valley civilization  Religion of Indus people  Theories regarding the decline of Indus valley civilization Chapter 7- Life of early Vedic people Chapter 8-Life of later Vedic people Chapter 9- Contribution of tribal cultures to Vedic culture

Unit – II Paleo-anthropological evidences from India Chapter 1- Narmada basin and Siwaliks Chapter 2- Ramapithecus, Sivapithecus and Narmada man Chapter 3- Ethnoarchaeology

Unit – III Impact of Buddhism, Jainism, islam and Christianity on India Chapter 1- Impact of Buddhism on Hindu culture Chapter 2- Impact of Jainism on Hindu culture Chapter 3- Impact of Islam on Indian culture Chapter 4- Impact of Christianity on Indian culture

Unit - IV Population, biogenetic and linguistic characters of the people of India

Chapter 1 Population of India Chapter 2 Growth of population in India

Chapter 3 Effects of over population in India Chapter 4 Measures for controlling the rapid growth of population in India Chapter 5 Family planning in India Chapter 6 Guha’s classification of races in India Chapter 7 Negrito element in India Chapter 8 Linguistic elements in India

Unit – V Growth of Anthropology in India

Chapter 1 - Growth of anthropology in India Chapter 2- Contribution of British and Indian anthropologists Chapter 3 Growth of tribal studies in India Chapter 4 Growth of peasant studies in India

Unit-VI Varna and jati in India Chapter 1- Varna

Chapter 2- Ashrama

Chapter 3- Purusharthas  Rina  Karma theory

Chapter 4- Caste  Origin of caste  Characteristics of caste  Working of caste system  Ranking of castes  Jajmani system  Caste and economy  Caste and politics  Varna and jati  Caste mobility  Future of caste system

Unit - VII Concepts for studying the culture and society in India

Chapter 1- Great tradition and little tradition Chapter 2- Universalisation and parochialisation Chapter 3- Sacred complex Chapter 4- Nature-man-spirit complex Chapter 5- Sanskritisation Chapter 6- Westernisation Chapter 7- Dominant caste Chapter 8- Tribe-caste continuum

Unit- VIII Indian Village

Chapter 1- Village studies in India Chapter 2- Settlement patterns in India Chapter 3- Agrarian social structure Chapter 4- Agrarian structure in pre-British period Chapter 5- Agrarian structure in British period Chapter 6- Agrarian structure in post-independence period Chapter 7- Agrarian structure in contemporary India Chapter 8- Impact of market economy on agrarian structure Chapter 9- Social consequences of green revolution

Unit-1 EVOLUTION OF INDIAN CULTURE

Chapter 1- PALAEOLITHIC CULTURE

The term prehistory refers to the period when there was no written record. Understanding and reconstruction of the life ways of ancient men during that period is based on the analysis of the material remains of their activities, such as tool making, animal hunting, food gathering etc., through archaeological explorations and excavations. The prehistoric period has been mainly divided into three ages, namely the Stone, Bronze and Iron ages based on the changes in technology and social and cultural developments. The Stone Age is divided into three periods, namely Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic, based on technological developments and gradual evolution of culture. The people living during that period made tools and implements on stones which were easily available in the surroundings. Besides, they also used wood, bamboo, bones etc. for making tools. However, as these are perishable materials and disintegrate fast, we do not get much evidence of these tools in archaeological contexts.

Palaeolithic culture in India

Robert Bruce Foote, a British geologist discovered and identified the first Palaeolithic tool in the Indian Subcontinent in 1863, at the village of Pallavaram, near Madras (now Chennai) and laid the foundations of the Prehistory in India. Since then, prehistoric archaeologists have located hundreds of prehistoric sites in different parts of India and are attempting to understand the life ways of prehistoric people. The Palaeolithic sites are found throughout the Indian subcontinent in a variety of ecological contexts, including montane regions, hill slopes, alluvial settings, coastal plains, and in rock shelters. The archaeological record clearly indicates that Acheulian was the earliest stage of hominin occupation of the subcontinent. The Acheulian site of Isampur has been dated to 1.2 million years by ESR (Electron Spin Resonance) dating method.

1. LOWER PALAEOLITHIC CULTURE

1.1 Distribution:

The Lower Palaeolithic cultures occur in all parts of India except Tinnelvelly District in Tamil Nadu and the Kerala State in South India and the Sindh province in North West India.

In Peninsular India, they occur in the middle and the upper reaches of rivers and streams, foot hills, caves, and rock shelters (M.P., T.N. and Maharashtra) forested areas (Bulsar In Maharashtra and Peernala in M.P) and at open air factory sites (Nevasa, Lalitpur, Anangawadi, Vadamadurai, etc.,)

In Extra-Peninsular India, they occur in the glacier– pluvial deposits of Kashmir and in the middle and upper reaches of river Valleys of Punjab, Kashmir, Assam, Meghalaya, and Arunachal Pradesh. These cultures occur at open-air sites on river banks (Sohan River in West Punjab), on high hills (Phalgaon in Kashmir), in thick forests and perennial river streams (Kangra in Punjab) and foot-hills (Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh).

1.2 Environment

The environment in which the Lower Palaeolithic cultures existed was not uniform. When the Potwar Plateau and Kashmir Valley in extra-Peninsular India were under the influence of the great Ice Age characterized by glacial and inter glacial phases, the river Valleys in Peninsular India were experiencing climatic fluctuations in terms of pluvial conditions during Pleistocene epoch.

The environment was rich in flora and fauna. The floral remains occur in the form of a carbonized trunk of Terminalia Arjuna species at Mulanagar in Ahmednagar dist, un-identifiable silicified wood pieces at Nevasa and Pollen grains of Chilbil from the fossil soil near Imamgaon in Poona Dist. – all in Maharashtra.

Several sites located in the areas between Hoshangabad and Narsingpur Dist. in M.P., yielded remains of wild elephant, wild horse, wild Ox, hippopotamus, rhinoceros, deer and seven more animals. The remains of wild elephant and wild ox have been found at sites like Nandumadhaneswar, Mulanagar, Yeldani, Kalegaon, Chandoli, Kalamb, Amaravathi, Chanda and Wardha in Maharashtra, Chikdauli, Yelhatti and Kittur in Karnataka.

1.3 Chronology

 2 million years – 1,05,000 years ago  Lower Pleistocene :2.5 million years- 7,80,000  Middle Pleistocene: 7,80,000-1,26,000

There are diverse views on the chronology of Lower Palaeolithic culture in India.

I. De Terra and Paterson (1939) considered the geological and palaeontological evidences and placed the Lower Palaeolithic culture in the Middle Pleistocene.

II. Zeuner (1962) and Wainwright (1964) studied the sea level changes on the west coast in India and concluded the Lower Palaeolithic existed in the Upper Pleistocene.

III. Sankalia (1964) studied the geological and stratigraphic evidence in the Narmada, Godavari, Prabha, and Krishna River Valleys and estimated the time period of Lower Palaeolithic between the Late Middle Pleistocene and its upper level to the Upper Pleistocene times.

IV. Paterson and Drummond (1962) compared the Archaeological evidence in the contiguous places from Potwar in West Punjab to South Africa and concluded that the Lower Palaeolithic in Kashmir existed in the third glacial and the third inter-glacial periods of Pleistocene.

V. Investigations into the marine and semi-marine formation of the east coast near Madras and West coast yielded archaeological evidence placing the Lower Palaeolithic at Sohan in the second inter-glacial period of the Middle Pleistocene.

1.4 Materials

The Lower Palaeolithic people utilized the raw materials available in their environment. Their principle material used for making tools was granular quartzite in the form of river pebbles. Very rarely people collected fine-grained quartzite collected from the riverbeds, raw materials for making tools.

1.5 Ancestral human being

Homo Habilis Homo Erectus

1.6 Cultural diversities

The Lower Palaeolithic culture was not uniform. It may be divided into three broad groups.

a) Soan culture (Soan Valley in Pakistan – Choppers and Chopping tools). b) Narmada culture (Adamgarh Hill) - Higher occurrence of cleavers and a combination of hand axes and Choppers and Chopping tools). c) Madras culture (Attirampakkam site situated on Budida manuvanka and Kartalayar near Vadamadurai – Hand axes).

1.7 Tool making

Stone tool making

Stone tool production

A Chopper A Handaxe A Cleaver

Acheulian Stone Tools: Cleavers and Handaxe

1.7 Soan Culture

The Sohanian culture, termed after the river Sohan (or Soan), a tributary of the Indus, came into limelight through the Yale-Cambridge Expedition led by H. de Terra and T.T. Paterson in 1939. The evidence of this culture is found at a number of sites in the Siwalik hills in northwest India and Pakistan. The members of Yale-Cambridge Expedition have distinguished three developmental stages of the Sohanian culture on the basis of the artefacts found in river terraces and correlated with the phases of the four-fold Pleistocene glaciations identified by them in the Himalayas and the Siwaliks. The early Sohan, the earliest stage of the sequence, on Terrace 1 (T1) was found in the boulder conglomerate of the second glacial age in the Potwar plateau. In the same deposit, though at discrete localities, Acheulian artefacts were also located. The T1 was dated to the second interglacial age and the faunal remains from this deposit included horse, buffalo, straight-tusked elephant and hippopotamus which suggest an environment characterized by perennial water sources, tree vegetation and grass steppes. The T2, with gravel at the base and loess on top, dated to the third glacial period, yielded Acheulian and Late Sohan A industries from the basal gravels, which are comprised refined pebble choppers and Levallois flakes. The Levallois is the name of a technique of making stone tools and the name is after a French place where stone tools made by this technique were first found. The Late Sohan B industry characterized by Levallois flakes and blades with complete absence of Acheulian elements was found overlying the level of loess and the fauna (horse, bovids, camel and wolf) of this horizon).

The divisions of Sohanian, i.e. Early Sohan, Late Sohan A and Late Sohan B and their correlations with the climatic situation were found invalid during the subsequent research carried out by the British Archaeological Mission to Pakistan led by R.W. Dennell and H.N. Rendell. V.N. Misra (1989) has argued that the Sohan terraces are the erosional features rather than depositional terraces and cannot be associated with any specific deposits and can not be dated. The Mission members did not find evidence of an independent Sohanian tradition although they found artefacts of Acheulian and other traditions. However, investigations in the Indian Siwaliks appear to conform to observations of de Terra and Paterson in Pakistan. Five terraces comparable to those of the Indus- Sohan in the Potwar region have been recognized in the valleys of the Sutlej, Beas and Banganga rivers in the Punjab-Himachal Pradesh region. Pebble tools of Sohanian style have been collected by B.B. Lal and B.S. Karir on these terraces. G.C. Mohapatra (1976), who discovered both Sohanian and Acheulian sites in the Hoshiarpur-Chandigarh sector of the Siwaliks, has argued that the Acheulian and Sohanian populations inhabited distinct environments; the former occupying the flat surfaces of the Siwalik frontal range and the latter occupied the duns or valleys of the Himalayan flank. Using magnetic polarity data from the Upper Siwalik beds, Mohapatra has dated the Sohanian tradition from the Mindel-Riss interglacial (300– 400,000 B.P.) to the end of the Pleistocene. However, according to him the Acheulian tradition cannot be older than 200,000 B.P., because it is only around this time that the range (Siwalik range or hills) became sufficiently stable to support human population.

De Terra and Paterson have shown the development of stone tool industries associated with the terraces on the basis of a cross-section of Soan river.

Terrace Culture Features T0 Pre-Soan a) Big flake tools resulted due to horizontal or vertical splitting of pebbles (comparable with cromerian flake tools in Europe) b) Other flake tools removed by ordinary methods and converted into tools. T1 Early a) Choppers, Chopping tools, discoid cores, core flake Soan tools of simple as well as Clactonian tradition. b) Choppers, chopping tools discoid cores, and single faced flake tools with little retouch made by Levalloisian tradition. T2 Late Soan a) Choppers, Chopping tools Levalloisian flake tools and long flake tools and blades. b) Choppers, chopping tools and more cores and all the tools made by the Levalloisian techniques. More developed than (a). T3 Sterile T4 Evolved Majority of the tools are pebble tools and Clactonian Soan flake tools

1.8 Narmada Culture

De terra, Paterson, Sankalia, Sen, Supekar, Joshi, Singh and others studied the Narmada Culture.

De Terra and Paterson excavated the sites at Hoshangabad and Narsingpur from of the Narmada Valley in Madhya Pradesh. They presented the stratigraphy of Narmada Valley as follows:

7. Black soil ------6. Fine gravel Middle Palaeolithic ------(Cleavers +Scrapers+ Flake tools+ 5. Pink silt Hand axes) ------4. Gravel ------3.Pink reddish silt Lower Palaeolithic ------(Abbevillian and Acheulean 2. Cemented gravel Hand axes + Choppers + ------Chopping tools + Cleavers) 1. Laterite Basal layer

Supekar excavated the place Mahadeo Piparia in Narmada Valley in Madhya Pradesh and depicted the stratigraphy as follows:

6.Black cotton soil ------5. Yellow brown silt ------4. Pebble sandy soil ------3. Yellow brown silt Lower Palaeolithic ------(Abbevillian and Acheulean 2. Pebble layer Hand Axes + Choppers + ------Chopping tools + Cleavers) 1.Rock ------

Sankalia, Sen, Joshi, and Singh excavated Maheshwar of the Narmada Valley near Jabalpur, Malwa and Damoh areas in Madhya Pradesh. These excavations yielded Lower Palaeolithic tools like Abbevillian and Acheulean hand axes besides Chopper Chopping tools and cleavers.

On the whole the Narmada stratigraphy is complicated and poses many problems. Two of the major problem are “variations of stratigraphy from place to place because the Valley is a rift Valley; and differential availability of faunal evidence. More number of faunal evidences are present in the Hoshangabad – Narsingpur area, whereas in other places the distribution of fossils is at random. Since this stratigraphy is not in a definite sequential manner, it is very difficult to assign the tool types to their respective cultural development stages. But in general, the main tool types present range from Choppers two Hand axes, cleavers, scrapers, flake tools, and cores.

The Lower Palaeolithic cultures in Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra were almost similar to the Narmada Culture. In Gujarat, Zeuner and Subbarao excavated the sites in Sabarmati River Valley. They identified five wet and five dry periods, which yielded, Choppers and Chopping tools and large hand axes. In Rajasthan Mishra excavated Nagri and Chittorgarh and other sites in the Banas, Gambir and Chambal river Valleys and obtained the Choppers and Chopping tools from the Basal gravel layer. These Valleys experienced climatic changes twice. Similarly, the Excavation of Sankalia and his students near Bombay and Ratnagiri, at Nevasa in Pravara Valley, Gangawadi in Godavari Valley, Ahmednagar, and so on yielded Chopper and Chopping tools, large hand axes and cleavers.

1.9 Madrasian Culture

The Madrasian culture spread Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. Robert Bruce Foot identified this culture in 1863 at Attirampakkam in Tamil Nadu. Later, De Terra, Paterson, Krishnaswamy, Banerjee, Joshi and a host of others excavated the sites at Attirampakkam and Vadamadurai in Tamil Nadu and brought to light the Madrasian culture.

De Terra and Paterson excavated the banks of Kartalayar River at Vadamadurai.

Transverse section through Kartalayar Valley.

T2-Lower Palaeolithic tools I stage – Abbevillian hand axes II stage – Acheulean hand axes III stage- Acheulean hand axes, Cleavers, Levalloisian flake tools

T3-Middle Palaeolithic tools Post-Acheulean flake tools and a few scrapers

No representatives of Upper Palaeolithic tools were found. The hand axe industry developed in these stages.

a) First Stage: Witnessed the presence of Abbevillian hand axes and irregular cores and flake tools bearing cortex on one of the surfaces. They are smooth water-worn indicating that they have been carried out by the force of river water from long distances the tools bear a thin layer of patination.

b) Second Stage: Showed the hand axes of middle Acheulian found in the upper levels of detrital laterite. These hand axes are of various shapes. They bear patination of red colour.

c) Third Stage: Included hand axes of Upper Acheulian types made by cylinder hammer techniques. Further there were cleavers Levalloisian flake tools.

Joshi, Banerjee and other excavated the site of Attirampakkam situated on a small river stream called Budidamanuvanka.

5. Silt - Mesolithic (Microliths) there is no evidence for Upper Palaeolithic ------4. Brown silt - Sterile (No archaeological tools) ------3. Detrital laterite - Middle Palaeolithic ------(Flake tools, Points, scrapers, borers and a few long blades like flake tools.) 2. Shale clay - Lower Palaeolithic ------(Acheulian Hand axes, cleavers and other tools) 1.Shale (rock) ------

The Madras culture occurs not only in Tamil Nadu but in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka also. Accordingly, to the excavations made by Subbarao, Sankalia, Murthy and others in the river Valleys of Krishna, Godavari, Tungabhadra, Swarnamukhi and Penna in different Districts of Andhra Pradesh, the general idea of stratigraphy is as follows:

Time Strata Tools Archaeological stages Holocene – Loess silt with Microliths Mesolithic deposits small gravels arrival Middle Upper Small gravels and Blade and burin Upper Pleistocene silt industry Palaeolithic Muddy slit Loess Flake tools Middle and Red slit Palaeolithic Middle Cemented big (Acheulian Hand Lower Pleistocene gravels axes) Palaeolithic Lower Laterite deposit No tools Pleistocene

In Karnataka, the Lower Palaeolithic is not so abundant as in Andhra Pradesh though the sequence of climatic changes occurred twice or thrice, as in Andhra Pradesh. Seshadri, Joshi, Pappu, Paddayya and others excavated the sites in Malaprabha and Ghataprabha Valleys and in Chitradurga, Chickmagulur, Tumkur and Bellary Districts and unearthed Abbevillian and Acheulean hand axes, cleavers, Choppers and flake tools which are similar to those existing in Andhra Pradesh.

In Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and other parts of the country similar evidence has come to light. The excavations made by Zeuner, Krishna swami, Sounder Rajan and others in Singrauli Basin, Rihand of Bichinala in U.P., Chotanagpur in Bihar Sisunia Hills in W.B, Kuliana in Orissa, and some places in Meghalaya yielded pebble tools, hand axes, cleavers, of Levalloisian flake tools.

1.10 Summary

The Lower Palaeolithic culture indicates the dawn of culture in India as whole during the Middle Pleistocene. There are no fossils indicating the owners of these cultures.

The Lower Palaeolithic culture was not uniform. It may be divided into three broad zones the Soan, the Narmada and Madrasian.

Regional Cultures

Feature Soan Narmada Madras Distribution Potwar in M.P, (A.P., Pakistan Maharashtra, Tamilnadu, Gujarat, and Karnataka, U.P, Rajasthan) Bihar, Orissa and (W.B) Climate Glacial Pluvial Pluvial Stratigraphy Massive with 5 Complicated Simple with three terraces strata because of terraces. rift of the Valley Technology Chopper – Narmada culture Hand axes Chopping tools is a combination culture of Chopper Chopping tools culture and hand axes culture

In all the three zones, majority of the tools are made of quartzite available in the form of pebbles, rock-out crops and boulders. The tools were made from large flake tools are pieces removed from the starting material on nodular or parent rock by employing block – on block technique, stone hammer technique and step flaking technique where necessary. In the later stages of Lower Palaeolithic period, flake tools removed from tortoise cores have been converted in to tools, which become the main technique for producing the flake tools of Middle Palaeolithic.

Among the Lower Palaeolithic folk those who lived and used Chopper and Chopper tools in the extra-Peninsular region were simple food gatherers and those who used hand axes and cleavers lived in Peninsular areas and who were big game hunters.

2. MIDDLE PALAEOLITHIC

2.1 Distribution

The Middle Palaeolithic industries have wide distribution perhaps as wide as the Lower Palaeolithic industries in India. They occur in all the Districts of Maharashtra except the coastal District of Ratnagiri. Further, they occur in several places in the states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamilnadu, Kerala, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, Rajasthan, Gujarat, West Bengal and Assam. Northern Gujarat and Kashmir Valley are yet to be explored for the purpose.

The Middle Palaeolithic culture like the Lower Palaeolithic culture existed in river Valleys, foothills, riverbanks and riverbeds. In several places surface sites yielded Middle Palaeolithic tools.

In terms of stratigraphy and typology, the flake industries at a number of sites demonstrate the continuous sequence from the Lower Palaeolithic industries to the Middle Palaeolithic industries.

2.2 Environment:

The Middle Palaeolithic folk lived in an environment with forests characterized by rich flora and fauna.

People preferred to occupy banks of rivers and streams (Nevasa, Renigunta, Giddalur, Mahaboobnagar, Wainganga and Belan Valley) and foothills (Sisunia Hills) in basaltic regions. Some of them lived in caves (Gudiam in Tamilnadu and Bhimbetka in Madhya Pradesh).

The climate on the whole does not appear to be very humid. Good grazing grounds supporting smaller as well as larger animals were wide spread. Fossil bones of wild ox (Bos nomadicus) at Kalegaon and a skull of wild elephant (Elephas antiquus) at Chandoli were found in the Godavari Valley of Maharashtra.

2.3 Chronology

 Upper Pleistocene: 1,05,000-40,000 years ago

The Middle Palaeolithic culture in India existed during the period from the Middle Pleistocene to Upper Pleistocene.

i. De Terra and Paterson (1939) and Movius (1967) studies the river deposits and the tool types supplemented by faunal and floral evidences available in the Sohan Valley and its adjacent regions identified the existence of Middle Palaeolithic in the Sohan Valley in the aggradational phase of the fourth glacial period in the Upper Pleistocene

ii. According to Sankalia (1962) the C-14 dates available for the Middle Palaeolithic culture from the sites of Paithan, Imamgoan, Dhon Dam and Mulaoam place the Middle Palaeolithic culture in Maharashtra in between 39000 and 17000 years before present.

iii. Robert Bruce Foote, Commiade, Burkitt, Krishnaswamy, Sounder Rajan and Sankalia and his students analysed the Geological, stratigraphical and typological evidences available in relation to the Middle Palaeolithic in Andhra Pradesh and concluded that the Middle Palaeolithic belonged to the Dry period of the Upper Pleistocene.

2.4 Materials

The raw materials used for the manufacture of the tools of Middle Palaeolithic culture consist chiefly crypto –crystalline Silicia of various kinds such as agate, jasper and chalcedony, which have a smoother and more regular fracture than the somewhat granular quartzites of the Lower Palaeolithic tools. These materials were obtained in the form of river pebbles.

Occasionally people employed fine-grained quartzites were also employed for making tools this variation in raw materials was probably due to changed environment and typo-technology which are intimately linked with people ways of life.

2.5 Ancestral Human being

Neanderthal

2.6 Cultural Diversity

The Middle Palaeolithic culture in India shows uniformities as well as diversities. It may be divided into eight zones or regions or complexes on the basis of variations in environment, typo-technologies and subsistence activities.

Zone Site Tools Soan Culture Complex Soan Valley flake tools, hand axes, cleavers, and chopping tools. Central culture complex Narmada Valley in M.P flake tools, hand and Gujarat hills, forests axes, points and and several rivers and borers streams Luni culture complex Luni Valley in Rajasthan flake tools, borers and points Nevasian culture River Valley in flake tools, blades, complex Maharashtra and points, borers, thin Karnataka with thick leaf points) which forests are close to Mousterian traditions Southern culture Tamilnadu flake tools points complex borers, scrapers etc South coastal culture Andhra Pradesh and flake tools, points, complex Orissa scrapers, an enormous number of borers etc Kurnool-Chattisgarh Andhra Pradesh and flake tools and culture complex Chattisgarh Mousterian tools in plenty Eastern culture complex Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and flake tools, scrapers, West Bengal borers and others

i. De Terra and Paterson in the year 1935 discovered the Soan culture complex. They excavated Soan Valley and identified it in terrace T4 and called it Evolved Soan. It included an abundant number of thin, slender and more blades like Clactonian flake tools and a few Mousterian flake tools. ii. The Middle Palaeolithic culture representing the Central Zones includes Narmada Valley and its adjoining places. De Terra and Paterson excavated several sites in Narmada Valley in Madhya Pradesh and they found Middle Palaeolithic tools namely flake tools, scrapers, cleavers, and hand axes in the upper strata 6 and 7 with fine gravel and black soil respectively yielded.

Misra excavated several cave sites in Bhimbetka in Raisen District of Madhya Pradesh. Cave III had 8 layers of which the 5th layer yielded Middle Palaeolithic tools. A vast majority of the tools were flake tools and the remaining ones were cleavers and hand axes. Excavation at Shivani and Damoh yielded flake tools, hand axes and cleavers.

iii. Misra discovered the Middle Palaeolithic in the Luni Valley of Rajasthan. His excavations at Didwah, Vagan and Kadmali yielded flake tools, borers and points.

iv. Sankalia discovered the Nevasian culture of Maharashtra and Karnataka. He excavated the banks of river Pravara (near Nevasa), a tributary of Godavari in Ahmednagar District of Maharashtra and identified a distinct horizon.

Fine and less cemented gravel overlying thin basal gravel it contained the flake tools industry comprising scrapers, points and blade like flake tools, all different in typo technology, raw materials and sizes. The industry was Levalloisian-based Middle Palaeolithic and hence comes closer to Mousterian character there were thin leaf points Sankalia called this “Nevasian culture”. Many such sites with Nevasian culture were found in Godavari and Pravara river Valleys of which Belpandhari, Chandoli, Suregaon and Kalegaon are the most important sites. The Palaeontological evidence in the form of physical remains of wild Ox (“Bos nomadicus”) at Kalegaon and this skull of wild elephant (Elephas antiquus) at Chandoli near Pune show how the Nevasian culture was thriving in dense forest areas.

Sankalia, Seshadri, Joshi, Paddayya and others excavated numerous Middle Palaeolithic sites in the river Valleys of Krishna, Bhima, Malaprabha, Ghataprabha and so on and found the existence of Nevasian culture in Karnataka also.

v. The Southern Middle Palaeolithic is represented by those present at Vadamadurai and Attirampakkam, Gudiam cave, Poondi and a few other sites. De Terra and Paterson excavated the site of Kartalayer river bank near Vadamadurai the terrace T2 yielded Middle Palaeolithic tools in the form of post-Acheulian flake tools, several points, borers, scrapers and so on.

Joshi, Banerjee and others excavated the bank of Budidamanuvanka, a small stream near Attirampakkam. The terrace T3 comprising detrital laterite provided Middle Palaeolithic tools in the form of flake tools, points, scrapers, borers and a few long blade-like flake tools.

vi. The South-Coastal culture was spread over coastal Andhra and Orissa. Timmareddy, Murthy, Issac and others excavated the sites of Renigunta in Chittor District, Giddalur in Prakasham District and Nagarjunakonda in Guntur District, and Nalgonda in Nalgonda District identified the Middle Palaeolithic cultures characterized by flake tools, Mousterian tools and abundant number of borers. Bhattacharya, Mahapatra and Ratha excavated several Middle Palaeolithic sites in Mayurbhunj Keonjhar and Sundergarh Districts in Orissa. The Middle Palaeolithic sites in coastal Andhra and Orissa were covered by forests and low land groups with their distinction of using a tremendous number of borers.

vii. The Kurnool – Chattisgarh culture was spread across the highlands and thickly wooded contiguous areas in Andhra and Madhya Pradesh. The researches of several archaeologists and anthropologists show that the Middle Palaeolithic in the Kurnool-Chattisgarh zone was quite effective and it included flake tools and plenty of Mousterian-like tools. This was entirely a local development quite suitable to the undulating and forest environment.

viii. Finally, the eastern zone spreads across the plains in the eastern part of Uttar Pradesh, the Southern part of Bihar and the Western part of West Bengal. The excavation of G.R. Sharma in Belan river Valley in Allahabad District, of Chakaldar and Lal in Singhbhum in Bihar and in Bankura and Purulia in West Bengal reveals the presence of Middle Palaeolithic with flake tools, scrapers, Burins and borers.

2.7 Tool making

Middle Palaeolithic: a) Levallois core. Late Middle Palaeolithic artefacts: b) blade core; c) unidirectional single platform core for detaching elongated flakes/flake-blades & d) blade

Levallois core technology. A tortoise core, illustrating (A) the main Levallois flake, (B) the geometry of the upper and lower faces, and (C) the stages of reduction to produce additional Levallois flakes

2.8 Summary

The Middle Palaeolithic in India shows patterns of similarities and differences. Everywhere flake tools removed from prepared cores are common. The Scrapers were made either on simple flake tools or on flake tools with prepared platform or flat nodules and sometimes on the long edges of flake tools. These different types of scrapers indicate wooded forests where the scrapers were used to make various tools from hard tropical wood.

The stone points found in association with the scrapers are also flake tools but they are not well-developed types so as to use them as missile points. However, the leaf point characteristic of Nevasian culture is exception. The points in general are either simple or tanged. Some simple points were prepared by stone hammer technique while some others by Levalloisian and Mousterian techniques.

Other tool types consisted of borers or awls. In Andhra-Orissa culture, the borers occur in great numbers. Apart from borers there were flake knives of square, rectangular or crescent shape; there were chopper and chopping tools, discoids, small Acheulian type hand axes or bifaces and burins. Everywhere the folk were hunters and gathers, but in some areas like Maharashtra-Karnataka, Andhra-Orissa, Kurnool-Chattisgarh and Narmada-Gujarat, the environment favoured presence of large animals and collective hunting.

3. UPPER PALAEOLITHIC

3.1 Distribution

The Upper Palaeolithic cultures are distributed in several places in the States of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamilnadu, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand in India.

A vast majority of the sites inhabited by the Upper Palaeolithic folk are located in river banks in different Valleys like the Swarnamukhi, Krishna and Godavari river Valleys in Andhra Pradesh, Narmada and Banjer river Valleys in Madhya Pradesh, Krishna, Tungabhadra and Bhima river Valleys in Karnataka and Krishna river Valley in Maharashtra and Belan Valley in Maharashtra and Belan Valley in Uttar Pradesh.

There are also cave sites like those situated at Billasurgam Muchatlachintamanugavi Kottalapplimergavi and Peddapuvudala Badegavi in Andhra Pradesh and at Bhimbetka and more in Madhya Pradesh.

3.2 Environment

The Upper Palaeolithic existed in the Upper Pleistocene times. The climate was warm and somewhat hot. The pluvial conditions favoured heavy rainfall throughout the peninsular India.

The Palaeontological and stratigraphic evidence reveals the presence of abundant flora and several large and small animals in the environment. The excavations at the cave sites in Kurnool District of Andhra Pradesh yielded remains of a primate (Prebytis entellus) carnivores (Vivera species) and Felix species a rodent (Hystrix species), Perissodactytes (Eques species, and Eques asinus), and articidonetyles (Cervus species, Bos elephas species, Bos species, Bubalus species, Antelope species of Gazelle species) shells and fragments of shells of ostrich eggs were found at the site of Patne in Jalgaon District in Maharashtra.

3.3 Chronology

There in uniformity of opinion about the chronology of the Upper Palaeolithic culture in India. i. The Upper Palaeolithic cultured in India belong to the gravel layer or red brown silt formed during the last aggradational phase of the Upper Pleistocene and underlying the block brown soil of wet phase of about 11,000 years ago. ii. Sankalia (1971-73) studied the stratigraphic, typological, and faunal evidence at Patne in Maharashtra and assessed that the Upper Palaeolithic culture existed between 10,400-17,500 before present. iii. De Terra and Paterson (1935), Sen and Ghosh (1962) and Misra (1972) based their researchers on stratigraphic and typo-technological evidence in the Narmada Valley and concluded that the Upper Palaeolithic in Narmada Valley thrived during the closing phase of the Upper Pleistocene. iv. Sankalia (1941-64) excavated the fossil sand dunes east of Baroda in Central Gujarat and reported that the Upper Palaeolithic culture existed between 40,000 and 12,000 years ago. v. Paddayya (1968) attributed the Upper Palaeolithic in Krishna and Bhima river Valleys in Karnataka to the time period extending from the terminal phase of upper Pleistocene and early part of Holocene. vi. Issac (1960), Murthy (1963-64), Ramireddy (1979), Timmareddy (1968) and several others excavated numerous Upper Palaeolithic sites in Andhra Pradesh and estimated the time period of Upper Palaeolithic as the closing part of Upper Pleistocene. vii. Sankalia (1974) thinks that the Karnataka Upper Palaeolithic culture is earlier in antiquity than its counterpart in Andhra Pradesh.

3.4 Materials

The materials used for making the Upper Palaeolithic tools include those of stone and bone. The lithic materials consisted of mainly quartzite of coarse, medium and coarse to fine grained varieties with olive green, light green as well as pale yellow and light shades. Occasionally, block lydiamite and milky quartz were also used. Further, jasper and chalcedony were also used. Stone tools included blades, burins, borers, scrapers, points, borers, flake- knives core flake tools and so on. People used direct and indirect pressure flaking and blunting techniques for making backed blades.

The materials used for making bone tools were mostly shafts of long bones. People made bone tools like shouldered points barbs perforator, scups, chisels, scrapers, spatulates, and needle points by three processes; knocking of epiphyses and transverse cutting; longitudinal cutting; and lateral chipping and finishing.

3.5 Cultural Diversity

The Upper Palaeolithic cultures in India show uniformities and diversities. For the sake of understanding these cultures may be divided into five zones:

Zone Site Tools The Southern Zone Andhra Pradesh stone blades of burins and bone tools comparable to Magadalenian tradition and East Gravettian Central Europe The South-Central zone Karnataka Abundant stone blades The Western Peninsular Maharashtra and Gujarat blade and burin zone industries; and the earliest object of ornament namely ostrich egg shell fragments The Central zone Madhya Pradesh stone blades and burins comparable to Aurignacian tradition The North Eastern zone Uttar Pradesh and Bihar Blade and burins industries; and female figurine curved on bone

(i). The Southern zone is widespread in the states of Andhra Pradesh. M.L.K. Murthy (1963-64) excavated four villages located on the right bank of Rallakaluva, a tributary of river Swarnamukhi, near Renigunta in Chittor District of Andhra Pradesh. Of the total number of tools excavated 13% were finished tools, 19 % were blades and the remaining 68% included burins, backed blades, awls, points, choppers, scrapers, flake, tools cores etc.,

The surface collections at same sites contained an overwhelming proportion of blades (67%), burins (16%), awls (4%), scrapers (8%), Choppers (3%) and points (2%). The tools were more akin to the East Gravettian of Central Europe.

Murthy (1970) and his associates excavated a cave site called Muchatla Chintamanugavi and found a number of Upper Palaeolithic tools. Of these, 9.70% were made on stone and the remaining 90.30% were made on bone. Majority of the stone tools contained blades (41.35%) and flake tools (26%) and the rest were cores and chips (32.65%). On the other hand, majority of the bone tools were perforators (40.41%) and the rest were shouldered points (18%), barbs (12%), scoops (9%), chisels (8%), scrapers (7%), and spatulates (5%). Apart from these stone and bone-finished tools, there were others such as bone blanks (47%), splinters (34%), worked bones (11%), broken and cut bones (7%). The large proportion of stone blades and burins show that the people lived by hunting and collection of roots and berries.

Issac (1960) excavated a number of other sites in Kurnool District of Andhra Pradesh while several others excavated many sites including Vemula in Cuddapah District, Yerragondapalem in Prakasham District and Nagarjunakonda in Nalgonda District and brought to light Upper Palaeolithic tools high lighting presence of blade and burin industries.

(ii). The South-Central zone was spread across Karnataka. Paddayya (1970) excavated the sites of Merlabavi, Gulbhal, Benhatti, Humsgi and Salvadgi in the Shoarpur Doab situated in the South-Western corner of Gulbarga District in Krishna and Bhima river Valley in Karnataka and obtained abundant stone tool evidence of the Upper Palaeolithic culture. From layer 4, which was 10”, thick yellow brown silt and he retrieved blade tools such as blades backed blades, burins, scrapers, points and borers.

(iii). The Western Peninsular zone spreads across Maharashtra and Gujarat. In 1939 Todd discovered blade and burin industry in clay deposit at Borivili and Kandvili sites near Bombay. Between 1971-73, Sankalia conducted excavations at Patna, South of Chalisgaon town in Jalgaon District and obtained classical Upper Palaeolithic tools including disc bead on an ostrich egg shell bearing an engraved criss-cross design and this is believed to be the earliest object of ornament.

In Gujarat, from the fossil sand dunes ease of Baroda, Sankalia (1962) unearthed Upper Palaeolithic tools in the form of blades of burins.

(iv). The Central zone extends across Madhya Pradesh. De. Terra and Paterson (1936) excavated the sites at Wainganga and Hoshangabad on the banks of river Narmada and found there the Upper Palaeolithic blade and burin industries. Sen and Ghosh describe and illustrated the Upper Palaeolithic (1962) factory sites near Jabalpur in the Narmada Valley. The excavations at the rock shelters at Mori in Mandosan District and the sites on the banks of river Banjer yielded the Upper Palaeolithic tools. Mishra (1973) excavated the rock shelter III F – 23 at Bhimbetka and found burins made on thick blade flake tools and different types of scrapers. The backed blades are comparable to the micro Gavettian points of Europe. The end scrapers are comparable to these of the Aurignacian tradition of Europe.

(v). The North-Eastern zone runs across the southern parts of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. G.R. Sharma (1972) dug a site in Belan Valley in Allahabad District of Uttar Pradesh and acquired upper Palaeolithic tools including a female figurine carved on bone. Others unearthed Upper Palaeolithic tools from Bariyari in Banda District, and discovered the rock shelters with paintings at Basauli and Lekhania in Mirzapur District.

Also, Chaibasa, Sini, Ghatsila and Janda, areas in Singhbhum District and Dhekulia area in Palamau district in Bihar yielded tools of upper Palaeolithic cultures.

3.6 Tool making

Upper Palaeolithic Blades

Method of making upper Palaeolithic artefacts

3.6 Summary

The Upper Palaeolithic in India existed during the Pleistocene time mostly in river Valleys and in caves and rock-shelters.

The environment was rich in flora and fauna. The folk were hunters and gatherers. They worked out their tools on quartz bone and horn. The stone tools include blades and burins besides other tools. The bone tools were of wide range including eye-needles, harpoons and fishing rods. Tools were lighter. Burin scrapers were abundant.

There was a decided step towards organizing human groups on the basis of kinship. Habitations and worshiping places occur together.

On the basis of ethnoarchaeological research among the tribal populations central India and the Eastern Ghats on the food procurement technologies and behaviour it can of argued that that prototype of traps, snares and nets must have been used during the Upper Palaeolithic period. The various types of scrapers were probably used for wood and bamboo work. Simple blades and backed blades could have been used as inserts for spear points, arrow points, fishing arrows, barbed fish-hooks, thrusting spears, slicer knives and daggers. M.L.K. Murty (1981) suggests that the large crescentic backed blades with blunted arc and straight and damaged cord, common in the Eastern Ghats, were probably used for wood work. Bored stones, similar to the Upper Palaeolithic ones, are being used by the Yanadi (Andhra Pradesh) fishermen as net sinkers in riverine fishing and the heavier ones are used by the Voda Balije (Andhra Pradesh) and other groups for marine fishing. The Upper Palaeolithic occupations in the Eastern Ghats are invariably associated with permanent water bodies which suggest that acquatic foods must have been an important resource during this period. Discovery of the grinding stones is interesting as these must have been used for processing plant foods like wild rice. In this period, several examples of the development of art and religious activities came to limelight. Another interesting aspect of this period is the discovery of ostrich egg shell pieces engraved with cross-hatched designs at Patne by S.A. Sali (1989) can be considered as one of the earliest evidence of art in India. Even though the blades and burins from various sites of India are strikingly similar to those of Western Europe and West Asia, they do not represent the firer sub-divisions of the kind in Western Europe and of West Asia. The great cave art characteristic of Europe is missing in India.

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The rich fossil records from the Belan and Son valleys, southern part of Allahabad, the Mahanadi valley in central India and Manjra, Godavari, Ghod and Krishna valleys in the Deccan include Bubalus bubalis, Bos namadicus, Hexaprotodon palaeindiucs, Cervus sp. and Canis sp. This fauna suggests the existence of grassland environment with pockets of forests and swamps. The discovery of ostrich egg shells at over 40 sites in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, several of them dated by C14, shows that ostrich, a bird adapted to arid climate, was widely distributed in western India during the later part of the Upper Pleistocene.

3.7 Conclusion

The Lower Palaeolithic culture of India is extended to various parts of India. Most of them are explored and excavated and different dates have been postulated by different dating methods. Likewise, Middle Palaeolithic sites are also found and studied in details whereas the Upper Palaeolithic sites restricted to some areas particularly to arid zones.

QUESTIONS

1. Critically examine evidence of Upper Paleolithic in India, Discuss its characteristics. 60 (2001) 2. Typo-technology of Indian Palaeolithic Culture (2004) 3. Discuss the significance of Sohan in Indian Prehistory. (2011) 4. Palaeolithic Art (2012) 5. Sohan culture (2012) 6. Compare the salient features and distribution of the Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic cultures in India. Add a note on the tool traditions of the Upper Palaeolithic period. (2012) 7. Indian Palaeolithic culture can neither be conceived chronologically homogenous nor as a uniform cultural phase. - Discuss. (2013) 8. South Indian Paleoliths (2015) 9. Prehistoric Rock Art of Central India (2015)

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CHAPTER 2- MESOLITHIC CULTURES

2.1 Introduction

The Mesolithic culture otherwise known as Middle Stone Age, Late Stone Age, Epi-Palaeolithic and Early Neolithic culture, was a transitional stage between the Upper Palaeolithic and the Neolithic in India. Its geographical distribution was wide extending across the states of Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar and West Bengal. Evidence of Indian Mesolithic has yet to come from Assam, Ganges and Punjab plains and deltaic Bengal and Kerala.

The first discoverer of Mesolithic in India was A.C.L. Carlyle (1866-67). He unearthed thousands of Microliths in the caves and rock-shelters of Vidhyan Hills in Uttar Pradesh. Since 1867, the hunt for Mesolithic cultures in India continued for almost seven decades through the efforts of administrators, scholars, amateurs and professionals. As a result, hundreds of Mesolithic sites in South India, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal came to light.

However, systematic excavations of Indian Mesolithic began with the entry of Sankalia (1940-1965). He discovered about one hundred sites in northern and central Gujarat. Stimulated by that research, a number of archaeologists and archaeological anthropologists conducted systematic excavations in different states in India between 1946 and 1974.

Archaeologist Site Sankalia-1941-1964,1968 Langhnaj in Mehasana District of Gujarat Bangaltota in Bellary District Bhimbetka in Raisen District of Madhya Pradesh Sanganakallu in Karanataka Misra- 1964,1971 Bagor in Bhilwara District and Tilwaha in Barmer District of Rajasthan Ayyappan -1946 Teri sites in Tirunelveli District of Zeuner and Allchin- 1956 Tamil Nadu Lal -1958 Birbhanpur in Burdwan District of West Bengal Dutta- 1971 Sarai Nahar Rai in Pratapgarh District in Uttar Pradesh

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2.2 2Environment

The environment of the Mesolithic people in India was almost similar to that existing today. Those living in Rajasthan and Gujarat had an environment characterized by dry climate, open thorn forest and sand dunes (Misra 1973). Those living in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh experienced arid to semi-arid climate suitable for the growth of thorn and scrub forest with thick grass-cover suggesting prevalence of more rainfall than at present (Majumdar and Rajaguru 1966). Those residing at Birbhanpur in West Bengal were coping with an environment with dry and mild climate, scrub forests and several wild animals.

2.3 Chronology

The archaeological, geological and palaeontological evidences and radiocarbon dates reveal that: (i). The Mesolithic everywhere succeeded the Upper Palaeolithic. (ii). The Mesolithic culture in Lekhania, Baripada, Kupgal, Bangaltota, Sanganakallu, Palavoy, Birbhanpur and Sarai Nahar Rai with non-geometric tools probably existed prior to 10000 years B.C (iii). The Mesolithic culture in Langhnaj with crude-geometric tools probably existed around 3000 B.C. (iv). The Mesolithic culture in Bagor and Tilwara with highly evolved geometric tools probably existed between 5000-100 B.C.

2.4 Materials

The Mesolithic people most commonly used various siliceous rocks such as chert of different hues, chalcedony, five-grained quartzite, quartz, rock crystal, agate and carnelian for making Microliths. They also employed silicified shale, limestone, basalt and epidiorite. At Birbhanpur they utilized even fossil wood. Everywhere people usually depended on locally available raw materials for making tools and weapons and seldom brought them from far off places.

The Mesolithic folk prepared fluted as well as irregular cores with one to many platforms and employing blade, pressure and percussion techniques manufactured the tools.

The Mesolithic folk used microliths and devised compound tools such as sickles, knives, harpoons, arrow-heads, and digging sticks with ring-stones as weights. Two or more materials went into the production of compound tools. Further,

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people adopted the processes of hafting, tethering or gluing for making compound tools.

2.5 Cultural complexes

The Mesolithic sites in India can be grouped into Western (Bagor, Tilwara, and Langhnaj), Central (Bhimbetka and Adamgarh), Northern (Sarai Nahar Rai,

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Morhana Pahar, Baghai Khor, Lekhania, Gagharia Rock Shelter-I, and Dam Dama), Southern (Teris, Bangaltota, Shoarpur Doab, Khandvil, Palavoy, and Kurnool), and Eastern (Birbhanpur and Kuchai) culture complexes.

(i). Characteristics of Western culture complex

(a) V.N. Misra (1967) discovered and excavated the site of Bagor in Rajasthan. Bagor is a village located on the bank of river Kothari which is a tributary of the river Banas. The site lies on a huge sand dune (Mahasati). It yielded: (1) Thousands of Mesolithic tools such as thin blades with flat retouchings, blunted back blades, obliquely truncated blades, obliquely truncated with lateral backing, triangles which mainly included scalenes, trapezes, broad trapezoids or transverse arrow heads, crescents and points. (2) Very small microliths measuring between 2-1.5 cms and between 1-0.5 cms. (3) Presence of both geometrical and non-geometrical types, geometrical types being predominant in numbers. (4) Absence of flake tools such as scrapers and burins. (5) Absence of the serest guiding blades found commonly in other sites. (6) Perforated stones which served as weights of digging sticks. (7) Copper tools and ornaments. (8) Hand-made pottery with incised decorations. (9) Charred bones of domesticated and wild fauna such as sheep, goat, buffalo, humped cattle, pig, black buck, chinkara, chital, sambhar, hare, fox, mongoose, tortoise, and fish. (10). Extensive burial with pottery, metal tools and ornaments to accompany the dead. (11). Stone paving on habitation floor showing an almost sedentary life. (12) Initially settles as hunters and herders, but later primarily as herders. (b). Another important site in the Western zone in Tilwara located on the fringe of Thar desert in Barmer District in Rajasthan. V.N. Misra (1971) excavated it. The site yielded: (1). Microliths in the form of trapezes, lunates and points. (2). Numerous parallel-sided blades and fluted cores. (3). Bits of iron. (4). Glass beads. (5). Wheel-made pottery. (6). Charred bones. (7). Circular arrangements of stones on the ground indicating circular habitations. (8). Habitation with hearths. (9). Habitational debris indicating sedentary life.

(c). Langhnaj in Mehasana District of Gujarat is another important Mesolithic site. It is located on a sand dune along the western bank of the river Sabarmati Sankalia (1941-1963) excavated the site and acquired plenty of Mesolithic evidence from the two upper layers. The evidence included: (1) Lithic material of which more than 90% were waste material, cores, and chips, 4.67% were parallel-sided blades and the remaining 5.33% included finished microliths, such as blunted back blades, lunates, serrated blades, trapezes, scrapers and borers. (2) Existence of microliths of geometrical and non-geometrical types. (3) Harpoons, fishing spears, bolas, burins, and notched flakes, grinders. (4) A rhinoceros shoulder blade with marks of strainers and several hammer stones.

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(5) Fragments of stones grinders and querns. (6) A stone beads. (7) A tanged iron arrow head. (8) A soft haematite piece with smooth rubbed surface. (9) Crude pottery. (10) Bones of wild boar, blue bull (nilgai), spotted deer, swamp deer, hog deer, a black buck, cattle wild buffalo, rhinoceros, wolf, mongoose, tortoise, rats and fish. (11) Discovery of fourteen human burials in a flexed position. (12) Cuts on the foreheads of all the fourteen skulls indicating cannibalism. (13) Dependence on hunting, gathering and to some extent on livestock raising. The Langhnaj culture existed around 2000 BC.

(ii). Characteristics of the central culture complex.

(a). Sankalia (1974) excavated cave III, F-23 at Bhimbetka in Raisen District of Madhya Pradesh. The sites yielded: (1) Microliths such as triangles, trapezes, lunates, and so on. (2) Microliths were large in size, especially the lunates were slender and 3-4 cm long. (3) Numerous fluted cores and parallel-sided blades. (4) Geometric microliths, wheel made pottery. (6) Extremely fragmented human burials which show medium range characters unlike those at Bagor. (7) A three feet high screen or wall built by piling stones near the mouth of the cave toward the side wall, which served as a windbreak. (8) Remains of domestic animals like sheep, goat and of several wild animals. (9) Paintings on the cave walls and ceilings. (10.) The culture existed between 2000-7000 BC.

(b). Adamgarh is another important site in the Western zone. R.V. Joshi (1964) excavated the site and obtained evidence of Mesolithic. The evidence included: (1) Microliths such as blades, lunates, obliquely blunted knives along with triangles and trapezes. (2) Flake tools such as side scarpers, borers, points, and occasionally burials prepared on exhausted cores. (3) Microliths cruder than those obtained at Langhnaj. (4) Microliths were constantly associated with pottery fragments and animal remains such as those of domesticated animals such dog, buffalo, sheep, goat, and pig and of wild animals like deer, nilgai, stag and so on. The culture existed around 5500 BC.

(iii). Characteristics of the Northern culture complex.

(a). The largest site in the Northern zone is Sarai Nahar Rai in Pratapgarh District in Uttar Pradesh. Dutta (1971) excavated it and retrieved: (1). Microliths such as trapezes, points, crescents, lunates and triangles. (2). Flake tools like blades, borings, piercers, arrow heads, and utilized flakes. (3). Presence of geometric microliths. (4). Animal remains like those of sheep, goat, buffalo, cattle, elephant and tortoise, many of which are of domesticated ones. (5). Rectangular house raised on four posts with fire hearths and with living floor made of humps of burnt clay. (6). Fire hearths with charred bones

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near them. (7). Human burials in extended forum. (8). One human skeleton with a microlith embedded in one of its ribs. (9). The site was located by the side of a horse-shoe shape lake. The cultures existed around 9000 BC.

(b). The other important sites in the Northern zone are the rock shelters in Mirzapur and Siddhi Districts in Uttar Pradesh. Marhana Pahar and Baghai Khor (Varma 1964) are the different rock shelters, which yielded microliths like lunates, points, trapeziums and burins, and pot-sherds. In addition, rock shelter at Lekhania yielded microliths of both geometric and non-geometric varieties, pot-sherds, bone tools, beads, and a broken ring stone. Ghagharia Rock-shelter- I is in the Siddhi District. The ceilings of walls of the rock-shelters contain Mesolithic paintings.

(c). In addition to rock-shelters, there were open air, alluvial sites, which yielded microliths. Chopani Mando is one such site on the river Belan in Allahabad District, Uttar Pradesh. The site yielded: (1). Geometric microliths like lunates, trapezes and triangles. (2). Side scrapers, burins, points, borers, backed blades and retouched blades. (3). Hammer stones, anvils and sling balls. (4). Animal bones. (5). Circular huts with floors paved with burnt clay bumps.

(d). Dam Dama is another site in Pratapgarh District, Uttar Pradesh. It yielded: (1). Microliths of pre-pottery and geometric namely scalenes, and isosceles, triangles, trapezoid, trapezes, lunates and borer. (2). Blade fragments, cores, backed blades, truncated blades, arrowheads, side and end-scrappers. (3). Querns, mullers, anvils and other stone fragments. (4). Several bone objects like pendants, bangles and fragments. (5). A large number of charred and semi- charred bones of cattle, goat, stag, deer, and so on. (6). Human burials and skeletal remains. (7). Burnt lumps of clay.

(iv). Characteristics of Eastern culture complex.

(a). There are thousands of microlithic sites located in Jharkhand region. However, none of these sites were excavated. Only surface collections included microliths of which geometric forms are either dominant or rare. The microliths were fairly large in size and included blades, lunates or points along with burins and side and end scarpers on fluted cores and flakes.

(b). An important excavated site in the Eastern culture complex is Kuchai (Thaper 1968) in Mayurbhanj District of Orissa. The site yielded microliths without any ceramics. On the other hand, some sites located in Burdwan, Bankura and Purulia Districts in West Bengal yielded microliths often in

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association with Black-and-Red ware pottery, rising stones or at times even iron slag. B.B. Lal (1957) excavated Birbhanpur located on the banks of Damodhar river in Burdwan District in West Bengal. The site provided: (1). Microliths non-geometric ones, besides few lunates only. Triangles and trapezes does conspicuously absent. (2). Big flakes and blade tools dominate because almost 40% of the total lithic industry included scarpers, borers, and burins. (3). Post- holes indicated a circular plan of the house. (4). Absence of hearths. (5). Absence of bones and human burials.

(v). The characteristics of the Southern culture complex.

(a). The important sites systematically explored in the Southern zone include those in Shoarpur Doab in Gulbarga District and Bangaltota in Bellary District of Karnataka, and Teri sites in Tinnelvelly District of Tamilnadu. Paddayya (1968) identified 25 Mesolithic sites in Shoarpur Doab between Krishna and Bhima rivers. The tools he recovered from them are: (1). Ten thousand microliths, which were slender and long, most of them being flat with hair-thin lateral retouchings. (2). Crescents, borers, and burins as the usual types. (3). Triangles and trapezes were either totally absent or insignificant in numbers.

(b). Sankalia (1974) excavated Bangaltota in Bellary District and retrieved microliths from the sticky red-brown soil layer overlying the layer of Reddish murrum, which contained Upper Palaeolithic tools. The microliths included flakes and lunates. Blades were absent.

(c). Ayyappan (1946) and Zeuner and Allchin (1956) excavated the fossilized sand dunes called Teris at the place where river Tamraparni joins the sea. This site yielded: (1). Geometrical and non-geometrical microliths. (2). Microliths include lunates, backed blades, and pen knives, besides numerous blades and fluted cores. (3). Discoid cores, flakes, shaped into various kinds of points, side scrapers, thumb-nail scarpers, and borers besides burins form the majority of the industry. (4). Points and arrowheads prepared by using bifacial pressure flaking. (5). The Teri lithic industry was similar to that of Bandrareval factory site in Sri Lanka. This culture existed around 5000 BC.

2.6 Tools of Mesolithic Era

The Mesolithic tools are smaller in size and better in finishing (more geometric) than the Palaeolithic age and are called Microliths. These microliths are tiny tools of one to five centimetres length, made by blunting one or more sides with steep retouch.

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The main tool types are backed blades, obliquely truncated blades, points, crescents, triangles and trapezes. Some of the microliths were used as components of spearheads, arrowheads, knives, sickles, harpoons and daggers. They were fitted into grooves in bone, wood and reed shafts and joined together by natural adhesives like gum and resin. Use of bow and arrows for hunting has been documented by Mesolithic man in rock art of that period. The Bored stones, which had already appeared during the upper Palaeolithic, became common during this, and the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods. These are believed to have been used as weights in digging sticks and as net sinkers. Similarly, shallow querns and grinding stones also occur at several sites. These new technological elements led to enhanced efficiency in hunting, collection and processing of wild plant foods.

SUMMARY

The Mesolithic culture in India came into being with the beginning of Holocene period. The environment changed drastically. So also, were the flora and fauna. The cold had vanished and with that large animals like mammoth, reindeer, cave bear and others. A more temperate and genial climate engulfed the country. Further, the country became comparatively barren and open.

The Mesolithic witnessed the manufacture of microliths and compound tools. The microliths show their evolution from non-geometric (Sarai Nahar Rai, Birbhanpur, Bangaltota, Palavoy and Sanganakallu) through crude geometric (Bagor and Tilwara) thereby showing evolution of microliths from non-geometric to highly geometric forms.

The shelters include caves and rock shelters (Bhimbetka), wind screen (Langhnaj) wattle huts and wind breaks (Bagor), circular huts (Tilwara), and circular houses (Birbhanpur) and rectangular huts (Sarai Nahar Rai).

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The economic life of the Mesolithic folk revolved around hunting, gathering and domestication of animals (Langhnaj, Bagor, Tilwara and Adamgarh), hunting and fishing (Langhnaj and of Sarai Nahar Rai). There was handmade pottery (Bagor and Bhimbetka) and wheel-made pottery (Tilwara) and Black-and-Red ware, (Bankura, Purulia, and Burdwana). There were religious beliefs woven around the disposal of the dead. There was cave art. There were also a few beads and ornaments. Inter-group warfare was empirically demonstrated in the skeleton at Sarai Nahar Rai and in some rock paintings. A stage was almost being set for men to enter into the settled and productive economy.

QUESTIONS

1. Ecological adaptation during Mesolithic (2001) 2. Mesolithic culture in India (2005) 3. 'Langhnaj' (2008) 4. Examine the contribution of Mesolithic culture to the rise of Neolithic culture. (2009) 5. Describe the characteristic features of Mesolithic Cultures in India. (2011) 6. Discuss salient features of Mesolithic culture in India with special reference to western India. (2013) 7. Significance of Mesolithic findings from Belan Valley. (2016)

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CHAPTER 3- NEOLITHIC CULTURE

3.1 Introduction

The Neolithic culture in India is known since the middle of the 19th century. In 1842, captain Meadows Tylor picked up the first Neolithic tool, a polished stone axe, in Lingasagur in Raichur District, Karnataka. In 1872, Fraser discovered the first Neolithic settlement in Bellary District, Karnataka. Later, Robert Bruce Foot discovered more than 200 Neolithic sites in South India.

The Neolithic culture in other parts of India came to light a little later. Several early scholars of the 19th century discovered the Neolithic sites in Khasi and Garo Hills in Meghalaya, Brahmaputra Valley and Cachar Hills in Assam, and the western Districts of Bankura, Birbhum, Midnapore and Purulia in West Bengal.

In the 20th century several amateurs and professionals explored hundreds of Neolithic sites in India. The artefactual evidence from the excavated sites and the surface sites help reconstruction of a fairly good picture of the culture of the Neolithic people in India.

3.2 Geographical distribution

The Neolithic culture in India occurs in the following three zones:

Zone Site The Northern Zone  Burzhom (T.N. Khazanchi and Sardarilal 1960-66),  Gufrakal, Martand and other places in the Kashmir Valley; The Southern Zone  Andhra Pradesh Nagarjunakonda (Soundararajan 1958), Utnoor (Allchin 1961) and Palavoy (Ramireddy 1976)

 Tamilnadu Bairampalli (Rao 1964-65) and Paiyampalli

 Karnataka Brahmagiri(Wheeler1948), Sanganakallu (Subbarao 1948, 1949;

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Ansari and Nagaraja Rao 1960), Kupgal, Piklihal (Allchin 1960), Tekkalakota (Nagaraja Rao and Malhotra 1971), Hallur (Nagaraja Rao 1971), Kodakal (Paddayya 1973), T. Narsipur (Seshadri 1971), Hemmige (Hanumatha Rao and Nagaraja 1974), Maski (Gordons 1943; Thapar 1957) The Eastern Zone  Bihar Chirand (Verma 1970-71).

 West Bengal Panduraj Dibi (Das Gupta 1964) in Burdwan dist, Mahisdal, Nannur and Haripur (Das Gupta 1966)

 Orissa Kuchai (Mahapatra 1962) in Mayurbhanj District.

 Assam Deojali Hading (Sharma 1966, Goswami and Sharma 1961to 1963) in the North Cachar Hills.

3.3 3Environment

The climatic conditions varied from one zone to another. People in Burzhom experienced cool weather because of the higher elevation and also the lake situated to the north of the settlement.

At Chirand people experienced mild cool weather. The area surrounded by Panduraj Dibi is mountains tract. Therefore, this area also experienced somewhat cool climate.

The people living in the South experienced hot climate. Everywhere the sites were surrounded by hills and valleys.

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The surroundings of Burzhom contained a thick forest supporting plenty of plant life and small as well as large fauna. The nearby lake provided excellent fishing grounds. The people of Chirand had plenty of forest wealth in their surroundings. The fossil evidence shows a rich variety of small medium and large animals living in this forest. The river was a perpetual source for fishing. The inhabitants of Panduraj Dibi exploited vast wilderness in their surroundings. They utilized the forest hill slopes for the purpose of shifting cultivation. There was a network of rovers providing adequate grounds for fishing.

3.4 Chronology

The Neolithic culture in India existed between 400B.c and 1050 BC. Khazanchi estimated that Burzhom Neolithic started prior to 2375-1400 BC. According to Wheeler, Subbarao, Allchin, Nagarajrao and others the Neolithic in Karnataka existed between 1800 to 1500 B.C. On other hand, Allchin fixes dates of Utnoor culture as 2335-2170 B.C. In general, the Southern Neolithic was estimated to be existing between 2500 to 1100 B.C. There is a wide gap between the Palaeolithic period and the beginning times of Neolithic culture in Kashmir Valley.

3.5 Materials

Like the people in the preceding phases, those in the Neolithic phase also utilized the locally available raw materials for making different types of tools. Basalt, dolerite and epidierate were the raw materials frequently used by the Neolithic.

3.6 Cultural diversities

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3.7 Northern Neolithic

The Northern Neolithic culture can be understood by examining the characteristic features of Burzhom culture. T.N. Khazanchi and Sardarilal excavated Burzhom in Kashmir Valley between 1962-1966. According to them,

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the Neolithic culture of Burzhom displayed two phases: (a) The first phase beginning around 2375 B.C and (b) The second phase lasting upto 1400 B.C.

The characteristics of the first phase were: a) Oval, square or rectangle pit-dwellings b) Separate pits for depositing kitchen refuse and for storing grains, wood, birch, hay and pots; c) The ground stone tools such as axes, adzes, wedges, chisels, hoes, Celts, perforated picks, meatheads, double-edged flake-knives, pokers and harvesters; d) The bone tools namely barbed harpoons, shouldered or rounded arrowheads, composite tools similar to cobbler pokers with long handles, pen-shaped points with hafting groover, scrapers, points and needles; e) Hand-made pottery with coarse surface finish and fabric; f) A variety of wares namely bowls, vases and stems of grey, dull red, brown, buff and drab colours; g) Dependence on hunting, fishing, and primitive agriculture.

The second phase witnessed several improvements besides some continuities: a) Larger rectangular pit-houses, brick-houses, mud houses, bricks made with clay and sand; b) Kitchens with hearths and grinding stones and mullers; c) Continuation of large quantities of ground stone tools of the first phase; d) Continuation of bone tools of the first phase; e) Continuation of copper arrow points; f) Continuation of wheel made pottery, black-burnished wares of hemispherical bowls, small and big vessels, high-necked jars, dishes or plates, perforated triangular stands, and some vessels with mat- impressions on bottom rests. g) Human burials of extended type made in circular or oval pits; h) The bones of human skeletons with red ochre; i) Fractional or extended burials of ibex, wild dog and wolf found in pots and buried in pits; j) Human burials contained the bones of domesticated dog and goat; k) The very preparation of tools, engraved stones depicting hunting scenes and large burnished red and black jars with long graceful profiles revealing the artistic talent.

3.8 Southern Neolithic

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The southern Neolithic culture developed in three phases: the first phase (2300-1800 B.C), the second phase (1800-1050 B.C), and the third phase (1400- 1050 B.C)

The first phase (Utnoor, Piklihal, Maski, Kodekal and Brahmagiri) witnessed several cultural elements namely:

a) Polished celts b) Blade industry c) Grinding stones d) Saddle querns e) Handmade grey or buff-brown pottery f) Some clay vessels with black or red burnished slip g) Some purple-painted pots h) Pots with cylindrical bottom rests which are similar to those of pre- Harappan places of Amri and Kalibangan i) Habitations constructed on granite hills and on levelled mounds on hill-sides j) Terracotta figurines k) Rock bruisings representing humped cattle l) Domestication of cattle, sheep and goats m) Cultivation of food-grains n) Burial of the dead probably after the exposure

The second phase (Piklihal, Brahmagiri, Sanganakallu, Tekkalakota, Hallur, and T. Narsipur) shows several improvements in technology, house types, pottery and raw materials used for making tools. This phase included,

a) Well improved polished celts b) Well-developed blade industry, c) Introduction of new varieties of pottery such as perforated vessels and vessels with rough outer surfaces resembling the pre-Harappan vessels in Baluchistan d) Introduction of spouted clay vessels for the first time, e) More and more use of copper and bronze vessels f) Simple huts of square, rectangular or circular plan supported by wooden posts and with thatched conical roofs, bamboo-reed, mud-plastered walls and lime, clay or mud, silt and dung-made floors.

The third phase (Tekkalakota, Hallur, Paiyampalli, Piklihal, Sanganakallu, and Brahmagiri) shows some changes besides continuities.

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a) The polished celts and the blade industry continued b) For the first-time wheel-made pottery appeared; it resembled that of Jorwe culture found in Maharashtra. c) Bronze swords and the skeletal remains of a domesticated horse were obtained from Hallur. d) Rock bruising of horses and horse-riders obtained from Hallur.

3.9 Eastern Neolithic

The Eastern Neolithic culture existed around 2000 B.C. This culture (Krishna Swami 1959) included two culture complexes:

a) The Assam culture –complex and b) The Bengal-Bihar-Orissa culture complex;

The evidence for Assam culture-complex comes from surface collections in Garo Hills, Khasi Hills, Kamarup District, Goalpara District comes and small- scale excavations Darrang District Lakhimpur District and a few other parts at the Deojali Hading in the North Cachar Hills of Assam (Sharma 1966). The evidence for the Bengal-Orissa culture complex comes from Panduraj Dibi in Burdwan District and Cahisdal, Nannur, and Haraipur in Birbhanpur District in West Bengal (Das Gupta 1964,1966), Chirand in the Saran District of Bihar (Verma 1970-71) and Kuchai in Mayurbhanj District in Orissa (IAR 1961-62, Mahapatra 1962).

The Assam culture complex included several features:

(a) Edge ground tools with four sub-groups (axes and pebble tools), (b) Pecked and ground tools with eight sub-types (Celts, axes and adzes and chisels), (c) Fully ground tools with twelve sub-types (axes, wedges, chisels and lance-heads), (d) Grooved hammer stones with grooves for hafting purposes, (e) Belted or notched pebble hammers, (f) Grinding slabs, (g) Polished and sharpening stones and (h) Flat and concave mealing stones.

Thus, chipping and partial or overall grinding were the tool-making techniques. The predominant tools were long and short flat celts, which were used as hoes in agricultural activities. Among the pecked and ground tools, the Naga Hills tanged celt was the most common type used as hoe; And the Naga

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Hill axe is the most common tool type comparable to a similar type from the Santal Paraganas. The edge ground and the fully ground groups of tools vary by region. Mullers and querns were important artefacts. People lived in mud-walled huts. The Assam culture complex was comparable to that of Southwest China and Indo-China.

The Bengal-Bihar-Orissa culture complex was also rich in tool-typology, metal technology, burial practices, cultivation and habitation. In Bengal the Neolithic culture included:

a) Ground stone axes (Darjeeling District), b) Surface collection of ring stones, pointed butt axes and small triangular celts (Midnapore and Bankura Districts), c) Single-room, square to rectangular, or round huts with mud plastered reed walls, supported by thick wooden or bamboo posts and paved floors (Panduraj- Dibi in Burdwan District) d) Hand-made pottery wares (with paddy-husk impressions) and wheel- turn wares (plain pale red ware, and, black-and-red ware) in the first stage; and wheel turned ware mostly painted or plain black-and-red ware in the second stage. e) Pot types such as bowls, basins, channel-spouted bowls, vases, storage jars, high-necked jars, lids and dishes f) Copper objects like bangles, rings, nail parer, arrow head, and spear head g) Bone points h) Blade and Microliths industry i) Extended, fractional or secondary burials within habitational areas j) Cultivation of rice k) Fishing and l) Hunting.

The Bihar Neolithic culture also had its distinction. The evidence comes from the excavated site of Chirand located at the confluence of Ghagra and Ganga rivers in Saran District and from the sites of Sonpur in Gaya District and a few surface sites. The characteristic features are

a) Blade and microlith industry where blades and points were comparable to those of Southern Neolithic culture. b) Rich bone tool and antler industries consisting of picks, chisels, hammers, daggers, bracelets, shaft straightners, side and end scrapers, needles, bodkin, awls, and drills meant for hunting, skimming weaving, stitching and digging.

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c) Handmade and turn-table made wares namely red, pale and deep grey, black, and black-and-red finished with lustrous burnishings and regular forms, geometrical designs of lines decorations d) Pot types including globular pots, spouted and lipped bowls, hemispherical bowls, perforated bowls, and pots with long and short tubular spouts e) Hammer stones f) Rubber stones, g) Charred grains of paddy, husk, wheat and black-gram. h) Circular mud walled of mud plastered, wattle walled houses with paved floors and thatched conical roofs i) Pit-houses j) Dependence on agriculture and hunting k) Objects of decoration and art namely beads, pendants of semi-precious stones (agate, carnelian, faience mud steatite, bangles of clay and bone, l) Terracotta figurine of snake which signifies “cobra cult” in the Neolithic times in this part of India (Sankalia 1974)

The Orissa Neolithic culture complex as revealed by the finds at Kuchai in Mayurbhanj District showed:

a) Ground stone tools like rounded butt axes, faceted hoes, chisels, pounders, mace-head and a grinding, b) Pottery of grey-black and brownish red wares. c) Coarse grit-tempered red ware sometimes slipped and decorated with incised of fingertip designs.

3.10 Tool making

The Neolithic Stone tools are generally identified by the presence of smooth ground and polished tool surfaces. These tools could be divided into celt, chisel, ring-stone and quern. 1. Celt: The Neolithic celt, according to Sankalia, is believed to be founded on a false reading in a vulgate and applied to the ground axe or adze type of Neolithic stone tools. The Neolithic celt can be broadly divided into axe and adze. The division of axe and adze is based on the preparation of the working edge. In case of the axe the edge is present medially due to symmetrical bifacial grinding, while the laterally beveled edge is the character of the adze type of celt. Both the types of celt are used after hafting to a handle with its blade parallel to the axis of the handle in the case of axe, and at right angle in case of adze.

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2. Tanged or Shouldered celt: The chief feature of this type of celt is the prolongation of the butt end into a tenon to provide a suitable haft. Two varieties of this type of celt could be divided based on the nature of the tenon as simple shouldered celt and rectilinear shouldered celt. The rectilinear shouldered celt has square cut tenon and body, while the simple shouldered celt has only the curved sides to form the tenon. It could be used generally as adzewise.

3. Chisel : Chisel is a narrow cylindrical or rectangular stone tool with two of its sides tapering half way to form the working edge, and opposite to this edge the butt is generally thick for suitable hammering. The edge may be either medial or lateral. Chisel could have been used in cutting across the fiber of the wood in the carpentry works, like making of the canoes.

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4. Ring-stones: Ring-stones are generally thick and round shaped stones with a hole at the centre. Ring-stones seem to have been used as weights for digging sticks in the primitive agriculture. It is also suggested to have been served as mace-heads.

5. Querns: Querns are comparatively large stone slabs with flattish or concave surfaces. These are found in the habitational sites of the Neolithic Culture and later period. These stone slabs were used for crushing and grinding or milling grains.

3.11 Summary

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The Neolithic in India reveals the features of a “revolution” as described by Gordon Childe. In this context, the characteristic features are: domestication of plants, domestication of animals, complex technology, handmade of wheel made pottery, permanent dwellings, use of metals, storage of foods, snake cult and decorative designs and exquisite art. All these features developed in stages as shown below:

Burzhom: I) Handmade pottery, bone tool and ground tools II) Pit houses III) Metals, wheel-made pottery and bone tools.

South: I) Ground stone tools, hand-made grey ware II) Metals, domestication of cattle III) Increased use of metals, wheel-made pottery, Intensive domestication of cattle and domestication of cereals

Eastern: I) Food-gathering and dishing II) Food production in terms of shifting cultivation of Jhum III) Live-stock rising.

QUESTIONS

1. Neolithic Culture (2007) 2. Neolithic culture in India (2010) 3. Examine Gordon ChiIde's statement, "Neolithic culture is a revolution". (2010) 4. Neolithic cultures of N-E India (2014) 5. Neolithic cultures of South India (2017)

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CHAPTER 4- CHALCOLITHIC CULTURES

The appearance of metal objects was a significant landmark in the history of development of human civilization. The use of metals along with stone tools continued for quite a long time. This is a transitional period from stone to metal and known as Chalcolithic (copper-stone) Age which is marked by an increase in the number and size of settlements; improvement in architecture; introduction of copper-bronze tools and wheel made pottery; diversification of wares; profuse decoration of vessels by painted, incised and appliqué designs; appearance of beads made on different materials; and terracotta animals and human figurines. The term Chalcolithic signifies the first use of copper and bronze in a lithic context, which means that a full fledge stone tool using community first begins to use copper artifacts. In the context of Indian prehistory, we find that such Chalcolithic cultures had flourished over a wide region. The first sites were found in Rajasthan, the Malwa region in central India, and in the Deccan. The period ranges from round the third millennium BCE. Chalcolithic cultures represent a stage when the early farming communities began to use non-ferrous metals like copper, but in a small way. Little change can however be detected in the socio-economic structure of these communities, when they moved from the Neolithic phase to the Chalcolithic phase, which means that the new or improved technologies could not effect changes in the other aspects of their lives. The simple, tribal, non-Harappan village communities, did not transform themselves into a more complex system, in the manner that the Harappan people had been able to develop. They were contemporary to the Harappans, but continued to remain at a relatively simple stage. In certain parts of the subcontinent we notice, that copper began to be used as early as 3000 BCE.

4.1 Geographical Distribution

Chalcolithic cultures are distributed all over India but they are concentrated in:

a) The plateau region of Baluchistan in Pakistan; b) The flood plains of Indus region in Pakistan; c) The alluvial plains of mid-Gangetic region in Uttar Pradesh; d) The dry zone of South-West Rajasthan; e) The plateau zone of Western Madhya Pradesh; f) The confluence areas of Narmada and Tapati in South- coastal Gujarat; g) The semi-arid region traversed by the Godavari and Pravara in Western Maharashtra;

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h) The plateau region along with the rivers Bhima and Tungabhadra in Karnataka and the river Krishna in Andhra Pradesh; and i) The Chirand in Saran District in Bihar, the Panduraj Dibi in Burdwan District of West Bengal, Mahanadi Valley in Orissa and the Brahmaputra Valley in the North-East.

Thus, the Chalcolithic people were concentrated in the Western region and Indus region in Pakistan, South-Eastern Rajasthan, Western Madhya Pradesh, South-coastal Gujarat, Western Uttar Pradesh, Western Maharashtra and the Southern and Eastern India.

4.2 Environment

The environment of the Chalcolithic folk shows uniformities and diversities. The Western region is a plateau region with black soils in different Valleys in Baluchistan in Pakistan. In contrast with the Western region, the adjoining Indus region is a vast plains area with adequate water supply and thick forests.

The mid-Gangetic region in Uttar Pradesh is also a plain region with wooded areas here and there. Lakes and river confluences provide plenty of water. The South-East Rajasthan is an arid land with sparse vegetation.

The Western Madhya Pradesh is a plateau area traversed by rivers and streams. It contains black soils and well-forested areas. The South-Coastal Gujarat is a hilly region cut by rivers that join the Arabian Sea. The Western Maharashtra is a semi-arid region with black soils and with this vegetation including Chinese date (ber) and black acacia (bulbul). The whole area is traversed by Godavari and its tributaries.

In the South, the environment of the Chalcolithic folk contains hilly land and thick forests criss-crossed by the river Krishna and its tributaries. The Eastern and North-Eastern environment is a mountainous tract with red soils, thick forests and large number of water resources like rivers, lakes and streamlets.

4.3 Chronology

The Chalcolithic culture of India produces the distinctly different features:

I) The West shows a spread over Baluchistan of a very distinct urban growth from around 2700-1600 B.C.

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II) The rest of India shows variegated village structures along with copper, bronze and even iron from 2300-700B.C.

Chronologically speaking, the Chalcolithic settlements in the West of Baluchistan in Pakistan are the earliest and they are the urban centres. Later, some of the Chalcolithic populations moved to Amri, Kot-Diji and other places in Indus Valley in Pakistan, to Kalibangan in the Banas Valley Rajasthan, and to Banawali in Haryana and established and promoted the spread of farming communities. Of these farming communities, some moved to the flood plains of the Indus, learnt bronze technology and succeeded in setting up the urban Civilization of Indus. So, these farming communities are pre-Indus and contributed to the emergence of Indus Civilization.

As these developments were taking place in the Indus Valley, some farming communities like the Ganeshwar in Rajasthan, Kayatha in Madhya Pradesh besides those in mid-Gangetic region were existing as rural communities. So, they were contemporary to Indus civilization.

On the other hand, Chalcolithic settlements like Ahar in Rajasthan, Nagda in the Chambal, Prakash and Behal on the Tapati, Navdatoli on Narmada, Nasik and Nevasa in the Godavari Valley, Chirand in Bihar, Pandu Raja Dibi in West Bengal, those on the banks of Mahanadi in Orissa appear long after the emergence of Indus Civilization. So, they were junior to Indus Civilization.

The Chalcolithic settlements in South India existed independently of the Indus Civilization. In South India, the final phase of Neolithic culture came into contact with the Chalcolithic culture of North. The result is a Neolithic- Chalcolithic culture of mixed traits. For this reason, Sankalia calls the South Indian Chalcolithic as Neo-Chalcolithic of Neolithic-Chalcolithic. The South Indian Chalcolithic culture transformed into megalithic culture using iron.

4.4 Culture

Baluchi Culture

The Chalcolithic culture was not homogeneous; it was heterogeneous. In Baluchistan, excavations at Mehrgarh and Kili Ghul Muhammad in Quetta Valley (Fair Service:1950), Rana Ghundi in the Loralai Valley (Ross:1930) Anjirah and Srah-Danb in the Surab Valley (Miss de Cardi), Mundigak in Arghandab Valley (J.M. Casal, 1964) yielded well-constructed compact houses and townships with defensive walls and square bastions of sun dried bricks, and pottery resembling that in Iraq and Iran.

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Mehrgarh and Kili Ghul Muhammad in Quetta Valley because of their knowledge of cotton growth could easily enter into extensive trade with centres of higher culture located in Southern Iraq and Iran. Kili Ghul Muhammad and Mehrgarh acted as links between the Southern Iraq and Iran, and the Indus Valley.

Indus Valley

The Chalcolithic culture of Baluchistan spread to Indus plains. As a result, settlements arose at Amri, Kot Diji, Mohenjo-Daro, Chanhudaro located in the Southern, Northern and Western parts of Indus Valley in Pakistan and Kalibangan on the banks of Ghaggar river in Rajasthan and Banawali in Haryana in India. Excavations at these places yielded cultural elements like compact houses and townships with massive fortification walls and square bastions of sun dried bricks walls besides pottery resembling that of Baluchistan. Everywhere there was great uniformity in all these cultural elements.

In course of time, these townships underwent a series of evolution any changes and finally formed into cities like Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro. The near-sophisticated life lead by the people in the cities of Harappa and Mohenjo- Daro as well as the urbanized living in most of Indus Valley sites speak of the prosperity of its inhabitants.

Culture in India

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The Chalcolithic culture in India is not uniform. With the exception of a few places, everywhere it highlighted village cultures. For the sake of convenience, these village cultures can be grouped into zones:

Ahar culture South-east Rajasthan Ahar, Balathal and

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and Saurashtra Gilund in Banas Valley The Malwa cultural Malwa and Chambal Eran, Nagda and zone regions in West Madhya Navdatoli in Malwa Pradesh plateau Chambal Valley and Narmada Valley The Kayatha culture Northern Madhya Kayatha Pradesh The Jorwe cultural zone Western Maharashtra Jorwe, Nevasa, Daimabad, Imamgoan and Chandoli The Southern cultural Karnataka and Andhra Brahmagiri, Piklihal and zone Pradesh Maski The Eastern cultural Bihar, West Bengal, Chirand in Bihar, zone Orissa and some North- Panduraj Dibi in West Western states Bengal, sites in Mahanadi Valley in Orissa and Brahmaputra Valley in North-Eastern States

4.5 Features of Chalcolithic in the six zones

All these Chalcolithic cultural zones have the following common features and variations:

a) The settlements in all the six zones were mostly small, but rarely medium- sized and large. A vast majority of the settlements were small. However, those at Ahar and Gilund were medium-sized. They were spread over an area of nearly 4 hectares. Daimabad was very large spreading over 40 hectares and containing around 4000 people. Imamgoan contained more than 100 houses. Further, some of the settlements like the Kayatha and Iran and Daimabad and Imamgoan were fortified.

b) The houses in all zones had their common styles and variations. In all zones mud-brick houses and thatched houses were common. At Ahar stone-built houses were common. At Gilund burnt-bricks were seldom used. In Jorwe sites, the chiefs’ houses were multi-roomed, spacious rectangular dwellings. They dominated others who lived in round huts. Houses of potters, smiths, ivory carvers, lime-makers, bead-makers and

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weavers were located in separate sites within the settlements of Imamgoan. A granary was attached to the chief’s house at Imamgoan.

c) The technology was a mix of metals and stones. The metal technology highlighted mastery over smelting of copper and manufacturing of copper tools, weapons and bangles. In all the six zones copper tools such as flat rectangular axes and bangles occur. However, in some places in all zones copper hoards consisting of arrowhead, fishhooks, celts, bangles and chisels in large numbers occur. Fragments of copper occur at Gilund. A bronze sheet occurs at Ahar. Chandoli yielded copper chisels. Ganeshwar situated close to Khetri copper mines supplied copper objects to Harappan people. Daimabad yielded a large number of bronze goods some of which were influenced by Harappan culture.

d) The lithic technology highlighting the presence of microliths, stone blades and stone axes occur in all the zones. However, in Ahar zone, microliths and some stone tools occur at Ganeshwar and stone blades at Gilund. But stone tools were totally absent in other sites. It may be said that in Ahar cultural zone, a vast majority of the settlements did not use microliths and stone axes. In the western cultural zone, tiny celts and microliths occur. In all zones except Ahar cultural zone stone blade industry was wide spread.

e) The pottery in all the six zones belongs to one type namely the wheel made black-and-red ware pottery. It highlighted inverted firing and decoration with streaks of white colour. However, in Western cultural zone, much of the pottery was occasionally painted with liner designs. In South cultural zone, pottery basically remains black in colour with very little decoration. In Jorwe cultural zone, the pottery was distinct in shape, fabric and decoration. Jorwe, Malwa and Eastern cultural zones produced channel-spouted pots, dishes-on-stand and bowls- on-stand.

f) The economy of the Chalcolithic centred round food-production. People in all the zones domesticated cows, sheep, goats, pigs and buffaloes and slaughtered them for food but not milked them for drink and dairy products. In Ahar cultural zone, remains of a camel were also found. At Ganeshwar people depended more on hunting than cultivation. In mid- Gangetic zone, fishing and hunting were secondary means of livelihood. Fish hooks occur in large numbers in Eastern cultural zone

g) Slash-and-burn cultivation employing digging stick with perforated stone discs as weights, was common to all the six zones. The inhabitants of Ahar, Malwa, and Jorwe cultural zones raised cotton, barley, wheat and

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lentils. On the other hand, those in the mid-Gangetic zone produced barley and wheat. In Eastern cultural zone, the chalcolithic folk produced rice. In South India, people had peripheral cultivation of finger millet (ragi), pearl millet (bajra) and other millets besides cotton. The people of Navdatoli in Jorwe cultural zone produced Chinese date (ber) and linseed.

h) Several crafts like smithy, pottery, weaving, terracotta-making, bangle- making. Brick-making, lime-making, and ivory-carving in different cultural zones provided livelihood to the people.

i) Social classes reveal social-economic inequalities in Chalcolithic society. In Ahar, Malwa, Jorwe, Eastern and Southern zones, the dominance of larger settlements, over smaller settlements the dominance of large rectangular houses of the chiefs over round huts of the commoners and the social distance between the chiefs and commoners have expressed socio- economic inequalities. Further, the burial practices also revealed socio- economic differences. In Jorwe cultural zone, children of the rich are buried with copper-based necklaces around their necks. In Malwa zone, one house in Kayatha contained burial goods which included 29 copper bangles and two unique axes. But in another house in Kayatha the grave goods consisted necklaces of semi-precious stones such as steatite and carnelian beads placed in pots.

j) Religious life in all the six zones centred round he cults of Mother- Goddess and sacred bull and the beliefs and practices concerned with after-life. Terra-cotta figures of women suggest that people venerated the Mother-Goddess Stylised bull Terracotta show that the bull was the symbol of a religious cult. In Ahar and Malwa zones, there were extended burial practices. In Jorwe cultural zone, people buried their dead in urns under the floor of the house in the north-to-South position. In Eastern zone, fractional burials prevailed. In South zone, people buried their dead in east-west position under the floor of the dwelling. Sometimes they created huge urns to bury their dead. In every cultural zone people deposited pots and some copper objects in the grave for the use of the dead in the next world.

k) Arts and crafts of the Chalcolithic people are of great skill and quality. In every zone people wore bangles made of copper and bead necklaces made of carnelian, steatite and quartz crystal. Dress included hand-woven clothes. Terracotta toys occur in large numbers. In the South zone sometimes, people executed art on the rocks outside their dwellings.

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These are in the form of punched dots and depict human figures as well as horse driven carts.

l) The special features of the Chalcolithic culture in India is copper hoarding phase and ochre-coloured-pottery of the 40 hoards unearthed, rarely half were concentrated, in mid-Gangetic zone. The largest copper hoard comes from Gangetic in Malwa zone, after experiencing these two phases; Chalcolithic settlements acquired black-and-red ware pottery.

4.6 Limitations

The limitations of Indian Chalcolithic society are as follows:

a) The Chalcolithic follows domesticated livestock for slaughtering them for food but not for milking them for drink and dairy products. Thus, they could not make full use of the domesticated animals. b) The people living in black clayey soils in the Ahar, Malwa and Jorwe zones and in red soil areas of Eastern zones faced the difficulty of employing digging stick for breaking the soils. c) The social and economic patterns of life did not promote longevity of a large number of children in Jorwe zone. d) The Chalcolithic people did not know much about the art of mixing tin with copper and thus forging the much stronger and useful metal called bronze.

e) The Chalcolithic people did not derive any substantial benefit from the advanced technological knowledge of the Indus civilization.

4.7 SITES OF CHALCOLITHIC CULTURE

Introduction

Chalcolithic cultures in India originated in Baluchistan and from there it spread to Amri, Kot-Diji and other places in Indus Valley in Pakistan, there to Kalibangan in the Banas Valley in Rajasthan, and to Banawali in Haryana and established and promoted the spread of farming communities. Of these farming communities, some moved to the flood plains of the Indus, learnt bronze technology and were successful in setting up the urban civilization of Indus. Thus, these communities were pre-Indus and contributed to the emergence of Indus civilization.

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In the rest of India, some communities like Ganeshwar in Rajasthan, Kayatha in Madhya Pradesh besides those in mid-Gangetic region were existing as rural communities. As such, they were contemporary to Indus civilization.

On the other hand, Chalcolithic settlements like Ahar in Rajasthan, Nagda on the Chambal, Prakash and Behl on Tapati, Navdatoli on Narmada, Nasik and Nevasa in Godavari Valley, Chirand in Bihar, Pandu Raja Dibi in West Bengal, those on the banks of Mahanadi in Orissa appear along after the emergence of Indus civilization. So, they were junior to Indus civilization.

The Chalcolithic settlements in South India existed independently of the Indus civilization. In South India, the final phase of Neolithic culture came into contact with the Chalcolithic culture of the North. The result is a Chalcolithic culture of mixed traits. For this reason, Sankalia calls the South Indian Chalcolithic as Neo-Chalcolithic or Neolithic-Chalcolithic cultural transformed into Megalithic culture using iron technology.

4.8 Distribution

The Chalcolithic culture in India is not uniform. For the sake of understanding, the whole Chalcolithic culture in India can be divided into six zones and site-wise analysis of each zone will provide a clear picture of similarities and differences among the six zones.

(i). The Ahar cultural zone spread over South-East Rajasthan and Saurashtra (Sites: Ahar, Balathal and Gilund and Banas Valley). (ii). The Malwa cultural zone spread over Central India including Malwa and Chambal region in Western Madhya Pradesh (Sites: Kayatha, Eran, Nagda, and Navdatoli in Malwa plateau, Chambal Valley and Narmada Valley). (iii). The mid-Gangetic cultural zone spread over Ganga-Jamuna Doab region in Uttar Pradesh (Sites: Kausambi and Alamgirpur). (iv). The Jorwe cultural zone spread over Western Maharashtra (Sites: Jorwe, Nevosa. Daimabad, Imamgoan, and Chandoli). (v). The Eastern cultural zone spread across Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and North-Eastern states (Sites: Chirand in Bihar, Pandu Raj Dibi in West Bengal and a few sites in Mahanadi Valley in Orissa and Brahmaputra Valley in North-Eastern states). (vi). The Southern cultural zone spread over Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh (Sites: Brahmagiri, Piklihal and Maski).

4.8.1 Site-wise analysis of Ahar Cultural Zone

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The Ahar cultural zone (2,600 BC to 1,200 BC) had the following characteristics:

(i). Habitations: In Ahar the habitational site spread over an area of about 4 hectares. The settlements contained stone-built houses even though mud brick houses were common. Some of the houses were characterised with wattle and daub and with local thatch. Al these facts of differential social status, sedentary life and settled agriculture.

(ii). Technology: In Ahar cultural zone people did not use microlithic tools. As an exception microlithic tools occurred at one site Ganeshwar. Stone axes or blades did not occur in Ahar. However, stones blades appeared at Ganeshwar and Gilund.

All sites yielded copper tools like rectangular axes, bangles, and several sheets of copper at Ahar. Ganeshwar yielded copper arrowheads, spearheads, fish hooks and chisels and Gilund provided fragments of copper at Gilund.

A bronze sheet occurred at Ahar. People used digging stick for breaking the black clayey soil for raising the crops. Rich copper mines like Khetri and Sikrar Jimjihunu were close to Ganeshwar. Ganeshwar supplied copper objects to Harappans but did not receive much from Harappa. People of Ganeshwar practised smelting and metallurgy.

The inhabitants of Ahar culture complex developed wheel turned black- and-red ware pottery with inverted firing and decoration with streaks of white colour. They used pots for cooking, eating, drinking and storing. They also used Terracotta spindles and bangles.

(iii). Economy: People were food-producers. They domesticated animals like cow, sheep, goats, pigs and buffaloes. People ate beef but took pork to a lesser extent. Probably they domesticated animals for meat, not for milk drinking and dairy products. Excavated retrieved remains of camel.

They cultivated cotton, barley, and wheat. However, their cultivation was bit on an extensive scale. They practiced several crafts like smithy, pottery, weaving, terracotta-making, bangle-making, brick-making, etc., were practised. Those in Ganeshwar depended on hunting also. They hunted stat and hind.

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(iv). Social Classes: There were social classes revealing socio-economic inequalities. The chief maintained social distance from others and vice- versa.

Different groups of people buried their dead in different sites.

(v). Religion: The religious cults included those centering round Mother- Goddess and bull. Presence of terracotta figurines of women suggests that people worshipped the Mother-Goddess.

There were different stylised bull terracottas showing that the Bull was a symbol of religion cult.

There were extended burial practices and grave-goods reveal the belief in after life.

(vi). Arts: People wore copper bangles, and bed necklaces made of carnelian, steatite and quartz crystals.

Dress includes garments made of cotton.

Terracotta toys appeared in good numbers.

4.8.2 Site-wise analysis of Malwa Cultural Zone

(i). Habitations: The Malwa culture maintained scattered habitations over wide areas in several sites like Kayatha and Navdatoli. The habitational settlements were spread over nearby 7 hectares. Especially, the Eran was a fortified village. Similarly, the Kayatha looked like a semi-urban centre and it was fortified in full. Everywhere there were distinctions of social classes in terms of spacious-to-moderate and small buildings respectively.

(ii). Technology: The technology of Malwa culture was almost similar to that of Ahar culture. Large number of copper tools weapons and bangles existed everywhere. In one house in Kayatha 29 copper bangles and 2 unique axes were found. Necklaces of semiprecious stones such as steatite and carnelian beads were also found in Kayatha.

(iii). Economy: The people of Malwa culture domesticated cattle, sheep and goat for their meat.

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They cultivated barley, wheat, and lentils on a small scale. Digging stick with perforated stone discs as weights were used for the slash-and-burn cultivation.

People knew the art of spinning and weaving. Spindle whorls occurred in good numbers.

(iv). Social Classes: In all sites excavated there were social classes. The chief-maintained distance from others. In accordance with the rules of social stratification they buried their dead in separate burial sites in all the sites in Malwa area.

(v). Religion: There was veneration of mother-goddess because terracotta figurines representing the Mother-Goddess were available everywhere. There were also Bull terracottas. Bull also had become a symbol of religious cult.

Belief in afterlife was common as exemplified by almost complete extended burials.

(vi). Arts: As in Ahar zone in Rajasthan terracotta figurines, stone bead necklaces, copper bangles etc occurred in large numbers.

4.8.3 Site-wise analysis of Mid-Gangetic Cultural Zone

(i). Habitations: The settlements were small and spread over a limited territory. They began with the advent of red-ochre coloured pottery.

Mud structures were common to all settlements. At one site namely Alamgirpur stray baked brick fragments appeared. Settlements did not last for more than a century or so.

When the ochre coloured pottery disappeared around 1500 BC, new habitations manufacturing black-and-red ware had appeared around 1000 BC. Even then, the new settlements were small in size and did not last long because river inundations and water logging over extensive area had rendered the area unfit for human habitation.

(ii). Technology: Stone tools occurred in all sites. Everywhere copper hoards each consisting of rings, celts, hatchets, swords, harpoons, spearheads, and human-like figurines occurring. Everywhere ochre coloured pottery made its appearance. Black-and-red ware pottery occurred quite late.

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(iii). Economy: The people of mid-Gangetic culture were skilful cultivators. They cultivated wheat and barley. Fishing and hunting proved to be reliable secondary means of livelihood. At the same time many people in the villages were involved in fighting with members belonging to distant village communities.

(iv). Social Classes: Throughout the career of Indo-Gangetic culture, social classes played a key role in extensive and intensive farming. Material evidence reveals striking socio-economic inequalities. There was chiefly class besides ordinary class. The dominant position of a spacious house in the centre of Kausambi reveals the higher position of the chief. At the same time the other classes occupied separate areas within the village.

(v). Religion: Several metal figurines besides terracotta figurines suggest veneration of Mother-Goddess. Toys like bull figurines indicate religious cults probably associated with the worship of sacred Bull. The burial practices including the extended burials deposition of grave goods and application of ochre like materials to stone slabs near the burials indicate the belief in afterlife.

(vi). Arts: People of mid-Gangetic region wore large number of copper bangles, rings, and even armlets. The terracotta figurines look better than those unearthed from Malwa and Ahar cultures. Also, people in each family maintained a small chest for keeping ornaments and bead necklaces.

4.8.4 Site-wise analysis of Jorwe Cultural Zone

(i). Habitations: Some settlements were rural (Jorwe) and some urban (Daimabad and Imamgoan). Of all the sites zone, Jorwe the largest is Daimabad. It is about 20 hectares in extent. It contained around 4,000 people. It is fortified with a mud wall having stones, rubble bastions. Inamgaon shows more than 100 houses. The settlement is fortified and surrounded by a moat. All other sites are only 5 hectares and even less in size.

(ii). Settlement: Hierarchy of settlements exists, in which larger settlements dominated the smaller ones. In both large and small settlements, the chief and his kinsmen lived in rectangular houses. In Inamgaon granary was attached to the chief’s house. The chief’s houses dominated the round huts in which the subjects of chief lived.

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Craftsmen like potters, smiths, ivory-carvers, lime-makers, bead-makers and weavers lived in separate quarters within the settlement of Inamgaon.

(iii). Technology: It included stone blade industry and a few stone axes. Copper tools occurred in good numbers. In Jorwe and Chandoli the copper tools included flat rectangular axes and chisels. In Daimabad, bronze goods occurred in large numbers, some of which were influenced by the Harappan culture. Black-and-red ware pottery made of wheel was common. It included channel-spouted pots, dishes on stand and bowls on stand.

(iv). Economy: The practitioners of Jorwe culture domesticated cows, sheep, and goats. They cultivated barley, wheat and lentils. Several crafts like smithy, pottery, weaving etc. were thriving very well in this area. Evidence shows the popularity of these products even in neighbouring cultural areas.

(v). Social Classes: Socio-economic inequalities were common to the whole cultural zone. The status distinctions were symbolized in terms of better housing and larger areas of farming.

In Daimabad these differences were visible from the very housing patterns of the styles of houses.

(vi). Religion: Terracotta figurines of women suggest people’s veneration of Mother-Goddess. A figure of Mother-Goddess similar to that found in Western Asia was found in Inamgaon. Bull terracotta figurines highlight the presence of religious cults associated with the Bull. There was belief in afterlife also. People buried their dead in urns under the floor of the house in the north-to-South position. People deposited pots and some copper objects in the grave obviously from the use of the dead in the next world. In the graves at Chandoli and Nevosa some children were buried with copper-based necklaces around their necks. In other places, buried places of children included grave goods consisting only of pots. In Inamgaon an adult was buried with pottery and some copper tools.

(vii). Arts: People wore cotton clothes. Threads made of cotton, flax, and silk occurred. People wore copper bangles, beads of semiprecious stones such as carnelian, steatite and quartz crystals.

4.8.5 Site-wise analysis of Eastern Chalcolithic cultural Zone

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(i). Habitations: Eastern culture is spread over Bihar, Orissa, and West Bengal. In Chirand and Panduraj Dibi the settlements were small in size and included round houses.

(ii). Technology: Stone blade industry flourished. Copper tools included flat, rectangular axes besides channelled, spouted pots, dishes on stand and bowls on stand. Wheel made black-and-red ware pottery was widely prevalent. It was occasionally painted with white linear designs

(iii). Economy: People of the Eastern culture zone domesticated animals like cows, sheep, and goat in good numbers. Everywhere people cultivated nice. Fishhooks occur in large number.

(iv). Social Classes: Social classes existed in Chirand and Panduraj Dibi. Spacious structures as well as narrow small structures indicated social inequality of the inhabitants. On the basis of class system people buried the dead in different cemeteries.

(v). Religion: The religious life included Mother-Goddess worship in Chirand and worship of bull terracotta in Panduraj Dibi.

Fractional burials were common throughout the Eastern region.

(vi). Arts: As in the other cultural zones in the Eastern zone also there was impressive evidence about the arts and crafts practiced by the people. Terracotta figurines, copper bangles, and stone bead necklaces were characteristic of Eastern zone.

4.8.6 4Site-wise analysis of Southern Chalcolithic cultural Zone

(i). Habitations: The Chalcolithic settlements in South India came into being when the final phase of Neolithic appeared. In fact, the final phase of Neolithic culture came into contact with the Chalcolithic culture of the North. The result is a Chalcolithic culture of mixed traits. For this reason, Sankalia calls the South Indian Chalcolithic as Neo-Chalcolithic or Neolithic-Chalcolithic.

The South Indian Chalcolithic culture transformed itself into Megalithic culture using iron. The habitations varied from smaller to larger ones. Piklihal was spread over 1 hectare. On the contrary, Brahmagiri occupied nearly 4 hectares of land.

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Habitations were constructed in open places, foothills, on granite hills or levelled mounds. There were wattle and daub houses with clay floors. Round huts outnumbered rectangular houses. The chiefs lived in large rectangular houses.

(ii). Technology: Stone blade industry flourished. Celts were common everywhere.

In Brahmagiri and Piklihal copper objects were found in good numbers. More and more metal objects, especially copper tools were used, in addition to lithic tools.

At Hallur, bronze tools and bronze swords were found in small quantities along with a good number of spouted vessels and perforated vessels.

Three types of earthenware existed, namely: a. Black-or-red-or-purple painted pottery. This is similar to that of pre- Harappan Amri and Kalibangan. b. Coarse surfaced pottery resembling that obtained in Baluchistan; and c. Introduction of wheel-made pottery similar to that of Jorwe in Maharashtra.

(iii). Economy: The economy of the Southern Chalcolithic witnessed pastoralism and cultivation of millets. Everywhere people domesticated sheep, goat, humped bulls and cows.

People at Hallur domesticated the horse. People had peripheral cultivation of finger millets (ragi) and pearl millet (bajra) besides cotton.

(iv). Social Classes: In the Southern Chalcolithic, there were social classes. The dominance of larger rectangular houses of the chiefs over round huts of the commoners and the social distance of the chiefs and commoners were expressed in terms of socio-economic inequalities.

(v). Religion: The people of Southern Chalcolithic had belief in afterlife. They buried the dead putting the bodies on the back and in the East-West direction. They buried the children within the house, after keeping the dead bodies in urns. Sometimes they made huge urns to keep the dead bodies inside them and buried. People deposited pots and some copper objects in the grave for the use of the dead in the next world.

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(vi). Arts: In the South the Chalcolithic people wore bangles of copper and bead necklaces made of Carnelian steatite and quartz crystal. Dress included hand woven cloth.

Unlike the people in other culture complexes, those in the South excelled in arts on the rock. The art works were in the form of punched dots and depicted human figurines as well as horse-driven carts.

4.9 Summary

The settlements were rural in character save a few like Kayatha which was semi-urban, Inamgaon and urban-city. Eran and Inamgaon were fortified habitations. Everywhere there were different house types representing those of rich as well-to-do and those of others.

Everywhere except in some places in Ahar zone people used stone tools. In every zone people used copper tools. Bronze occurred in than and Daimabad. Black-and-red ware made on wheel was common to all zones. Largest copper hoards occurred in mid-Gangetic zone.

Economic life was primarily based on food production. Everywhere people raised animals and corps. Except in the East and Southern zones people cultivated barley and wheat. Those in the East cultivated rice and those in the South raised millet crops. In Ahar and Malwa regions people practiced numerous arts and crafts. Those in Ahar depended on hunting; those in mid- Gangetic region practised fishing and hunting and those in the South resorted to fishing.

Social classes were present everywhere. The very types of large, small and moderate houses, the presence of imposing houses of chiefs, the location of chiefs’ houses in the centre of settlement, and the presence of separate burial places for people living in different quarters revealed social distinctions and proclivities.

Religious life was closely linked with the beliefs and practices concerned with after life. The type of burials and the burial of certain goods for the use of the dead in the next world shows the belief of the people in after life.

Artistic life found expression in terms of expertise in terracotta figurines, stone beads, copper bangles, bald necklaces in all sites, showing of clothes and rock carvings or bruisings in the Southern zone. Thus, the chalcolithic in India

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interested in several innovations which occurred in Neolithic also, hence it called Neo-chalcolithic.

QUESTIONS

1. Name a few Chalcolithic sites in India and describe their most salient features. 60 (2002) 2. Give a detailed appraisal of skeletal remains from Chalcolithic culture of undivided Punjab (2016) 3. Describe the salient features of chalcolithic cultures of the Deccan. (2017)

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Chapter 5- Megalithic culture

5.1 Introduction

Megalithic culture is the way of life of the people who built huge stone monuments as memorial stones for the dead. According to R. M. Wheeler (1956) megaliths are “those monuments which are built on rough, large, undressed blocks of stones, usually though not invariably of rudimental character. These monuments are connected with burials, which fulfil funerary or commemorative or religious functions.”

Megalithic monuments occur on surface at the foot of the hills and hillocks, unlike other underground pre-historic and protohistoric remains. Their very size, in terms of hugeness is very striking. Experts opine that the megaliths in the earliest stages were used in the funeral proceedings, but later on those were erected as memorial stones. Megalithic graves yielded not only the skeletal remains of the dead, a number of other items as funerary appendages.

Evidence about the megalithic cultures in India came to light in the beginning of the nineteenth century. For the first time Branfill (1818) discovered the megalithic monuments in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Babington (1823) found the megalithic occurring throughout Malabar region in Kerala. Following these initial discoveries, several private individuals, archaeologists, anthropologists, and government officials and so on made concerted efforts in the past 175 years to study the megaliths in India.

5.2 Distribution

Megaliths are located all over India except a few areas like plains of Punjab, the Indo-Gangetic divide, the Ganga basin, the deserts of Rajasthan and parts of Northern Gujarat. The whole area where the megalithic culture exists may be divided into five regions, namely Southern, Eastern, Northern, Western, and Central India.

I. The megaliths in South India are located in the area. South of river Godavari. This area includes Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and

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Tamilnadu. (Taylor 1851; McKenzie 1873; Breeks 1873; Burgers 1874; Codrington 1930; Subbarao 1949; Krishnamachari 1949; Thapar 1954; Allchin 1956; Wheeler 1960; Kennedy 1975). II. The Megaliths in North India are located in the area spread over Jammu and Kashmir, Uttaranchal, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and parts of Madhya Pradesh (DeTerra and Paterson 1936; Singh 1985; Sharma 1985; Pant 1985). III. The Megaliths in Western India are confined to Rajasthan and Gujarat and parts of Maharashtra (Cunningham 1871; Le Mesurier 1867; Carlyle 1883; Posschi 1980) IV. The Megaliths in Central India are distributed over Vidarbha region which includes Dhule, Amaravati, Paunar and Nagpur Districts in Maharashtra (Haimendorf 1945, 1950; Deo 1970; Ansari and Dhavalikar 1971) V. The Megaliths in Eastern India are located over a vast area which includes Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Manipur, Nagaland, Jharkhand, Bihar and Orissa (Mills 1937; Haimendorf 1945,1950; Hodson 1974; Singh 1985)

The Megaliths in the Northern, Western, Central and Southern regions belong to a past period but those in the Eastern region are living Megaliths. In this region several tribals like the Nagas, Khasis, Garos, Gadabas, Oraons, Mundas, Bondos, Gonds and others build memorial stones even today.

Among all the five regions the Southern region contains the largest number of megaliths, the Central region and the Eastern region include the next largest number of megaliths, and the Northern and Western region include the least number of megaliths.

5.3 Chronology

The chronology of Megalithic cultures in India is still unsettled. In India, the Megalithic cultures overlap with the Neo-Chalcolithic culture i.e., between 1000 B.C and 700 B.C. The Brahmagiri Megalithic culture in Karnataka existed between 2000 B.C and 700 A.D. Recent C-14 dates have bracketed the Megalithic culture in India between 1000 B.C and 1000 A.D.

5.4 Materials

Local geology and rock types influenced the selection of rare materials for building the Megaliths. Most of the Megaliths which occur in the peninsular India are confined to the South of Godavari characterised by large outcrops of

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granite and gneiss. Sometimes people utilized big pebbles, rarely sand stone, laterite, Deccan traps and so on besides iron reefs and gold bearing reefs depending upon the availability in their respective areas where the tombs occur.

5.7 Types of Megaliths

Meadows Taylor (1851), McKenzie (1873), Breeks (1873), Burgess (1874), Branfill (1880), Codrington (1930) and Krishna swami (1949 attempted the earliest classification of Megaliths. Allchin and Allchin (1968) and Dikshit (1968) provided a revised classification of Megaliths. Both the classification recognised 12 types of Megaliths as shown hereunder:

i) Menhir (men=stone; hir=long) ii) Alignments (rows of Menhirs) iii) Avenues iv) Barrows v) Cairn or Tumulus (Dolmen placed under earth mound) vi) Cairn circle (Cairn in a circle) vii) Cists viii) Dolmens (Dol=table + men=rock) ix) Dolmenoid cists (Degenerated dolmen with a passage grave) x) Umbrella stones xi) Hood stones xii) Rock-cut caves

(i) Menhir (men=stone; hir=long)

It is a single, dressed and undressed standing stone with its base driven into the ground. A menhir is also known as monolith as only one standing stone exists as a memorial rock. The characteristics of menhirs are:

a). They vary in height from small to big in height b). They are frequently oriented North-to-South c). They occur at or near burial spots d). They are sepulchral and commemorative monuments

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Menhirs occur in Cochin and Travancore in Kerala, Bastar in Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa and Assam, Maski and Gulbarga in Karnataka.

(ii) Alignments (rows of Menhirs)

An alignment consists of a number of menhirs erected in lines in a particular order. The characters of an alignment are:

a). They are generally made of granite rock, rarely with sandstone. b). They range in height from 3’ to 25’ in North Karnataka (Thapar 1984), Northern Andhra Pradesh (Allchin 1956), and Kerala (Wheeler 1960).

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Alignments are common in North Karnataka, Northern Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Jharkhand, Orissa and Assam.

(iii) Avenues (two or more alignments)

An avenue consists of two or more alignments which lie roughly parallel to each other. Taylor (1941) described them as “diagonal lines or parallelograms.” The characteristics of the avenues are:

a). Every avenue contains two or more alignments b). The alignments are roughly parallel to each other c). The rows of an alignment always contain large rocks d). Each alignment contains four rocks which are diagonally placed with open squares.

The avenues occur in Karnataka, Central India and Assam. Where plenty of granite is available.

(iv) Barrows (earthen mounds)

They are earthen mounds over the surface of which occur chips of granite. The pit covered by the barrow contains urns or terracotta legged sarcophagus. There are three types of barrows namely round, oblong or oval and long barrows depending on external shape. The whole of South India exhibits these types of monuments.

(v) Cairn

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It is more or less like a barrow in appearance but made up of stone. Therefore, it is a heaped-up mount of stone rubble. Cairn type monuments occur among the Oraons of Jharkhand.

(vi) Cairn-circle

This type consists of a circle of stones around the Cairn beneath which is placed a single urn, or multiple urns or a terracotta legged sarcophagus. Different scholars described them in different ways. Taylor (1881) considered Cairns and barrows together as one or two circles of large stones covering a grave or graves McKenzie (1873) considered a Cairn circle as one made by arranging stones around an area, which is of the same level as the surrounding ground. Wheeler (1960), and Allchin and Allchin (1968) described them as shallow pit-burials, deep-pit-burials (Brahmagiri, Maski and Porkalam) and pit- circle graves (South India) respectively.

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(vii) Cists

Taylor (1881), McKenzie (1873) and Breeks (1873) call them “Kistavens” and Wheeler (1960) calls them “Slabbed Cists”.

Cists have a set pattern. Each cist is an underground box-like structure, rectangular in plan made of two long vertical slabs and one or two short horizontal slabs driven into the ground with a floor slab and with or without a roof slab. One of the side slabs is called “Orthostat” which may possess a circular, semi-circular or trapezoidal hole known as “porthole.” Cists are of two broad types such as:

a). Port-hole cist: Cist containing a port-hole. Such cists occur all over Deccan including Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. b). Cist with entrance chamber or cist of laterite with a porthole which is approached through a slabbed antechamber of about the size of the main cist. Such cists exist in Anantapur in Andhra Pradesh and Pudukkottai of Tamil Nadu.

The functional significance of the porthole is interpreted in various ways. Its common occurrence with the cists of different regions is attributed to a common origin of the culture. Childe (1948) considers this as “a highly specialised trait”

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of the Megalithic culture. Wheeler (1960) based on Brahmagiri evidence opines that the hole was evidently designed for the insertion of bones and offerings.

Thus, the cists on the whole are burial places because they contain human bones and burial goods. They may or may not be surrounded by stone circles.

(viii) Dolmens

“Dol” means table and “men’ means stone hence “Dolmen” means stone table. Taylor (1881) and Breeks (1873) call these “cromlechs.” (Cron=concave; lech=flat stone). Dolmen is roughly square or quadrangular in plan consisting of several upright orthosatic slabs erected on the natural ground level to support a solitary flat slab of stone or two, which cover the space or chamber below it. Such megaliths occur in Palavoy and Muttalabanda in Anantapur District of Andhra Pradesh, Brahmagiri in Bellary District of Karnataka, Chingleput District in Tamil Nadu, Chattisgarh state and Assam state. The characteristics of dolmens are:

a). There may or may not be a floor slab. b). A porthole may or may not be present in a dolmen. c). The dolmen may be oriented north-east-South-west, the north-Eastern orthostatic with a circular porthole at its bottom. d). A single dolmen or a number of dolmens may or may not be surrounded be stone circle.

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(ix) Dolmenoid cists or Cromlechs

Dolmenoid cist is a burial chamber made up of multiple stones for the sides and top, with a single stone circle or double stone circles around them. Mackenzie (1873) calls them “cromlechs” “crom” means concave and “lech” means flat stone. To be precise Dolmenoid cist or Cromlech is a circle of menhirs. It consists of pillars arranged in a circular fashion to form a ceremonial ring. When a dolmen cist or cromlech occupies a greater plot of land with more and more stone pillar, it is called “stone henge.” The Dolmenoid cists or cromlechs are a speciality of South India, particularly Chingleput District of Tamil Nadu and in Kerala.

V.D. Krishna swami (1949) identified three variants of Dolmenoid cists: a). The first variant is a rectangular structure made of internally dressed laterite boulders forming a chamber inside it. Such structures occur in Chingleput District of Tamil Nadu because of the availability of abundant laterite materials there. b). The second variant is chamber stones as also those of the circle are granite. There may be one or many capstones resting on the upright orthostats. This is almost similar to a cist. c). The third variant is a structure with rude stone orthostats. It is almost completely driven into the ground level. Such examples occur in Sankavaram in Cuddapah District of Andhra Pradesh, Rallavaram in Chingleput District of Tamil Nadu, and Maski in Raichur District of Karnataka.

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(x) Umbrella stones (Kodakkal)

An umbrella stone consists of a circular laterite capstone in the form of a low and solid dome resting on four inwardly leaning and tapering stones. These stones at the base join to form a square with a diagonal approaching the diameter of the capstone

The characteristics of umbrella stones are: a). They cover pit-burials b). They resemble the umbrella. So, they are called umbrella stones. They occur in the Cochin region of Kerala which includes Cannanore, Calicut, Palaghat, Malappuram and Trichur Districts.

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(xi) Hood stone (Toppikka)

The hood stone is a dome shaped, dressed laterite stone similar to the cap of umbrella stone but its flat under surface directly rests on the ground.

The characteristics of hood type of megaliths are: a). They cover pit-burials b). They may have a single hood stone or multiple hood stones.

They occur in the Cochin region of Kerala which includes Cannanore, Calicut, Palghat, Malappuram and Trichur Districts.

(xii) Rock-cut caves

A rock-cut cave is a burial cave cut into the laterite rock. It forms an oblong or circular structure with a vaulted dome. It may have branches or a central pillar. An approach to reach the floor of the cave is made by a flight of steps cut into the rock. Occasionally the dome of the cave possesses a central opening. The small entrance of a height of about 1.5’ resembles that of the porthole cist. The distribution of such rock-cut caves is restricted to the laterite region which lies at the foot hills between the alluvial coasts and the granite hills in Kerala.

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5.8 Analysis of life ways

The megalithic people generally occupied hilly places with perennial supplies of water and raw materials. Majority of the sites succeeded the Neolithic people.

The megalithic people lived in simple circular, oval or oblong houses made of wattle and daub with thatched or reed roofs and plastered floors.

The mainstay of the economy of the people was agriculture-cum-pastoralism supplemented hunting by spinning, weaving, mat-weaving, bead-making, carpentry, iron-smithy and gold mining. The tools and weapons include flat axes, adzes, sickles, arrow heads, spear heads and domestic utensils, the pottery included black-and-red ware, black ware and the red ware. Wheel made pottery was common. Ornament objects like beads of carnelian, jasper, agate, shell and gold and copper bangles, finger rings and shell necklaces were popular, and rock paintings were common.

People practiced post-excarnates, secondary, fractional, disarticulated and multiple burials. Most of the megalithic monuments were sepulchral.

People had a fairly complex social organisation in terms of agricultural carpenters, smiths, warriors, potters and so on. Racially they belonged to Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 88

Australoid, proto-Australoid and Scytho-Arabian stock. It is believed that the Scytho-Arabian stocks were responsible for the introduction of megalithism in South India.

5.9 Summary

The megalithic monuments are concentrated in Southern India especially in the states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Maharashtra, particularly the Vidarbha region, comes next to the Southern region. It is followed by Madhya Pradesh in the Central region, Rajasthan and Gujarat in the Western region and lastly the Northern region spread over Jammu and Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh and Uttaranchal. All these regions contain megalithic culture of the past while the Eastern region contains living megaliths.

Megaliths in India are of twelve types. The iron implements are common to all the megalithic graves are flat axes, sickles, tripods, tridents, spear heads, multiple lamp hangers, arrow heads and lamps. In addition to these bronze and shell objects also appeared in the megalithic burial complexes in South India. Black-and-red ware pottery is characteristic of Southern megaliths culture.

Firstly, the findings indicate that the megaliths are a product of Southern India.

Secondly, the megaliths in all the regions are not homogeneous, hence do not belong to a particular age.

Thirdly, the rituals or the processes of megalithic burials are not completely known even though ritual particular about the living megaliths are available.

Fourthly, the builders of megalithic cultures are not definitely known even though the skeleton and circumstantial evidences point to the Dravidians as the builders of the megaliths.

Fifthly, although the megaliths occur in profuse and bear close resemblance with those of Europe and Western Asia, the cultural link is still far to be established.

Sixthly, the chronology of Indian megalithic culture has not been ascertained accurately. The black and red wares of megalithic tombs are formed overlapped at the lower end with Neolithic-Chalcolithic.

Finally, a comparison and contrast between the past and the living megalithic culture clearly demonstrates that both are far removed from each other. The structures built by the contemporary tribal folk are generally linked with

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commemorative purpose, whereas those of the past are mostly graves or intimates related to graves. The porthole opening, a characteristics feature of many of the megalithic cists, does not occur in any of the megalithic graves made by the contemporary tribes. The tribes might have given up or forgotten the custom of making porthole in course of time. This speaks of the dynamics of the custom across generations.

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CHAPTER 6- INDUS VALLEY CIVILIZATION

6.1 Introduction

“The Indus Valley Civilization, of which impressive remains have been discovered at Mohenjodaro in Sindh and at Harappa in the Western Punjab, is the earliest picture that we have of India’s past. These excavations have revolutionised the conception of ancient history”, observes Sri Jawaharlal Nehru in his “Discovery of India”. Before the discovery of Indus Valley civilization in 1922, it generally believed that the history of India begins with the arrival of Aryans in 1500 B.C. But these discoveries have taken back the antiquity of Indian civilization to 3000 B.C. Thus, now India ranks with Egypt, Babylon and Assyria as a centre of ancient civilization.

6.2 Extent

In 1922m under the directions of Sir John Marshall, excavations were made by Mr. R.D. Banerjee at Mohenjodaro and by Mr. Dayaram Sahani at Harappa. Harappa is situated on the banks of Ravi in the Montgomery district of West Punjab. Mohenjodaro is in the Larkana district of Sindh. But this civilization was not confined to the Indus Valley alone. Recent excavations at sixty other places indicate that this civilization spread to Gujarat and Hastinapur in the Meerut district of Uttar Pradesh. These recent discoveries established the existence of the same type of civilization in these places also. Therefore, Sri K.N. Dikshit prefers to call it as the Proto-Indian (original Indian) civilization.

6.3 Origin

Sir John Marshall says that the Indus Valley civilization was contemporary with Sumerian and Egyptian civilizations. According to him, the people of Mesopotamia came and settled here. But his is not accepted by Prof. Hall who says that the Sumerian civilization itself was of Indian origin. Father Heras believes that the Indus civilization had Dravidian origin. Dr. Ramachandran argues that it was post-Rigvedic Aryan civilization. But it is generally accepted that it was a non-Aryan and early Indian civilization that existed before the advent of the Aryans.

Sir John Marshall came to the conclusion that the civilization existed for about 500 years between 3250-2750 B.C. According to Sri. M. Wheeler, the author of “The Indus civilization”, it flourished between 2500 B.C. and 1500 B.C. At any rate, it is considered to be a pre-Aryan civilization. The inhabitants

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of Mohenjodaro belonged to three races namely the Mediterranean, Mongolian and Caucasian. Some historians believe that they were Dravidians.

6. 4 Buildings

It was an urban civilization. The cities of Harappa and Mohenjodaro were built with a definite plan. The breadth of the streets varied from 13 feet to 33 feet. They cut each other at right angles. Houses were built with burnt bricks. There were some two-storied houses also. There were big, pillared hall which were probably used as public meeting places. There was a “great bath” at Mohenjodaro. It consisted of a swimming pool surrounded by verandas on four sides. At Harappa, there was a public granary divided into four blocks. The streets had an underground drainage system. The drainage canal passed through the middle of the street.

6.5 Economic buildings

The people cultivated the land and produced wheat and barley. Their diet consisted of wheat, barley, milk products and mutton. They domesticated bulls, cows, buffaloes, sheep, pigs and dogs. The elephant, tiger and crocodile were known to them, but the horses were unknown. They used gold, silver, copper, tin and lead. They did not use iron. They worse woollen and cotton clothes. Dyeing was known to them. Pottery, carpentry, ivory work, and making glass bangles were their industries. Carving of animals on pots and stones testify to their artistic skill. They wore gold and silver ornaments. Their weapons were made of copper and stone. They did not have armours.

6.6 Social conditions

Dancing, singing and dicing were their amusements. Many children’s toys were found at Mohenjodaro. They included whistles, carts and figures of men and women. They had a system of weights and measures. Their measuring scale was 13.2 inches. Their chief conveyance was the bullock cart. They built boats and traded with distant lands.

6.7 Script

The Indus people knew reading and writing. About 530 seals were discovered at Harappa and Mohenjodaro. They throw light on the literacy of the people. The script was pictographic. It was written from right to left and from left to right n alternative lines. According to Stuart Piggott, 250 different symbols were used by them.

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Many beautiful figures were carved on the seals. They included the figures of animals, plants and human beings. Among them the statue of the yogic pose and the image of a dancing girl are especially attractive.

6.8 Religion

They worshipped the idols of Mother Goddess of Mahasakthi and Lord Shiva. They also worshipped pipal trees, bulls and serpents. They cremated the dead bodies. Sometimes they buried the dead along some offerings.

6.9 Political organisations

A fortified citadel was found at Harappa. It shows that there was a well- established kingdom. The existence of a well-planned city indicates a systematic municipal administration. The society was divided into merchant, craftsman and labour classes. The government was dominated by the merchant classes.

6.10 Differences between the Indus and the Vedic civilizations

The Aryan civilization was rural. The Indus civilization was urban. The Aryans lived in villages. The Indus people lived in well-built town. The Aryans domesticated horses. The Indus people did not use horses. The Vedic Aryans were warlike people. They used armours and helmets. The Indus people were peace-loving people. They had no armours. Iron was unknown to the Indus people. The Vedic Aryans used iron implements. The Aryans worshipped nature in different forms. They performed sacrifices to please the Gods and offered them milk, grain and ghee. Their Gods were Prithvi, Varuna, Indra, and the Sun. The Indus people worshipped Shiva, Shakti, trees and serpents. They also worshipped the Phallus which was hated by the Aryans. The Aryans grew beards. The Indus people used to shave their chins. The Aryans were interested in outdoor hobbies like hunting and chariot racing. The Indus people preferred indoor hobbies like dancing, dicing and music. The skeletons found in Harappa indicated that the Indus people had dark complexion and flat noses. The Aryans, on the other hand were used in complexion with well-built bodies.

6.11 Conclusion

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According to Mr. V.G. Childe, ‘The Indus civilization represents a very perfect adjustment of human life to a specific environment that can only have resulted from years of patient effort. And it was endured; it is already specifically Indian and forms the basis of modern Indian culture.”

6.11 ORIGIN OF INDUS VALLEY CIVILIZATION

6.11.1Introduction

The Indus or Harappa civilization is called Harappan because the civilization was discovered first in 1921, at the modern site of Harappa situated in the province of West Punjab on the banks of river Ravi, in Pakistan.

The Harappa civilization came to light in 1826 when a railway track was laid across Harappan site. Cunningham visited Harappa site in 1853 and 1873. The Archaeological Survey of India, under the leadership of Pandit M.S. Vats, excavated the site between 1920-1934. Rao Bahadur Dayaram Sahani excavated the site in 1921.

The excavation story of Mohenjodaro site is different. Mohenjodaro in Sind province of Pakistan. It is on the banks of river Sind, located 640 Kms to the South-West of Harappan and 320 Kms North to Karachi. The Archaeological Survey of India under the leadership of Sir John Marshall and Mackay excavated Mohenjodaro between 1922 and 1931. Further work was carried out by R.D Banerjee and Sir Mortimer Wheeler (1935-1940) and recently by George Dales of Pennsylvania University.

The excavation works at other sites were carried out by several Scientists: a) Archaeological Survey of India (since 1960) excavated Kalibangan on the banks of river Ghaggar in Ganganagar District Rajasthan; b) S.R. Rao (since1954) of Archaeological Survey of India excavated that lying between the Sabarmati and Bhanrava Rivers) M.S. Vats (1935) and Archaeological Survey of India (1953-56) excavated Rangapur in the Surendra Nagar District, Gujarat (1953) excavated Ropar in Ambala District of Punjab; e) Y.D. Sharma(1958) excavated Alamgirpur on the banks of Hindon, a tributary of Yamuna in Meerut District of Uttar Pradesh. Several others excavated the other sites like Rajoli (Saurashtra), Desalpur (Kutch), Amri, Kot District, Chanhudaro, Sandhanawala, of Indeirjo-Daro in Sind Dabakot ii Baluchistan, Sutkagendor on the Makron coast.

According to Service Fair

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According to Fair Service (1950, 1961) there could be certain links between the Indus and the Kulli-Nal and Zhob culture. South Central Baluchistan and Las Bela witnessed the Nal and early Kulli cultures. Zhob was to the West of Suleiman Hills. They were in existence in the fourth or third millennium B.C

According to this view i. First the late emergence of agriculture in Sind reveals that certain tribes from Baluchistan and Southern Afghanistan had penetrated that far. ii. Secondly in the North-Eastern Sind there is evidence that the local style of the early Harappan civilization was derived from the northern and central Baluchistan. iii. Thirdly, all thee cultures were established in riverine environment and depended on farming. There is also evidence indicating that the early Harappan settlements-maintained contact with the cultures of Baluchistan and Zhob for a long period of time. iv. Fourthly the symbol of Swastika appears in the painted potteries of South- West Iran and South-eastern Iran. The pottery and some artefacts of South-Western Iran and the Kulli civilization are similar. Both. The Iranian type and the Kulli variety of artefacts have been found at Surkotada. The metallurgical skill shown in making spear points, knives, axes, etc., is similar to that of the people of Kulli and the Harappan cultures. Some of the Harappan seal writings like cross-flags and eyebrow varieties have a striking resemblance to the potters’ mark of north Baluchistan. The similarities between the pottery designs and artefacts of the Kulli and Harappan cultures are a Handful: peacock, ornaments, pigeon, folded hands, and geometrical lines. v. Fifthly, the Zhob culture showed Mother Goddess figures and also phallic emblems. vi. Finally bull figurines, which appear in the Indus culture, too from favourite motif cultures of the Zhob culture.

There is criticism against the views of Fair Service. The similarities between the cultures of Baluchistan and Harappa, do not prove that the latter grew out of the fore=mer. The early pottery from Kot-Diji shows similarities

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with the pottery of the farming community of Baluchistan as well as the Harappan pottery; whereas, the later day pottery of Kot-Diji resembles the Harappan variety. In the same manner, the excavations at Kalibangan reveal that there were some settlements prior to the Harappans and their pottery was similar to that found at Amri and Kot-Diji; whereas, the later buildings at Kalibangan clearly show that they all belong to the Harappan culture. Such being thee facts, it is difficult to subscribe to the view that the Harappan civilization and evolved from local pre-Harappan and early Harappan cultures.

Casal’s view

J.M. Casal proposes that the Harappan culture was superimposed on the Amri culture. According to this view:

a) Amri settlement witnessed urban culture first and from there men gradually moved out to find settlements farther away. b) Casal established a stratigraphy extending from the pre-Harappan period to the late Harappan period. Firstly, the Amri settlement reveals that to begin with, pottery was hand-made without the wheel, and metals were rare; but later the settlement reveals decorated pottery and durable buildings of unburnt bricks. Secondly, the excavations reveal that the traditions typical to the agriculture coexisted with Harappan traditions. The later strata of the pre-Harappan period reveals similarities with the early cultures based on agriculture of Baluchistan and also pottery dating from the early Harappan settlements of the Indus Valley.

There is criticism against this view. Despite these findings there is no unanimity among historians on the links between the Harappan culture and the early Amri culture. Although pottery of the Amri culture has been found around the town fortifications of Harappa, the influence of Baluchistan culture, but not of Amri, is found in the lower strata of Mohenjodaro. This particular point suggests that Amri culture did not logically lead to the Harappan culture.

Muhammed Rafique’s view

Rafique’s view (1964) is based on the analogy drawn between the structures of Harappa and Mohenjodaro and those of Huyuk in Anatolia and Jericho in Jordan in about 7th millennium B.C as well as the example of Sumerians.

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i). The Anatolian town was barred to intruders by putting up a series of ladders. The people of this town knew pottery and they worshipped stone images. ii). In Jericho there existed a remarkable fortified town made of stone blocks. iii). What is contended here is that although the people of Catal Huyuk and Jericho were early farming communities they had evolved certain features of urbanism revealing that the growth of urbanism is relevant in the human struggle during the days of food-production after leaving the food- gathering stage. iv). The Sumerians built temples and mud-brick platforms called Ziggurats, which were like Artificial Mountains. The Indus Valley sites, too, had two parts: one, the citadel at a slightly elevated level and the other, and township at a lower level.

The criticism levelled against this view is that the analogical argument does not necessarily establish that the Harappans were influenced by and specific urban civilization. Even if we suppose that Sumerians came from some mountainous area, it does not logically follow that the Indus Valley people also come from some such region. Even if they had come from such a region, we do not know which mountainous region or culture influenced the Harappan civilization.

Wheeler’s view

Mortimer Wheeler (1960) is of the view that the Indus Valley civilization owed a debt to the Sumerians. The links between the Sumerians and the Indus Valley are well known; the Gilgamesh figure Enkidu, the bull man and companion of Gilgamesh in Mesopotamian exploits, dockyard and terracotta imprints on ships and seals, segmented beads at Lothal resembling those of the sea-faring Creton community in the Mediterranean, reference to the Indian basin as Meluha by the Mesopotamians, and so on.

This view was criticized on several grounds. Despite these links, the Indus people never learnt anything crucial for their development and survival from the Sumerians, as for example the irrigation system and the superior artefacts of the Sumerians. More important is the fact that the Indus script has no likeness to any of the scripts of West Asia including Sumeria. The only thing that is proved is the West Asian contact of Indus Valley people, but not the West

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Asian contact being at the root of the Indus Valley civilization is primarily a steatite civilization, whereas only a few beads of steatite are found in Sumeria.

View of Ghosh and others

Ghosh and others (1965) view that the emergence of the Harappan civilization was a local development within the Indus Valley. i). Many traits of the Harappans have their prototypes in the earlier village cultures known as pre-Harappan. The evidence of the lower Indus Valley explicitly indicates a long indigenous agricultural and technological preamble to the Harappan civilization. ii). The grid pattern of town planning was not present at that time in West Asia. The development of sophisticated trade with West Asia implies that the Harappan urban areas had also developed very high quality manufactured goods, which must have taken a very long time. Recent archaeological evidence shows continuity of the several pre-Harappan features into the mature Harappan phase. iii). Furthermore, the continues occupation such as the Chanhudaro, which is the bead-makers colony, shows the continuity of the civilization. In other words, the Harappan civilization can be seen as the transformation of the indigenous folk and peasant societies into a primary civilization. iv). More important is the spread of this civilization the major cities with facilities for storage, trade, exchange, etc., cannot be remain static in their needs and population. This logically leads to the need for spreading out. Such a spread out must have called for means for organization. In other words, the spread of Harappan system to the neighbouring areas could neither colonization nor political expansion as the permeation of the socio-economic and socio-cultural systems of Harappan society into other areas. As the Harappan cultural system spread, the peasant areas became a part of the redistributional urban economy. Even after the disappearance of Mohenjodaro and Harappa, the Harappan socio-cultural traditions and style of life remained preserved in the villages and small towns, and many features of the Harappan society came to the preserved through later India.

6.11.2 Summary

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There are diverse views about the origins of Harappan civilization. The earlier views that the Harappan civilization originated from West Asia cannot be accepted now in view of its individualistic features.

Fair Service and Wheeler argue that Harappan civilization had drawn its features from the city life in West Africa through had contacts. Casal viewed that the source of Harappan culture is the Amri culture. Muhammed Rafique viewed that Harappan civilization originated from Sumer. But Ghosh and others explained that Harappan civilization had its local origins.

6.12 GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT AND CHRONOLOGY OF INDUS VALLEY CIVILIZATION

6.12.1 Introduction

The Indus Valley civilization, otherwise known as Harappan civilization came to light in the year 1922. Prior to that discovery, it was generally believed that the history of India began with the arrival of the Aryan in 1500 B.C. But the discovery of Indus civilization has taken back the antiquity of Indian civilization to 2500 B.C.

“The Indus Valley civilization, of which impressive remains have been discovered at Mohenjodaro in Sindh and at Harappa in the Western Punjab, is the earliest picture that we have of India’s past. These excavations have revolutionised the conception of ancient history.” (Nehru 1953: Discovery of India). Thus, now India ranks with Egypt, Babylon and Assyria as a centre of ancient civilization.

6.12.2 Geographical distribution

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There are about 200 sites of Indus Harappan civilization discovered so far. They are located:

a) in the plains of Indus and its tributaries. b) in the present-day courses of Hakra or Ghaggar river. c) on the Makran coast to the west of the Indus system. d) on or near the coast beyond the marshes of Kutch to the East of Indus. e) on the banks of river Narmada. f) on the banks of river Ganga and between Ganga and Yamuna.

The Harappan civilization covered parts of the status of Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat, Rajasthan, and western fringes of Uttar Pradesh in India, and the whole

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of Punjab, Sindh and Baluchistan in Pakistan. It extended from Manda in Jammu in the North, to Daimabad on the bank of Godavari in Maharashtra in the South, from Sutka-gendor on Makran coast in Baluchistan in the west to Alamgirpur in Meerut in U.P in the East. The area thus formed a triangle and accounted for about 5,00,000 square miles (Allchin of Allchin 1968:127-128) which is bigger than ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. No other cultural zone in the third and second millennium B.C in the Old World was as large as the Harappan.

Over two hundred sites which included villages, towns and cities have been excavated (Begley 1975). Of these Harappa in Punjab, Mohenjodaro and Chanhudaro in Sindh, Lothal in Gujarat, Kalibangan in Rajasthan and Banawali in Hissar District of Haryana are cities. In the mature phase of Harappan culture, the coastal cities of Sutkajendor and Surkotada, each one of which is marked by a citadel, were prominent towers or urban centres. In the later phase of Harappan culture, Rangpur and Rojtdi in the Wahiawa peninsular in Gujarat were important towns.

6.12.3 Environmental conditions

The environment in which the Harappan civilization flourished enjoyed a climate more or less comparable to the present day with a slightly higher rainfall.

The area on either side of Indus River was alluvial plain flooded by river waters. Likewise, the other parts where Harappan civilization existed also contained fertile lands providing plenty of water facilities for the raising of crops. Everywhere people made use of the natural fertility of alluvial soils and the annual inundations.

The environment included forests or wilderness besides vast patches of cultivated lands. In fact, the forests were so thick that they supported large, medium sized and smaller animals. They provided good hunting grounds. The forests also provided plenty of timber yielding trees. People used the timber for constructing the settlements, hours and preparing bent birches. Further, the environment yielded several types of raw materials for preparing numerous types of craft goods.

6.12.4 Chronology

The chronology of the Harappan civilization is a matter of considerable controversy but the most widely accepted dating in 2500(2300)-1800(1700)

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B.C. Archaeologists, archaeological anthropologists in the past seventy years have expressed diverse views.

i. Sir John Marshall (1931) compared the evidence from Mohenjodaro with that of Mesopotamia and put the duration of the Indus Valley civilization between 3250 and 2750 B.C. ii. C.J. Gadd (1950) studied the Indus or Indus-like seals from Mesopotamia site, particularly Ur and concluded that majority of them belong to the Sargonid and Isin–Larsa periods and indicate trade contacts between 2350 and 1770 B.C. iii. S. Piggott (1961) and Mortimer Wheeler (1966) re-examined the material evidence as also the cross dates of the Iranian sites and certain objects like etched carnelian beads, stone house-urns imported into Mesopotamia and put the duration between 2500 and 1500 B.C. iv. Albright (1955) estimated that the Indus Valley civilization ended by about 1750 B.C v. The literary evidence from Mesopotamia referring to trade contacts with Indus Valley also more or less confirm the above period of duration for the Indus civilization. vi. C-14 dates available from Kot-Diji, Kalibangan and Lothal which put the time span of the civilization between 2300 and 1750 B.C indicating it several for 4 to 5 centuries.

According to archaeological anthropologists and archaeologists, Harappan Civilization developed in three phases.

Phase Time Period Characteristics Early phase 2800-2500 B.C Incipient urbanizing regional introduction walled sites and cattle as religious icons. There was state formation Mature phase 2500 – 1500B.C Emergence of cities, writing, temples and trade Later phase 1500-1000 B.C Starting of its decline because of various reasons

Thus after 3500 BC the agricultural potential of the Indus flood plain began to be realized and the settled population began to increase. Between 2800 and 2500BC small, walled urban sites appeared, and highly uniform ceramic styles over a wide area, together with further evidence of long- distance trade indicates that a socio-economic interaction sphere had developed. Over the next several centuries (approximately 2500-1500 BC), Harappan civilization

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flourished throughout the Indus region. This was the earliest state-level culture in South Asia (J.H. Bodley: 1994)

6.12.5 Summary

The Indus Valley civilization came to light in the year 1922 when John Marshall and his associates excavated it. It is contemporary with Sumerian, Egyptian, Babylonian and Assyrian civilizations.

The geographical distribution of Indus Valley civilization is very wide. It includes villages, town and cities. Its extent is about 5,00,000 square miles. K.N. Dikshit “profuse to call it as the proto-Indian (original Indian) civilization.

Sir John Marshall came to the conclusion that the civilization existed for about 5000 years between 3250-2750 B.C. According to Wheeler it flourished between 2500 B.C. and 1500 B.C. At any rate, it is considered to be a pre- Aryan civilization.

6.13 URBAN PLANNING IN INDUS VALLEY CIVILIZATION

6.13.1 Introduction

According to wheeler (1946), Marshall (1931), Childe (1934), and several others, two factors led to the emergence of cities and towns and thereby to urbanization. These are: i) Agricultural surplus gave momentum to trade and commerce and ii) Overflowing wealth of Harappan culture.

The settlements reveal a uniform town planning Mohenjodaro and Harappa were the metropolitan centres and the other were secondary importance. The towns include: Chanhudaro, Kalibangan, Kot-Diji, Lothal, Rangpur, Sutkagendor and Surkotada.

The town planning is marked by uniformity, which is noticed in the layout of the towns, streets, structures, brick-sizes and materials used, and lastly drainage system.

6.13.2 Pattern of town-planning

The grid or rectangular system seems to have remained characteristic of town planning drawing the Harappan period. It shows the layout of citadel and

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lower town. The citadel consisted of a high rampart wall on the broad foundation of mud work, city gates and a moat. The city wall has bastions or towers at intervals. The citadel at Harappa is in the form of a parallelogram in plan.

At Mohenjodaro there is a citadel mound and a lower city.

At Kalibangan the Harappan fortification wall has salient, buttresses and entrances on the South and the North.

Lothal was a small town. Even then it was well laid out town, a “miniature Mohenjodaro” with a rampart encircling the main habitation.

At Rangpur, brick fortification is noticed.

At Banawali in Haryana the settlement is fortified as a citadel and the other as a residential annexe.

The citadel at Sutkagendor in built on and around a natural rock which is steeply inclined.

6.13.3 Streets and Lanes

The Harappan city was divided into many broad streets running at right angles both East-West and North-South.

These streets divided the city into many blocks. Their width at Mohenjodaro varied from 9 to 34 feet, and they ran straight sometimes as far as half-a-mile.

Lamp posts at interval indicate the existence of street lighting.

The streets at Mohenjodaro are unpaved. At Kalibangan, the material used for metalling the road surface, notably in the upper levels were terracotta nodules.

Lothal was divided into six blocks each built on an extensive mud-brick platform of varying height.

6.13.4 Buildings

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The buildings included dwelling houses and public buildings. The dwellings of the city’s rulers were in the citadel. The “Upper Town” while most of the population lived in the “Lower Town.” The intercourse between the “Upper” and” Lower” town was limited; the citadel gates could be closed to lock the common people out.

The dwelling shows variation in materials used for construction. Larger houses were built with mud and baked bricks while smaller houses were mud- brick structures. Mud-brick buildings offered protection against the tropical heat. Each brick measuring 11” X 5.5” X 2.75” or 4:2:1. The dwellings show marks of social differentiation: the poor lived in levels.

There is much variation in the size of the dwelling houses. The smallest had no more than two rooms. Well-to-do citizens lived in two–and-even these storey homes. The largest houses were provided with several rooms, a kitchen, closets, pantries, courtyard, and special rooms for performing ablutions.

In one house at Kalibangan, there are traces of preserved staircase. In one house at Kot-Diji, the floor was found paved with tiles bearing the typical intersecting design of circles, what is called “bath tub” a noteworthy feature of the houses at Kalibangan was the occurrence of oval or rectangular “fire places”.

Everywhere the open courtyard was the basic feature of house planning. Entrance of the house was oriented towards the streets. Every house had an open courtyard. Bathrooms were at one corner of the courtyard and adjacent to the main street. This clearly shows that the Harappan people were cautious about their health and hygiene.

In all places the houses had latticed windows made up of stone for free admission of air and light roofs were invariably flat. The ceiling was made by wood and mud.

In all cities the system of water supply and drainage were worked out in detail. Drainage pipes were placed at the side of the roads about not in the middle of the roads. The drainage system was a covered one where manholes were present of covered by sides. Soak pits were present to carryout unwanted materials. The multiple storied building had horizontal and vertical pipes. The working of drainage system was every effective. Dirty water flowed into settling basins, then into canals, and beyond the city limits. The settling basins and canals were cleared regularly. There were walls in the streets, and rainwater was collected in special reservoirs. The system was more advanced than in ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia. The Harappans were very keen on hygiene already in

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hoary antiquity, realizing the harm that can be done by accumulations of sewerage and the resultant epidemics.

6.13.5 Public buildings

Apart from the living quarters, there were public buildings in the Harappan cities. Besides the citadel, there were some other public buildings like the granary, a public bath, city market structures, a dockyard, and temple- like structure.

The granaries at Harappa are large structure (168’ X 135’) located adjacent to the citadel. On the southern side of the granaries there are rows of circular brick platforms with an area of working floors used for threshing wheat and barley as revealed by the chaff found in the crevices. At Mohenjodaro granary was an enormous structure. It contained a brick platform with 27 special brick-platforms for threshing.

The great bath (39’ X 23’ X 8’) at Mohenjodaro was another public establishment of importance. It formed part of a big hydropathic establishment (180’ X 108’). It was reached by a flight of steps on two sides and surrounded by several rows of smaller double storage rooms. It was supplied with fresh water drawn from a nearby well. Its bottom was covered with gypsum mortar or bitumen. Near the south-west corner of the great bath was a “hammam” or hot air bath.

The dockyard at Lothal was another important public building. It was a trapezoidal brick structure with an overall measurement 710’ X 124’ was connected to the river Sabarmati by artificial channels. Nearly one-fourth of the town was allocated for the dockyard, while the remaining three-fourths of the town was meant for the dwelling area. The dock basin has a spill way and locking device and close by was a modern temple.

Temple-like structures also formed as important civic places. To the Northern to Eastern side of the great bath at Mohenjodaro were large blocks of building, which were perhaps used by the priests or administrators. Further, there was a temple building in the citadel. This was comparable to the temple in the “lower city”. It has a big entrance and double stairway leading to a raised platform in which were found stone sculptures of seated figures.

6.13.6 Summary

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The unique feature of urban planning of Harappan civilization was its uniformity. In fact, the whole civilization was astonishingly homogeneous in terms of uniformity of architecture, town planning, uniformity in artefacts, in sites of hundreds of miles apart.

The civilization had all the pre-requisites of urban planning. The cities of Mohenjodaro and Harappa were built with a definite plan. The width of the streets varied from 13’ to 33’. They cut each other at right angles. Houses were built with burnt bricks. There were some the multi-storied houses also. There were big, pillared halls which were probably used as public meeting places. There was a great “bath” at Mohenjodaro. It consisted of a swimming pool surrounded by verandas on four sides. At Harappa, there was a public granary divided into four blocks. The streets had an underground drainage system. The drainage canal passed through the middle of street. Lothal had a dockyard. Citadels were common to cities and town. Temples existed in civic places. Special buildings accommodated the priests and administrators.

6.14 TRADE AND COMMERCE IN INDUS VALLEY CIVILIZATION

6.14.1 Introduction

The people in the cities of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro and other urban centres were prosperous. The raw material used by the Harappan people and the Harappan seals found in Sumeria and the Sumerian seals in the Indus region reveal the trading and commercial pursuits of the Harappan people. The discovery of a dockyard at Lothal and a seal printed with a model ship found at the same place clinches the issue.

6.14.2 Trade and Commerce

The Harappan people were in contact with several places inside and outside the country. within the country the Harappans traded with Maharashtra, South India, Saurashtra and Rajasthan. Outside the country, they traded with Sumeria, Afghanistan, Baluchistan, Iran, Badakhshan, Bahrain, Oman and central Asia. Trade was carried along the 1,280 Kilometres of Coastline in West Asia, according to the cuneiform texts of old Babylonia and other evidence. Ur was the principle port of entry into Mesopotamia. Traders who came there made offerings to Goddess Ningal consisting of gold, silver, copper, lapis, lazuli, and stone beads, ivory combs and eye-painting.

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Probably all these trade transactions were through barter. The Mesopotamian records show that they had relations with Meluha, that is, an ancient Indus region from about 2,350 B.C. The seals found in Mesopotamia suggest that merchants from India crossed the high seas starting from Lothal. They also practiced navigation on the coasts and riverine. Harappan merchants were caravan traders. There was movement of goods from one place to another.

6.14.3 Trade Contacts and imports

Inside and outside India, the Harappans were in contact with several places: i). Gold was imported from South India, Afghanistan and Persia. ii). Silver was imported from Afghanistan and Iran. iii). Copper was brought from South India and from Baluchistan and Arabia. The impurity of the ores, however, shows that copper was obtained from the Khetri copper mines although it could be brought from Baluchistan. iv). Lapis Lazuli came from Badakhshan. v). Turquoise came from Iran. vi). Amethyst came from Maharashtra. vii). Agate came from Saurashtra and Western India. viii). Jade came from Central Asia. ix). The cities of Indus undoubtedly traded with the village cultures of Baluchistan, where outposts of Harappan culture existed. x). From Saurashtra and the Deccan, they obtained the conch-shells. xi). But many of the metals and semi-precious stones came from much longer distances.

6.14.4 Trade routes on land and sea

For land route carts and pack-cattle were used. The terracotta models of bullock’s carts have been discovered in the excavations. Further, Cart-tracts were found on the roads of Harappans cities. From Harappan and Chanhudaro came copper or Bronze models of cart with seated drivers. For making longer journey through more wooded countries the chief means of transport had been caravans of pack-oxen and other cattle.

There was also maritime trade. The representation on seal of a master’s ship with a central cabin and a steersman seated at the rudder indicates that the Harappan people were acquainted with maritime vessels. The boat had a sharply unturned prow and stern similar to archaic representations of early Minoyan seals, cylinders of the Sumer and the predynastic pottery of the Egypt. Harappan people were in touch with Sumer and Elam by the sea route also.

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Mohenjo-Daro was a great inland port. Carrying on trade with Sumer and Egypt. The Harappan ports Surkotada, Sutkagendor on Makran Coast and dockyard at Lothal attest to maritime trade.

6.14.5 Evidence of foreign trade

Of the trade of the Indus with Mesopotamia there are two kinds of evidence, Archaeological and Literary. The Archaeological evidence includes the objects imported from other places and exported in return. About 2 dozen Indus seals have been discovered from Ur, Kish, Susce, Legash and Telasma. The other imports are carnelian and etched carnelian beads, shell and bone inlays including some of the distinctly Indian Kidney shaped. The trade included many objects of less durable kind like cotton, spices, timber etc. From the Indus also, there is reciprocal evidence. Two-cylinder seals of Mesopotamian type, a small number of metal objects suggesting Mesopotamian origin and the pot stone fragments of a hut pot were discovered at Mohenjo-Daro.

A more definite indication of a foreign trade comes from Lothal where a circular bottom seal of a distinctive kind was discovered. This belongs to a class of Persian Gulf seals known otherwise from excavations from the port of Bahrain and also found occasionally in the cities of Mesopotamia notably Ur. From Lothal several bun shaped copper ingots of a foreign source were unearthed. These were similar to those found on the Persian Gulf Islands. Lothal and Harappan cities have yielded the “reserved ship ware” which also occurs at Ur.

The literary evidence from Mesopotamia confirms the archaeological evidence. It shows that in the time of a Sargon of Agade and during the seceding centuries, Merchants particularly from Ur carried on trade with various foresight countries. Among those mentioned most frequently are “Tilmen” “Margean” and “Meluha” the first is now fairly identified with Omen or some other part of South Arabia. Although, the similarity of its name to Makran coast in Baluchistan is also probability, the third is identified with Mohenjo-Daro or Saurashtra in India. Boats of Meluha were also mentioned in several texts. Among the imports from Meluha were various kinds of timber, including a black wood identified as ebony copper of a different quality from that of Oman. Gold and red stone identified as cornelian of which some were of monkey

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shaped and some kidney-shaped from other parts. There were multicoloured birds and combs made of ivory.

6.14.6 Conclusion

The Harappans practised a lot of trade and commerce. Trade was internal as well as external. People obtained many metals, precious and semi-precious stones and so on from several parts of India and from several countries outside India. Land-trade and overseas trade were common. Trade contact existed between Harappan and the people of Sumer, Babylon, Omen, Mesopotamia and Egypt. The exports consisted of cotton, wheat and other local products. Archaeological literary and other evidence provide clear proof of the trade and commercial transactions between the people of Harappan civilization and the people of Middle East civilizations.

6.15 RELIGION OF INDUS PEOPLE

6.15.1 Introduction

An outline of the features of religious beliefs and practices of Indus valley people can be obtained by studying the seals, sealing, inscribed copper talles, store statements and terracotta figurines discovered by the excavations of different sites of Indus civilization

General Cunningham (1884) was the first scholar to collect the seals from the contraction of the railway line passing through Harappan region collected stone materials from the Harappan site later, sin john Marshall and his colleagues (1927-31) M.S Vats (1940) Land G.F.Dales (1963), at Mohenjodaro (Mound of the dead) Sir Mortimer Wheeler (1953), at Harappa, B.B.Lal (1961) B.K. Thapar (1969) at Kalibangan department of Archaeology, govt of India (1961) at Rupan and so collected seals and studied them in detail J.P. Guha (1967) studied the seals, statues of khulli, Zhob, Mohenjodaro and Harappa in detail and interpreted them with regard to various aspects of human life at Indus and Harappa.

6.15.2 Worship of Mother- Goddess The view of sir John Marshall is that the foremost among the Indus pantheon was Mother-Goddess. A large number of terra cotta female figures recovered from the Indus sites are considered to be representation of the Mother-

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Goddess. Similar figures have been found from the historic sites of Kulli culture in south Baluchistan and Zhob valley in the north. The Zhob symbols wear hoods over their heads and the Kulli figures have a series if necklaces on another person. Mother-Goddess models have been found all over Western Asia and according to the archaeologists, the range of the cult of the Mother-Goddess models at one time extended without break from the Indus to the Nile. To quote sir John “But in no country, the worship of the Divine Mother is so deep- rooted and universal as in Indian where she became a prototype of the ‘Cosmic Energy (Prakriti) and the counterpart if the Cosmic Soul (Purusha). Here worship which originated in a matriarchal society in course of time formed the basis of time formed the basis of latter Saktism.” Again “in the Vedic mythology, goddesses play only subordinate part the principal deities were exclusively male

Critics point out that the idea of Mother-goddess or Earth-Goddess was well known to the Vedic Aryans. To begin with it appears in the form of Prithvi. Later on, it is called Aditi, Prakriti. Durga, Gauri, Kali, etc. It is true that the principal gods of the Vedic Aryans were males and the females played a subordinate part, but the same was the case with the people of the Indus Valley whose principal gods were mostly males and goddesses played a secondary role. The Pipal God, which was possibly the prototype of the Vedic Prajapati, was the supreme deity of the Indus pantheon and his seven attendant messengers were also male deities of composite from. Like their Sumerian counterparts, they were human in the upper part and avian in the lower part. The buffalo-head god was a strange compound of heterogeneous elements. His horned-head was that of a buffalo, arms were centipedes, thorax is tigrine and the part below waist is a combination of two looped cobras. Other deities represented on the Indus seals were almost all males. The tree-spirit figuring on a number of seals in the act of hypnotizing the tiger-demon was masculine in appearance. The same was the case with the indwelling sprit of the Acacia, which has tried to throttle with his centipede-arms the two tiger-headed demons that were ready to carry away the tree of life. A number of seal-amulets showed bullmen and the semi-bovine super-human begins which were invariably endowed with masculine traits, under these circumstances it is not proper to maintain that female element was dominant in the Indus religion.

It is also pointed out that the Mother-Goddesses is not be found in the glyptic art of the Indus valley. All that we possess are the terracotta figures putting on elaborate headdresses, neck ornaments and a fan-shaped or arched framework of some light material. Ordinarily, the figurines of the Indus valley are in a standing pose and their arms hang parallel to the body. However, some of them wearing the arched head-dresses are seen raising their arms to the level

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of the head and touching their foreheads with both hands as though in a saluting pose. Dr Mackay hinted at the similarly between the fan-shaped headdress of these figurines and the crest of the so-called Pashupathi from of Shiva found at Mohenjodaro. According to Dr. C.L. Fabri, the headdresses of the Indus figurines were borrowed from Crete However, according to Dr. K. N. Sastri, the female figures might have represented some minor gods which held a subordinate position under the Pipal god which was the supreme deity of the Indus age. It is to be noted that only the figurines wearing arched headdresses appear in the saluting pose. This points to some connection between the headdresses and the saluting pose. It is suggested that the saluting figure is worshipping the divine symbol, which she is carrying on her head. According to Dr. K.N. Sastri, it follows that the headdress and the saluting pose of the female figurines incident that the models represented a minor deity and not the Mother- Goddess.

According to sir John Marshall and Dr. Mackay, the Pipal Deity, the votary and the seven messengers were all males. The main deity is nude but the seven messengers are said to be dressed up in tunics. It is contended that the seven attendants are not dressed up in tunics. It is also pointed out that the seven attendant messengers were not clad in anything like tunics. They were fabulous creature were shown as male deities.

The cult of the Mother-Goddess did not dominate the Indus religion. The male gods loomed large on the horizon of that age Pipal God was the supreme deity and a large number of subordinate male deities ruled over the destinies of the poor mortals inhabiting the Indus region

6.15.3 Tree-Worship

The seals and painted pottery of the Indus valley show the figures of the Pipal and Acacia tress they were regarded as celestial plants and were supposed to be inhabited by divine sprits. The former was the abode of the crest of horned headdresses of the deities of lower grades. The Pipal was the tree of creation and Knowledge to those who donned its branches on their heads. The gods alone enjoyed this privilege.

The tree of life figure with great frequency on the seals of the Indus Valley. Around this magic plant, most of the adventures and mighty exploits of the gods and national heroes of the Indus valley were grouped. The Sami tree is usually identified with Jand Or Jandi. The Jand tree is still believed to be the abode of a Devata and many religious ceremonies are performed under it.

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There was a struggle between the gods and demons for the possession of the tree for donning its branches its branches as crests or pigtails on their heads. Certain demons were always trying to steal away the tree or its branches. The tree was heavily guarded by a sprit. In addition to the guardian sprit, there were also other sentinels to protect the tree. The most important of them was a composite animal whose face was human but the body comprised the features of various animals. The object of the combination of the various elements was to invest the animal with the best traits and characteristics of all the creatures, which were virility of a ram, the brutality and aggressiveness of a tiger and the deadly bite of a cobra. Such a composite animal was considered to be the most fitting guardian of the tree of life

There are also other single-bodied but three headed animals in the form of sentinels. In one case, the heads are those of unicorn, bison and an indeterminate quadruped with long hooked horns curving forward.

On a sealing at Mohenjodaro a bull protected by a cobra is engaged in fighting a human adversary and is thus preventing him from coning near the sacred tree. Another sealing shows an Acacia tree being protected by a bull, which is engaged in fighting a male. Another composite guardian is seen watching a huge monster or a tiger whom he evidently killed in a combat in another case, a votary is seen presenting an object to an Acacia tree. A cobra or a Naga deity is also seen guarding the tree. In another seal, an Acacia tree is seen being guarded by the buffalo headed goat.

A study of the seals tells us that although the demon was always trying to steal away the tree or its branches it failed to do so however. On one occasion it was able to steal two branches of the tree of life, but his success was short-lived and soon the demon was killed by the guardian. Many seals the torture of the tiger demon.

Dr. Mackay excavated from Chanhudaro a seal which shows the tree of life and three pictograms, Lower down is a tiger with its tongue sticking out and almost touching the mouth of the tree spirit, which is sitting in half-kneeling pose. According to Dr. Mackay, the tiger is licking the face of the man, perhaps, in anticipation is not accepted by other scholars.

A large number of seals and seal impressions from the Indus sites show the Acacia alone, with or without any inscription. However, a few of them show

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the Acacia tree enclosed by a railing. Another sealing shows that it was surrounded by a platform.

Tree worship is very old in India and its persistence in historic times clearly times clearly shows that the ancient traditions relating to this cult were lather on incorporated by the Hindus in their religious system in a highly modified from.

6.15.4 Worship-Of Siva

A male deity is shown on a seal with three faces and eyes and seated on a low Indian throne in the posture of a Yogi with animals on each side. The deity is considered to be “the prototype of the historic Siva”. The figure has a pair of horns over its head and that indicates that it is the figure of a deity. The presence of the animals justifies the title of Siva as Pashupathi or Lord of Animals.

The people of the Indus valley also practised the worship of Linga and Yoni symbols. Some of the polished stones have been identified with the Linga and other pierced stones have been identified with the Yoni. The likelihood that both Siva and Linga worship have been inherited by the Hindus from the Indus valley people is perhaps reinforced by the prevalence of the bull (the vehicle of Siva) or of bull-like animals amongst the seal-symbols

The people had faith in amulets and charms and that shows that they were afraid of demons. There was also the practice of Yoga. The worship oh the sacred “incense –burners “was also prevalent.

According to Sir Mortimer Wheeler, the importance, not necessarily the deification, of water in the life of the Indus valley people is stressed by the Great Bath at Mohenjodaro and by the almost extravagant provision for bathing and drainage throughout the city. Purification by bath or ceremonial ablution must have been a part and parcel of the religion of the people. To quote Wheeler, “The Indus religion was a melange of much that we already know of third millennium Asiatic religious observance, augmented by specific anticipation of the latter Hinduism”

6.15.5 Disposal of the dead

Appears that the people of the Indus valley disposed of their dead by method cremation. A number of urns containing human bones and ashes, and vessels of burnt and other offerings for the use of the dead in after-life have also been found. Similar urns have been found by Sir Aurel Stein on many sites in

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Baluchistan. Cases of burial are rare and belong to the time of the decline of the civilization.

6.15.6 Conclusion

The religious beliefs and practices of Indus people are rich and variegated. The Indus people worshipped Mother-Goddess. The terracotta female figurines recovered from Indus sites are representation of Mother-Goddess. The cult of the Mother-Goddess did not dominate the Indus religion. the male gods loomed large on the horizon of that age.

The Indus people worshipped tress like the Pipal and Acacia trees. The seals and painted pottery show the Pipal and Acacia trees. The tree of life namely Sami occurs with great frequency on the seals of the Indus Valley.

The Indus people also worshipped Linga and Yoni and Siva. They had faith in amulets and charms. The practiced Yoga. The worship of the sacred “incense burners” was also prevalent. People cremated the dead. Cases of burial were rare and belong to the time of decline of the civilization.

6.16 6THEORIES REGARDING THE DECLINE OF INDUS VALLEY CIVILIZATION

6.16.1 Introduction

Archaeologists, archaeological anthropologists and culture historian’s proposed different theories about the decline of Harappan civilization on the basis of archaeological, literary, geological, fossil and ecological evidence:

Suicidal Weakness Theory

Marshall and Mackay (1931) proposed this theory. According to them the Harappans lacked flexibility, dynamism and plasticity of mind. Firstly, the floodwaters of Indus destroyed Mohenjo-Daro city by several times. The inhabitants built the city again and again on the same ruined city. They never shifted from there. This clearly demonstrates that people were lazy and lacking in dynamism. Secondly, the Harappans were in contact with the Mesopotamians. Even then they showed no inclination to adopt the technical advances of the Mesopotamians and save themselves from the onslaughts of nature. Thirdly the Harappans never used more than 20 symbols in the script even though there was scope to use more than that number of symbols in practice. This shows the poor plasticity of the minds of Harappans. Fourthly,

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the metal blades of Harappans were flat and easily bent. On the other hand, the Sumerians used knives and spearheads with midribs. The Harappans devised a saw with undulating teeth useful for carpenters but with that they could not have defended themselves in any crisis. This also speaks of the weakness of the Harappans for tradition; their failure to borrow efficient technology from the Sumerians with whom they maintained contacts for generations together costed them deadly.

Invasion theory

The authors of invasion theory are Childe (1934) Wheeler (1936) and Burrow (1942). According to them Aryans invaded and destroyed the Indus civilization. Archaeological evidence as well as textual evidence reveals the destruction of cities by the Aryans. The archaeological evidence is in the form of huddled skeletal remains. In the last phase of Mohenjo-Daro several skeletons of men, women and children were found scattered in several places some in streets some in staircases, some in corners of rooms, kitchens, bathrooms and burial grounds; and some strewn in streets. All the skeletons show knife-cuts. Anthropologists collected traces of iron from the deep cuts on the skeletons. This proves the massacre of the masses by the Aryan invaders who used iron swords.

The textual evidence clearly reveals the destruction of Harappan city by the Aryans. There are references in Rig-Veda about Indra wiping out the remnants Varackhas at Harappa. Indra destroyed the tribe on the banks of Yavjavati or the modern Ravi River. This refers to actual fight at Harappa. It is, therefore, tempting to believe that cemetery – H at Harappa, belonging to later day history was that of the Aryans.

It is often said that Indra freed rivers which had been brought to a standstill by artificial barriers. The demon, Vritra “lay like a great snake across the hill slope. When this demon was smashed by Indra, the stone rolled away like wagon wheels.” This statement can hardly mean anything except the destruction of a dam, for all the figures of speech. According to many philologists the word ‘Vritra’ means obstacle or barrier. If this view is accepted, the Aryans by destroying the barriers erected across the Indus by the Indus Valley people starved them out. And it is a well-known fact that indigent condition came to prevail in the last phases of the Indus Valley history.

Prof. Burrow throws light on the way in which the Aryans fought their way into India. The words meaning “ruin” very often occur in the Rig-Veda. At one place it is written: “Strike down O’ Indra, the hose of sorcerers in the

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ruined city of Vailastanka.” It is argued that during the time of the Rig-Veda, the Aryans associated the great ruined mounds with the early inhabitants of the area. The same idea appears in the later Vedic texts like the Taitireya Brahamana. “The people to whom these ruined sites belonged….O! Agni, having been expelled by thee, have migrated to another land.” In a later Vedic text, we read: “On the Saraswathi there are ruined sites called Naitandhava”. These profuse references to “ruins” while the gods Indra and Agni were helpful in driving away the inhabitants reveal that the Aryans had probably a hand in the final destruction of the Harappan cities.

Some historians do not agree with the Aryan invasion and destruction of Indus cities. First, they do be association of the cemetery ‘H’ evidence with the Aryans and then supposed massacre at Mohenjo-Daro. Secondly, there is no evidence to show that Aryans attacked Kalibangan. Kalibangan is close to Harappa. If Kalibangan is close to Harappa, the Aryans would not have spared Kalibangan. Thirdly, post-Harappan built directly on the debris of Harappan cities except at Ropar and Alamgirpur. It is curious to learn that Indra and Agni were responsible for the destruction of the cities but not responsible for the other cities which were already in ruins. Fourthly. most of these cities were in the Saraswathi and Punjab regions. It is stated that the dark coloured inhabitants fled and migrated. This would agree with the archaeological evidence that the cities were deserted and not occupied by the new arrivals. They were regarded as places of evil and the haunt of sorceresses (yantumati) and therefore to be avoided. This would hardly be the attitude of conquering people who had actually destroyed the cities. Fifthly, if we are to accept the theory that these cities were invaded by the Rig-Vedic people there should be substantial remains of at least the metal parts of the chariot in various excavations, and particularly at Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro. This is in sticking contrast to the evidence from Egypt where the new arrivals in their horse-drawn chariots are depicted clearly in relieves and engravings on stone. Finally, could the cities have been deserted owing to natural calamity before the arrival of the Indo-Aryans who associated the ruins of cities with evil, the Aryans would have set fire to the remaining ruins and ultimately attributed the destruction of the cities to Indra and Agni? This would also explain chronological gap i.e., the Harappan culture having declined by 1750 B.C and the Rig-Vedic Aryans being dated to circa 1500 B.C. Thus, the evidence does not support Aryan invasion and destruction of Harappan cities.

DERANGEMENT THEORY

Towards the end of the period the defence of Harappa was further strengthen and one was wholly blocked because of the danger from the West.

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The Baluchistan villages were first ravaged by horse-riding invaders as revealed in the Zhob area. Afterwards some other people who were using unpainted pottery invaded the Baluchistan villages.

In South Baluchistan people of an intrusive culture founded a settlement at Shahi Thum not far from Surkotada. These people used shaft–hole axe and round copper seals, that is, they possessed superior weapons.

In the last phase of the Mohenjo-Daro culture, painted pottery and stone vessels resembling those of Baluchistan appear indicating a large influx of Kulli refugees.

In one Harappan cemetery a man with short-headed skull has been found. This speaks of replacement of people by new migrants. At Chanhudaro the Harappan people were replaced by squatter who had superior weapons.

The impact of the extraneous factors and how they deranged the Indus Valley cities is revealed by various facts. The later-day settlements at Harappa show that they were poor structures. Fine buildings gave place to miserable huts. And the citadel itself was surrounded by poor habitations. The water supply system fell into disuse by this time. Techniques used for the production of pottery changed and the ornaments of latter day were of a poor quality. The later day evidence also shows that new peoples had penetrated and in some places brick Kilns were located in the middle of streets.

Just at that time large rooms were divided into smaller ones at Mohenjo- Daro and potter’s kilns were built within the city boundaries and also in streets whole the street plan was no longer maintained. Hordes of jewellery were buried. When the end came most of the people from Mohenjo-Daro had fled, but a group of huddled skeletons suggests that a few strugglers were overtaken by the invaders. At this level of Indus Valley ruins, a fine copper axe and an adze blade opposite to that of the axe were found. Also, swords with midribs made their appearance.

It is revealing to note that similar decline was witnessed in the outlaying area like the Kathiawad peninsula. The ties between Lothal and other major cities weakened and then disappeared. It appears that a large number of tribes found their way into the Indus Valley. The foreign tribes, which attacked the Harappan cities, were not large in number. The invaders took the decline of the main cities to the logical conclusions. Possibly some of these tribes were Indo- Aryans.

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Degeneration Theory

Several archaeologists and culture historians proposed degeneration theory. According to them:

The decline of the Harappan civilization is most probably due to the inability of the agriculturists to produce enough to support the growing population. The Harappan farmers lacked knowledge of irrigation as well as soil fertilization.

The numerous small settlements that grew beyond their natural limits, over used and mismanaged the natural resources leading to degeneration of the environment.

Natural calamities theory

Several archaeologists and culture historians attribute the decline of Harappan civilization to natural calamities like floods, change of river course, changes in climate, and depletion of natural resources. In this regard they presented river-vagary theory.

E.J.H Mackey and Marshall (1931), presented river-vagaries theory. They suggested that the decline of the Harappan civilization was mainly due to the vagaries of the Indus River.

H.T Lambrick (1953) also presented change of river course theory. According to him the Indus river suddenly changed its course. This led to decrease in water supply and dehydration, disruption s of communications also the end of silting led to decline of agriculture. Marshall and Mackay (1931) opined that the Indus River flooded several times causing decay to disappearance of civilization.

Robert L. Raikes (1960) presented tectonic uplift theory. He studied the exposed flood deposits and also flood materials acquired through deep drilling. Earthquakes destroyed the cities, changed river courses and pushed the seaports inland, disrupting the essential trade which led to decline of the civilization. All this holds good to Mohenjo-Daro, but not to any other place.

George F. Dales (1961) presented ponding theory. In his words, tectonic movement led to the uplift near the Sehwa fault creating a natural dam, which

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caused the formation of a large pond that drowned Mohenjo-Daro. This is the reason for 10 feet silt and the rebuilding of Mohenjo-Daro seven times.

A.K. Ghosh (1965:123) proposed climate crisis theory. He said that several places of experienced unfavourable climatic conditions causing the decline of the civilization.

Several culture historians presented island theory. They argue that Mohenjo-Daro was once an island city. Sand is indicative of flooding. The ruins of brick embankments at this city might be ancient bunds. Therefore, floods caused the destruction of the city.

Shereen Ratnagar (1984) proposes excess water crisis theory. He said that the water of the Indus was so much in excess that it caused the destruction of civilization.

Archaeologists proposed silt depositional theory. One group of archaeologists says that the flow of Indus was twice that of Nile and its depositional rate was much higher. In other woods, the Indus river carried heavy silt which benefited farming, but in times of flood it caused havoc leading to the very ruining of the civilization. Another group of archaeologists proposed the same theory in a different way. They said that the heavy silt deposits at the mouth of Indus leading to a rise in the water table was the prime factor in the destruction of Mohenjo-Daro. This could not have been a reason because Mohenjo-Daro was situated far away from the mouth of the Indus.

Some archaeologists presented salination theory. They viewed that the salination of the soil, encroachment of the Rajasthan desert, and changes in the course of the Indus River destroyed Indus civilization.

A few archaeologists proposed heavy flooding-drying theory. According to them heavy floods destroyed the main cities. But drying of river destroyed smaller towns and villages. Drying of rivers due to climatic change destroyed Kalibangan on the banks of Ghaggar in Rajasthan.

Walter Fair Service (1971) and Shereen Ratnagar (1984) B.K. Thapar (1986) and Rafiq Maghal (1986) advanced ecological degradational theory. According to Fair Service (1971) growing population in Indus civilization caused ecological degradation. Timber for fuel, clearance for agricultural and pasturages led to declining fertility, making the agricultural economy unsustainable. Over exploitation led to erosion of landscape.

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Shereen Ratnagar (1984) argued that the Indus Valley culture was a Bronze Age culture. It began around 3000 B.C Enormous quantities of wood were needed to make copper and bronze. This would have devastated the surrounding forests. Even using the simplest techniques would mean burning 700 kgs of wood to produce 20 solid axe-heads. Wood was also needed to produce jewellery made of glazed faience and bake bricks, pottery and stoneware. The Harappan needed timber to make boats and ships. Thus, the depletion of forests and erosion of soil were considered as causes of decline of Indus civilization.

B.K Thapar (1984) and Rafiq Maghal (1984) also attribute the decline of Indus civilization to ecological factors such as behaviour of rivers, climate and natural resources. Acceding to them, the gradual drying up of the Ghaggar- Hakran river systems, the destruction of forest and intensive grazing in the Himalayan foothills resulted in erosion and the sedimentation of water channels. The consequence was ruin of Indus civilization.

According to anthropologists, the unburied skeletons belong to different levels, hence to different periods. Anthropologists applied new methods of analysis to these skeletons. The results show that malaria, rather than violence was the cause of death. That means malaria wiped out the people and therefore the civilization of Indus.

6.16.2 Conclusion

An analysis of the factors leading to the disappearance of Harappan civilization show that probably the inherent weaknesses of the Harappans and the havoc wrought by natural forces were the principal reasons for the disappearance. To some extent, Indo-Aryans, and to a greater extent a number of extraneous factors gave the finishing touches to the demise of the Indus culture. Even then, the various networks of system and institutions belonging to the Harappans could not have disappeared in some mysterious and romantic manner. If this had been the case, it would be difficult for us to explain the glaring elements that have filtered into later Indian society.

6.17 SURVIVAL AND CONTINUITY OF INDUS CIVILIZATION

In the field of religion, the worship of “Pashupathi Shiva” as in his actual form as well in the representative form as Linga, the female deity interpreted as Mother Goddess, sacred tree, animals, serpent, religious symbols, etc., which were prevalent in the Harappan religion, were adopted in later Hinduism.

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Some of the motifs, designs, shapes and forms found in the pottery and terracotta objects at Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa find their counterpart in the objects discovered in Punjab and the North-West belonging to the early centuries before the Christian era.

In the field of science and technology, the Harappan civilization greatly contributed to the similar future developments. Harappan civilization was the womb of mathematics. The numerical and decimal system was evolved which helped in the development of “Vedic Mathematics”.

The Harappan way of making baked pottery, bricks, beads, jewellery, and textiles etc. was adopted in the later civilization.

The most remarkable achievement of the Harappans was the cultivation of cotton. Even Egypt did not produce it until several centuries after it was grown in the Indus Valley.

The foundation of India’s brisk maritime trade with Central and West Asia was also laid by the Harappan people.

Thus, the Harappan civilization remained a source of the “civilization process” and many of its features were amalgamated in the warp and weft of later Indian civilization.

QUESTIONS

1. Describe the geographical spread of Indus valley civilization. What were the causes of its decline? (2000) 2. Town planning in Indus cultures (2003) 3. Discuss the economic basis of Indus Civilization. What were the factors of its decline? 60 (2005) 4. Urban planning in Harappan culture (2010) 5. Comment in detail on the socio- cultural life of the people of the Indus Valley Civilization. (2010) 6. Describe what is known of Harappan Religion. Have some of its elements continued into later Hinduism? Discuss. (2014) 7. Discuss the significance of Harappa Civilization sites from India. (2015) 8. Describe various aspect of trade and religion of Harappa civilization. (2017)

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Chapter 7- Life of early Vedic people

7.1 Introduction

The Vedic culture developed in two phases the early and the later. The early phase of Vedic culture corresponds to the Rig Vedic life, while the later phase of Vedic culture corresponds to the Yajur, Sama and Atharvana Vedic life.

The archaeological evidence for depicting the early Vedic culture (1500- 1000 B.C.) comes from numerous sites located in Bhagavanpura and Dadheri in Haryana, Katpalan, Nagar and Mandra of Jammu. The textual evidence revealing early Vedic culture (1500-1000. B.C.) is in the form of hymns in Rig- Veda. An analysis of both types of evidence gives broad outlines of the early Vedic culture.

7.2 Geographical distribution

According to professor Max Muller, the original home of the Aryans was central Asia, from where one branch of them migrated to Europe and another branch to Persia and India. Bala Gangadhar Tilak put forward a theory that the Aryans originally lived in the Arctic region. A.C. Das, a Bengali historian in his book “Rig Vedic India” says that the original home of Aryans was the Sapta Sindhu or the modern Punjab. According to Swami Dayanand a Saraswathi, the original home of Aryans was Tibet. But in the opinion of Dr. Giles and professor

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Macdonell, the Aryans first lived in the Danube river Valley of South- East Europe. Many historians opine that the Aryans started “mi grating around 2000 B.C. “from the region of the steppes extending from Poland to central Asia.”

The Aryan entered India through Hindukush and Iran. The penetration proceeded in waves rather than through a simultaneous mass incursion. They first penetrated the Eastern Punjab, not the Indus valley .as is clear from the monuments of Vedic literature, above all from the Rig-Veda.

The Aryans first occupied the Sapta- Sindhu or the land of seven rivers. This corresponded to the whole of Punjab, its neighbouring region Haryana, the Gomal plains, southern Afghanistan and southern Jammu and Kashmir. Thus, the Aryans bust occupied the land between the western and eastern territories of the Indus namely the Suvastu (modern Swat), the Gomati (modern Gomal), the Krumu (modern Kruman), the Kubha (modern Kabul), the Satadru (Sutlej), Vipas (Beas), Purushni (Ravi), Askini (Chenab) and Vitastas (Jhelum). As generations passed, the Aryans moved eastward and reached Yamuna. They never crossed Yamuna and the Sutlej, south of modern Ambala and along the upper course of river Saraswathi and its tributary, Drishadvathi (modern Ghaggar). The Aryan land extended across the Saptha-Sindhu and Punjab and the whole of western Uttar Pradesh and covered the Ganga –Yamuna Doab. This land was the most ancient home of the Aryans. The Aryan settlements were thus concentrated in the Punjab and the Delhi region but scattered in the other parts of Aryan land.

7.3 Environment

The environment of the Aryans shows uniformities and diversities. The southern Afghanistan is a hilly region with river valleys. Temperature rises during summer and falls low during winter. The hills provided plenty of grasses for the cattle. There was low rainfall. Alluvial lands near the rivers could not be cultivated on a permanent basis.

The environment of Gomal plains are a contrast with that of southern Afghanistan. It is further to the south of southern Afghanistan. The rivers Gomathi (Gomal) and Krumu (Kurram) traverse the Gomal plains. The land is a vast, fertile stretch of land inundated by river waters during raining season. The climate is hot in summer but very cool during the winter with moderate rains during rainy season. There was forest cover over the plains. The land was fit for shifted cultivation and also provided plenty of grass to the live-stock.

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The whole of Punjab and the area between Saraswathi and Yamuna was a plain on either side of the river Sindhu and its tributaries vistasta, Asikini, Anus, Vipas, Saraswathi and Yamuna the river waters deposited silt on the plains and made them fertile. The environment comprised a wooded terrain with full of valleys and good grazing lands. Summers were hot and winters were severe Low rainfall was common during raining season. The climate was favourable for shuffling cultivated and for supported the live–stock

7.4 Social conditions

Early Vedic society was highly organised Varna system had not yet emerged. Early Vedic society was primarily a tribal society. If was divided into tribes (Janab). Each tribe (Jana) served as at maximum social unit. In each tribe (Jana) social relations based on kinship ties were predominant. Some of the tribes were Bharatha, Puru, Yadu, Druhyu, Anu and Turvasu. Intertribal conflicts were common. Tribal conflicts were related to cattle raids, cattle thefts, etc. The structure of society was as shown in the following diagram:

Early Vedic society

Territorial social units units

Tribal Tribal Tribe Tribe Territory territory (jana) (jana) (janapada) (janapada)

Vis Vis Vis Vis (several villages) (several villages) (clan) (clan)

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Grama Grama Kula kula (village) (village) (Family) (Family)

Each tribe occupied a territory called Janapada. Each Janapada included several Vises. Each Vis consisted of several multi-clan villages or Gramams. Each Gramam is a village consisting several families (kulas) belonging to different clans.

Each tribe (Jana) was divided into several class (Vises). Each clan included patrilocal, patriarchal and patronymic. Nuclear and extended families existed. The eldest male in the family was the head of the family (kulapa). The birth of a son was the common desire of the people. The importance given to the male members is reflected in several hymns where the desire for a son is a constant prayer.

Monogamy was the general principle but certain princes practised polygyny also Polyandry was unknown. Marriage was considered as a sacred bond. Widows were allowed to remarry when they were left without a child, because the early Vedic Aryans had a keen desire to have a child to perform his funeral rites. Child marriages and practice of sati were unknown.

Even though society was patriarchal, women occupied a respectable position in it. They were educated and they had access to political assemblies. There were learned ladies like Viswavana, Apala, and Ghosha who rose to the position of female sages (rishis) by composing Vedic hymns. The conversation between Yangnavalkya and Maitreyi shows the high standard of learning among women. Women had a right to choose their partners and could marry late. However, women were always thought to be dependent on their fathers, brothers and husbands.

The Aryans distinguished themselves from other groups whom they called Dasas or Dasyus. They described the Dasas as dark, full-lipped, snub-nosed, worshippers of the phallus and of hostile speech. They were rich in cattle and lived in fortified strongholds.

There was another group of people called Panis who were wealthy in cattle treasures. They were merchants and formed a rich category. The Dasas,

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the Panis and the Aryans fought and befriended each other from time to time. Various occupational groups such as those of weavers, smiths, carpenters, leather workers, chariot makers and priests also existed. The chariot –makers occupied a special social status. Rich people possessed chariots and cattle. They made generous gifts of cattle and of chariots to others.

7.5 Economic life

The early Vedic society was pastoral, cattle-raising being the dominant occupational activity. As a pastoral society, it depended more on animal wealth than agricultural produce. Large scale agriculture was not feasible due to environmental and cultural constraints Rig Vedic hymns highlight the importance of cattle- rearing in terms of such linguistic expressions as cow (gaee), rich cattle –herder (gomat), a person who searched for cows (gavisthi), searching for cows (gaveshana), chief or Raja who protected the cows (gopati), daughter who milked the cow (duhitr), clam (gotra), time when dust on account of the movements of the cows take place (godhuli kala) and distance (gavyuti). All these terms are derived from cow (gau). Further, references to pasture lands, cow dairy products and domesticated animals are frequently made in Rig Veda.

Early Vedic people burnt down forest cover, practised shifting cultivation and raised barley (yava). They did not use iron technology. They were familiar with copper. They used stone tools like axes and tools like hoe and sickles for slashing purposes. Low rainfall and alluvial lands without facilities for large – scale irrigation prevented the people from permanent cultivation. The people were still nomads and semi-nomads because they were again and again occupying the settlements once abandoned.

Gift exchange and redistribution had an important economic role in the societies. Tribal conflicts led to the payment of tribals and prestation (bali) to the victorious chiefs by the defeated or the subordinate groups. The rest of the clansmen of the victorious tribe had a share in the spoils and booty won in the war. The chief also fed and gave gifts to his clansmen during ceremonial occasion. This was done by him to acquire prestige. Evidence of trade and commerce in early Vedic society is meagre. There was no concept of private property based on land- ownership.

7.6 Political life

The political structure of the early Vedic society was not egalitarian. The largest political unit was the tribe (Jana). Each tribe occupied a territory. Some

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prominent tribes among the Aryans were the Bharatas, the Matsyas, the Yadus, the Purus, the Turvasus and Druhyus.

A group of families formed a “grama” (village). Several “gramas” formed a “vis” (cluster of villages). Several “vises” (clusters of village) composed a “Janapada’ (a territory occupied by a tribe). Each tribe (Jana) was the maximum political unit. The king (raja) was the head of the Janapada. Normally kingship was hereditary. But there was also republic, where the oligarchic form of governments in which a group of elders exercised the power.

The foremost duty of the king (raja) was to protect his people from the enemies. The king was associated by a number of officials. “Purohita” was the chief adviser and domestic priest of the king. He assumed leadership in political matters also. “Senani” was the chief of the village for civil and military purposes. The king used to maintain a system of espionage.

The growing needs for more pasture lands cattle for the protection of people and their settlement contributed to an increase in inter and intra-tribal conflicts and warfare. The clans held large sacrifices (yajnas) or sacrifice to help the warrior groups in the wars. In these sacrifices (yajnas) the purohit was the officiating priest and he acted as the mediator between his clan men and the gods. He also invoked the gods’ blessings for the king (raja) for his success in the wars. Initially clan participated in the scarifies on the equal footing. Large- scale distribution of wealth, food and so on was made during these sacrifices and members got an equal share. But with the growing incidence of conflicts and fights sacrifices also became important and the (priest) assumed a special status in the society. The kings (rajas) who fought the wars were credited to be the senior lineage and the rest of the clanmens formed the junior lineage. The division between the senior and the junior lineages became sharper. These political distinctions became more and more apparent as centuries passed.

Tribal assemblies were in the form of Gana, Vidhata, Sabha and Samithi. Gana was an assembly of the whole tribe. Vidhata was the parent assembly from which the Sabha and Samithi differentiated. The Vidhata was associated with civil, military and religious functions. Samiti was the assembly of the whole clan sabha was a matter body represented the elect clam member Sabha and Samiti checked the autocracy of the king.

7.7 Religious life

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The religious life of the early Vedic people centred round nature worship. It reflected the patriarchal pastoral societies and was materialistic in perspective. People venerated the natural forces around them like wind, water, rain, thunder, and fire which they could not control. They invested nature with divinity conceived in human forms, which were mostly masculine. They venerated very few female deities. The religion thus not only reflected patriarchal society but also primitive animism.

They had earthly gods like Prithvi, Soma and Agni, atmospheric gods like Indra. Vayu, Maruth and Parjanya and heavenly gods like Varuna, Surya and Ushas. Indra, the god of thunderstorm, Varuna, the god of the sky and Agni, the god of fire were prominent among the Aryan gods. Yama was the god of death. There were many other gods like Surya, Soma, Savithri and Rudra and hosts of celestial beings like Gandharvas, Apsaras, Maruths to whom prayers and hymns addressed in Rig Veda.

The early Vedic religion was sacrificial, priests performed sacrifices (yajnas) to invoke the gods, in order to grant boons either victory in battles or for acquisition of cattle, sons and so on. They worshipped sacrificial implements like sacrificial altar, stones used for pressing soma plants, weapons of war, drums and mortars. The growing importance of sacrifices in the early Vedic society resulted in the growing importance of priests as well. The ritual of sacrifice also led to the growth and development in the knowledge of mathematics and animal anatomy. Elementary mathematics was necessary to make the accumulations, which were required to establish the positions of various objects in the sacrificial area. Also, the frequent sacrifices of animals led to a knowledge of their anatomy. Priests worshipped gods not for spiritual upliftment but for granting material gains. Animal sacrifice was rampant People sacrificed older animals, which were no longer economically viable. Hence animals sacrificed were one way of destroying the old animals and thus had an important role in the society. Thus, the Vedic religion reflected the patriarchal pastoral society and was materialistic in perspective.

7.8 Conclusion

The early Vedic society was tribal in character clan and kinship relations formed the basis of the society and family was the basic social units. Social division based on occupation had started but there was no Varna.

The early Vedic economy was mainly pastoral. Cow was the most important from of wealth. Shifting cultivation had secondary importance in the life of early Vedic society.

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In the early Vedic polity, is the tribal chief (rajan) and the priest (purohit) had important positions. Among the several tribal assemblies the Sabha and the Samithi played very important roles. Even though there was no well-defined political hierarchy in the early Vedic set up, the tribal society was not completely egalitarian.

The early Vedic people personified the natural forces like wind, water, rain, and so on and worshipped them as gods. They worshipped gods for material gains but not for spiritual uplift. There was growing importance of sacrifices (yajnas) in the Vedic religion.

Chapter 8-Life of later Vedic people 8.1 Introduction

The Rig Veda Samhita comprises ten books or Mandalas of these ten books, II to VII are the earliest and belong to the early Vedic phase (2000B.C.- 1400 B.C.) books I, VIII, IX and X are the later additions to Rig Veda Samhita. These books provide information on the life of the Later Vedic phase (1400 B.C. to 1000 B.C.)

The Sama VedA Samhita, the Yajurveda Samhita, and the Atharvana veda Samhita and the Upanishads belong to Later Vedic phase (1400 B.C. to 1000 B.C.) towards the end of the Later Vedic phase, the two great epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata were composed.

In addition to these literacy sources, archaeological sources also provide evidence about culture and society of Later Vedic phase. The Later Vedic communities witnessed a particular kind of pottery called the Painted Grey ware (PGW). These archaeological finds reflect the material conditions of the Later Vedic society including the iron technology. Some important Painted Grey Ware (PGW) sites are Atranjikhera, Ahichchatra, Noh, Hastinapur, Kurukshetra,

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Bhagawanpura and Jakhera. The carbon –14 dates from Atranjikhera, Jodhpura, and Noh that in Gangetic plains iron was introduced between 1000-800 B.C. In fact, the exploitation of iron ore in Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Punjab and later in South Bihar was an indigenous phenomenon. The Rig Veda calls iron as “Ayas”, Yajurveda calls it “Syama Ayas” (black iron) and the Brahmanas speak “Krishna Ayas” (black iron). The megalithic people of South India were familiar with iron technology. Hence, one cans no longer talk in terms of the introduction of iron technology into the India subcontinent by the migrant Aryans.

8.2 Social life

Social life in the Later Vedic phase was conditioned was Varna system. The tenth book of Rig Veda gives “Purusha Suktha” in which a hymn describes the origin of the four Varnas as,

“When they divided the Man, into how many parts did they divide him? What was his mouth, what were his arms, what were his thighs and his feet called?”

“The Brahman was his mouth, of his arms made the Kshatriyas, his thighs became the Vaisya, of his feet the Sudra was born”. According to the symbolic character of the four Varnas. They are limbs of the society in which Brahmin was compared with head, Kshatriya with arms Vaisyas with things and Sudra with feet”. Thus, Brahmins were priests, Kshatriyas were rulers, Vaisyas were traders and agriculturist and Sudras were labourers. Society came to have unequal endogamous. The system of Varna had the following features.

 Status by birth

 Hierarchical order

 Rules of endogamy and ritual purity.

The Varna system was tied with the concept of Dharma of Ashrama Varna Dharma described the duties and privileges of each Varna. “The division of social groups was based on occupation alone, and society was still flexible, where one’s occupation did not depend on birth” The concept of Ashrama depicted three Ashramas only i.e., stages of life namely Brahmacharya (studentship), Grihastha (householder) and Vanaprastha (partial retirement from householder life by living in the forest). It seems that the fourth Ashrama

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namely Sanyasa (complete retirement from active participation in the world) was not known till the time the Upanishads were written.

Each Varna included some individual tribes and some fused tribes. The Bharatas and the Purus fused into Kuru tribe. Some tribes merged their identities into territorial identities for example; Panchalas were considered as people who occupied Panchala Des a middle portion of Ganga –Jamuna Doab). Kurus and Panchalas united and formed into Mahajanapada. Thus, by the sixth century B.C. Janapadas and Mahajanapadas came into being. The structure of the society was as follows. Varna

Brahman Kshatriya Vaisya Sudra

Tribe Tribe Tribe Tribe Tribe Tribe

Gotra Gotra

Vans Vans Vans Vans

Kula Kula Kula Kula Kula Kula Kula Kula

Gotra signified descent from a common ancestor. Marriage between people of the same Gotra was not allowed. Each Gotra contained several Varnas. Each Varna was also a descent group which came into being when several

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families combined. The family was patrilineal, patriarchal, patrilocal and patronymic.

The family became a self-sustaining economic unit because each family came to have its rights on land according to usage. Communal lands belonged to the village. The head of the family (grihaspathi) acquired special importance since house holding economy was gaining importance. Each household produced its wealth by its own efforts. Every head of the family (grihaspathi) acted as a master to mana gain merit. The Brahman Priest official ordering the sacrifices priest officiated the sacrificial rituals and received payment from the head of the family.

The status of women degraded Women were considered subordinate to men and were not involved in any major decision making. A few women philosophers were present. A few queens participated in the coronation rituals. Many customs and values of non- Vedic tribes found their way into the Later Vedic society. The notion of untouchablilty was absent.

8.3 Economic life

The Later Vedic society highlights a transition from a pastoral society to a sedentary agrarian society. It had a mixed economy namely agriculture and pastoralism. People burnt the forests in the Ganga- Yamuna Doab region, and the marshlands and the monsoon forests in the middle Gangetic valley and cultivated the elevated areas. Agricultural operations consisted of ploughing sowing, reaping and threshing. Cow-dung was used as manure. There were two harvests in a year as in early Vedic society. Dry cultivation that was not labour intensive was practised. That means people shifted from primitive agriculture to sedentary agriculture and pastoralism was no longer the main subsistence activity as it was in the early Vedic period.

People raised barley, rice (vrihi, tandula, or sali) beans and sesamum in different parts of the year. Large quantities of farm products were utilized in ritual activities. Obviously, production was on a large scale. Plough cultivation was familiar. People yoked oxen to the plough. Socketed axes made of iron, iron tipped ploughshares, iron hoes and iron sickles formed the agricultural tools. Excavation at Ahichhatra yielded weapons like iron tipped arrowheads and spearheads. The excavations at Jakhera yielded one ploughshare. The excavation at other places rarely provided iron sickles, hoes and axes. Iron technology, thus played some role in subsistence activities. People followed a large number of occupations such as those of washer men, butchers, barbers, fishermen, charioteers, basket makers, rope makers dyers and embroiders. There were

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experts in the making of fire altars People used metals such as gold, bronze, iron, copper, lead and tin. People secured gold from many sources. Also, they domesticated elephants. Mixed farming led to the use of sedentary settlements. Thatched huts and well-cultivated fields formed important parts of settled communities. Elaborate sacrifices (rajasuya, asvamedha etc) were performed for acquiring material benefits and recommended gifts of cows, claves, oxen, gold, cooked rice, thatched houses and well cultivated fields to the Brahmins. The gift items indicate growing importance of sedentary settlements and agriculture. The pottery grey ware (PGW) deposits are generally two to three meters deep and indicate that people were living in the same spot for a long time. At Bhagawanpura and Jakhera, the excavations show that the earlier phase of circular huts made of wattle and daub or wood were replaced by more substantial houses with mud walls. Thus, durable materials were being used for house construction owing to the adoption of a sedentary life style.

Economy and ritual life were closely interwoven with each other. In early Vedic society rituals were performed to bring about the welfare of the entire tribe. In the Later Vedic society, the function of rituals underwent a subtle change. Rituals became so complex that only the rich could perform them. The spirit of the collectivity was reduced. Sacrifices were performed to ensue control over the tribe. Gifts were no longer given to the entire tribe. Rather the king (rajan) gave gifts to the Bahamans who performed sacrifices for him. In fact, the king passed on a large part of his wealth to the Brahmin priests who were experts in ritual knowledge. Thus, the rituals became a mechanism for enduring the material and spiritual superiority of the kings and the Brahmans

Reciprocity and redistribution were the important exchange mechanisms. Every family cultivated its land through family labour and the help of domestic servants and slaves. Initially land was owned by the clan (gotra). Clan ownership gradually changed to family ownership. The Vaisyas were the producing class in the society and they became the sources of wealth and subsistence for the Kshatriyas and Brahmans who did not actively participate in food production. The Vaisyas had to give presentations to the Kshatriya in lien of the latter protecting their lands and gift (dana) and fees (dakshina) to the priests for their moral upliftment. The clans of Vaisyas characterising the house holding economy, became the main stay of the economy Presentations and gifts (dana) to the non-producing classes helped in the distribution of subsistence goods.

8.4 Political life

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The political life of Later Vedic society was closely linked up with the mixed farming economy. In fact, the transition from a predominantly pastoral to a mixed farming economy had a great impact on the character of the Later Vedic society and polity. The main trends of changes were:

Tribal identity of the Early Vedic society gradually gave way to territorial identity and consequently the nature of chief ship changed. Largely egalitarian Early Vedic society gradually transformed into society marked by inequality. Even the same clan was divided into groups, some of which could have high status and some low status within a tribal society. The political units included Mahajanapada, Janapada, Rashtra and Grama. The political units and political bodies are shown in the following diagrams. The maximum political unit is Mahajanapada or a monarchy.

Mahajanapada (Monarchy)

Janapada/Rashtra/ Janapada/Rashtra/ State/Republic State/Republic

Sata Grama Sata Grama Sata Grama Sata Grama

Grama Grama Grama Grama Grama Grama Grama Grama

It was a territory occupied by a federation of tribes. For example, Baharatas and Purus formed into one empire called Kuru. The monarch was known as Samrat, Ekarat, Sarvarat or Rajadhiraj. Mahajanapada included two or more Janapadas or republics. A single tribe occupied a Janapada. In this context tribal identity merged with territorial identity. For instance, Panchalas were a tribe. Later they came to be recognised as people of Panchala Desa or the country of Panchalas. The tribal territory contained numerous clusters of Gramas or Villages. Each cluster contained one hundred villages. The head of the cluster was Satapathi; the head of the Grama was Gramani. The head of the Janapada or republic was called Rajan, King, Chief or Kshatriya. He not only

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held power over the Janapada but he also became the protector of the Janapada. The part of the clan from which the king hailed was Rajanya of the other part, to which the commoners hailed, was called Vis. Regularly the Vis paid tributes and taxes to the king in the place of presentations namely Bali and Bhaga. Of the political assemblies, the Sabha became more important than the Samithi. The Sabha and Samithi acted as checks on royal absolutism.

A ruler would become Raja by performing Rajasuya sacrifice. He used to perform Asvamedha, Purushamedha, Rajasuya and Vajapeya sacrifices and establish his overlordship. The empire of kuru and the kingdom of Panchala became powerful. Kosala, Kasi and Videha were also prominent kingdoms. King Janaka of Videha had a great reputation as a Rajarshi. Parikshit and Janamejaya ruled over Kuru.

There were several checks on the absolute power of king. He had to uphold Dharma. Dharma was the real sovereign of the country. The king had to take an oath of loyalty to religion, law and truth. The king was also controlled by his ministers known as Ratnins jewels in the king’s crown. The Atharvana Veda makes a mention of five such ministers namely: a) Sumanta, b) Sangrahitri, c) Rajanya, d) Kshatri and e) Bhagadhugha.

As the Aryans gradually occupied the whole of the Gangetic Valley, they were very much involved in constant inter-tribal wars to attain supremacy. The conflicts were over cattle and lands. Intra- tribal conflicts were also common over cattle and lands. The necessity of increasing territory was connected with the growth of population within the tribes. The Mahabharata depicts intra- clan warfare between Kauravas and the Pandavas of the Kuru clan.

The importance of the king and Kshatriyas and the importance of priests and Brahmans were inter-related. As the importance of king rose high, the importance of the Brahmins also rose high.

The Brahmins became important because they legitimised the office of the ruler through the consecratory rituals. The redistribution of wealth through gift (dana) and fees (dakshina) on such occasions was primarily from the Kshatriya masters (yajamans) to the Brachman purohits (priests). The status of the officiating Brahmin priests became at par with the gods in the Later Vedic society. Just as the political supremacy was slowly becoming, the domain of the Kshatriyas, the religious supremacy was slowly becoming the domain of the Brahmins.

8.5 Religious life

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Gradually, ritualism was replaced by devotional (bhakti) cult. The performance of sacrifices was not within the reach of the common man. The idea of Brahman, Vishnu and Rudra came into existence. The nature worship of the Vedic Age disappeared. Vedic and non-Vedic traditions fund to some extent.

The early Vedic gods Indra and Agni lost their importance. Prajapathi, the creator became important. Rudra, a minor deity in Rig Vedic times became important now. Vishnu became the creator and protector of the universe Pushan who protected cattle in the former period now became the god of Sudras. The early Vedic gods represented nature but the later Vedic gods became important in agricultural activities.

The Atharvana Veda reveals fusion of Vedic and folk traditions with reference to the cure of diseases, the prayer for wealth, the charms for the prosperity of home and children, the cattle and fields, the charms to produce harmony and the charms concerned with love and marriage and rivalry and jealousy. Gods and of the Vedic tradition were invoked but the reasons for which they were invoked were trivial and individualistic. Many godlings and spirits (pisachas and rakshasas) were involved either to bring good fortune or to cause havoc and destruction to one’s friends and foes respectively. Indra was asked to kill the house robbers, the warms in the body and the wolf-devas, the Aswins were entrusted with the protection of agriculture and the killing of rats. Savitri was summoned to fix a place where a new home could be built, Pushan was asked to bring harmony and safe delivery of babies, while Surya was invoked to remove demons.

A new science of priest-craft emerged because of the complexities involved in the performance of the sacrifices (yajnas) whether private or public. Thus, a class of priests became specialists in the performance of the sacrifices. There were even different sets of priests performing different stages of the same sacrificial ritual. Towards the end of this period, a strong reaction against the priestly domination and against the complexities involved in the sacrifices resulted in the formulation of a philosophical doctrine, which is enunciated in the Upanishads. This period is significant for intellectual activity. The six Vedangas namely Siksha, Chandas, Vyakarara, Nirukta, Jyothisha and Kalpa were composed. They were useful to understand Vedas. Later on, the Upanishads were written. They dealt with medicine, music, architecture and the art of warfare. The philosophical discussions of the sages took the form of Upanishads. The Upanishads emphasized the changelessness and indestructibility of the soul, which emphasizes the need for stability and integration in a period when the Janapadas (republics) and Mahajanapadas

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(monarchies) were emerging. Thus, a great change in religious beliefs and practices had taken place between the early Vedic and the Later Vedic period parallel and reflect the social, economic and political changes that had taken place from the early Vedic to the Later Vedic society.

8.6 Conclusion

The textual and archaeological sources provided information on the Vedic society. After 1400 B.C., the Aryans occupied the whole of the Gangetic Valley. Between 1400 B.C. and 1000 B.C., Varna system came into being the Brahmins and Kshatriyas occupied privileged position in the society. The artisans and traders constituted the Vaisyas. The non-Aryans were defeated and assimilated into the Aryan society as Sudras. They had to do manual labour. The Vaisyas and Sudras united together to resist the oppression by the Brahmans and Kshatriyas.

There was a remarkable progress in the field of economics. The focus of economy shifted from pastoralism to agriculture. Plough cultivation was the primary occupation supported by pastoralism.

A large number of new occupations came into existence. As the Aryans gradually occupied the whole of the Gangetic valley they were very much involved in inter-tribal and intra-tribal wars. Monarchies and republics came into being. There were checks of royal absolutism. The king had to uphold Dharma. He had to take oath of loyalty, to religion, law and truth. The nature worship of the Early Vedic Age disappeared. The idea of Brahma, Vishnu and Rudra came into being. Folk ideas and Vedic ideas fused. Religion became a synthesis of intricate rites and ceremonies. The Brahmin priests occupied the highest place in society. There was a lot of intellectual activity in terms of composing Vedangas, Upavedas and Upanishads. Social economic, political and religious aspects got inextricably interwoven with each other.

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Chapter 10- Contribution of tribal cultures to Vedic culture

10.1Introduction

Ancient literary texts, archaeological and epigraphic evidence and historical records provide fragments of information on the contribution of tribal cultures to the cultures of India. According to these sources, the cultural history of India reveals that the tribals were the original inhabitants of the land of Bharath Varsha. They passed through the different stages of development and some of them were the makers of the Indus Valley civilization. They occupied the most fertile core of the country.

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When the Aryans invaded India, Indus civilization was flourishing. In the struggle of indigenous tribes and Aryans, at a later stage, a policy of mutual give and take of cultural traits took place. The gradual amalgamation and synthesis of Vedic and non- Aryan cultural elements proceeded uninterruptedly.

10.2 Ethnic identities

As the Aryans came into contact with the Dravidians and the indigenous tribal populations a situation arose whereby the ethnic identities were in a state of flux. What happened was that when the Aryan culture developed for the first time in the Indus region it gradually diffused to the neighbouring parts of Indus. As the Aryans gradually progressed eastward from the Punjab, they first sought to destroy everything that was non-Aryan. Gradually, there arose a tendency towards co-existence and the amalgamation of cultures. There was intermingling of pre-Vedic and Vedic culture and a composite culture came into being.

The entire culture contact situation involved interaction of three different kinds of peoples the Aryans tribes, namely Bharatha, Purus, Panchala, Turvasu, Yadu, Druhyu and Anus, the Dravidian tribes and the indigenous tribes like the Bhil, Gond, Sabara, Kolla, Kirata, Chandala, Nishada, Bana and Munda. As these tribals came into contact with each other there came into being a fusion of culture and ethnic identities. At the same time those who did not like this fusion and wanted to continue their own cultures, moved into the hills and forests and remained aloof from the other populations. All others remained the partners of a contact situation and process.

10.3 Contribution to ethnic complexitie

The total culture contact created several processes, which are described as follows Firstly, there was assimilation of priesthood. Viswamithra, Vasishta, Agasthya, Kanva, Valmiki, Veda vyasa and Angriasa were black people. Garbled versions of their birth were innovated to gloss over their non- Aryan origins so that they could be adopted into the Aryan fold. Secondly, there was assimilation of conquered chiefs Babutha, Taruksha and Dasa chiefs into Aryan fold. Thirdly, there was assimilation of pre-Aryan, non –Aryan commoners. The Aryans divided society into Brahmin, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudra. The tribal classes hardened into Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra. Pre-Aryan and non- Aryan tribes were absorbed into Sudra class.

Fourthly, there was extermination of some tribals Indra slayed Dasyus and Samjus, defeated Asuras and shattered the forts of Dasas. Saraswathi killed

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Parvathaleas on the banks of Purushni. Alexander wiped out the tribals namely Ashvayana, Kathers, Maleras, Kshudras, Sivis, Arattas, and Ambsthas.

Fifthly, Aryanisation of tribals and tribalisation of Aryans also took place. Dravidians and Pulindas acquired the services of Brahmin of priests The Sabaras accepted the authority of the Kshatriyas. The Sudras and Abhiras procured the services of Brahmin specialists. The Aryans married the tribals Bhima married Hidimbi Arjuna married chitrangda a Naga princess. Ekalavya the Bhil boy, imitated the professional skills of the Brahmin teacher Dronacharya. Further, the Mundas and Nagas, fought against the Pandavas.

Sixthly, there was total assimilation of the most powerful tribe Naga into Aryan fold Toll the sixth century B.C. the Naga tribe had its separate identity. Buddha converted them into Buddhism. They were so absorbed into the society that even their traces cannot be found today. Naga was a large tribe living throughout India. They were serpent worshippers and celebrated Naga Panchami festival, their sculpture included Naga motifs, their place names included Takshashila, Anant Nag, Nagpur, and Chota Nagpur and their personal names like Nagada, Nagadatta, Nagadeva, Nagdevi, Nagendra, Nagalakshmi and soon.

Seventhly, grading down of some tribes did take place. Several tribes lost their original positions and started living by hunting. Medas, Andh, Madga and Chenchu were great hunters. The Pukkasa trapped wild animals. Ayogavas worked in wood. Dnigvana and Karamas worked in leather. Pandusopake worked in cane. Margavas were boatmen Veras played on drums. Sairendhris acted as servants and skilled dressers. Chandalas were absorbed into Hindu society and assigned the task of removing dead bodies of animals and human beings as also whipping and chopping off the limbs of criminals. Thus, the process of downgrading tribal’s continued.

Eighthly, upgrading of some tribes took place. The tribes were not leading an isolated and alienated existence is borne out by the fact that many of them participated in the Puranic and epic traditions myths and folklores. The impact of epic heroes like Rama, Sita. Lakshmana, Bhima etc on some of the tribes in central India id evident from their treasures of myths and lives Gonds called themselves the children of Ravana. The Mundas called themselves Manoak or the people of Manu. Sanskrit literature is replete with their descriptions. Panchatantra of Kathasarithsagar present the Aryan, Dravidians and tribals in a romantic and friendly perspective Vishnu Purana describes the tribals as “dwarfish with flat nose.” In Kadambari and charitha, Harsha, Bana described a Sayara chief.

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Finally, there was ceaseless process of giving shape to Hinduization. The period between (400-1000) A.D. Saw a greater opening of tribal areas and Hinduization of tribal chiefs. The Brahman present prepared suitable Puranic genealogies for them and the ruling Brahman class spearheaded the process of Sanskritization or Brahminization of tribals.

10.4 Contributions to Language

The contribution of tribes to Vedic language was also great. Numerous words from tribal and non-Aryan languages such as Dravidian, Mundari, Austro-Asiatic and other languages entered the Aryan language of Sanskrit. About 400 words from Tamil and several words such as Kadali (plantation), Bala (hair), Kambali (wool), Salmala (hair), Langala (plough), Langula (tail), Linga (penis), Bana (arrow), Karapasa (cotton stuff), Pata (cotton stuff), Mayukha (peacock), Marooka (peacock) and so on from Austro-Asiatic languages became part of Sanskrit (Sitapati: 1950). From the word “Bonga” (holy or sacred place), came the word “Bengal” (Bhowmick 1991). That means several words from tribal languages entered and enriched Sanskrit.

The Santhals have a traditional song by name “KaramVinee”, which narrates that the Santhals lived in Sapta Sindhu region. The symbols used by the priests among the Savaras resemble the script of the people of Indus Valley. Savara language contains Hebrew and Persian words which reveal the wars of the Savaras with the Aryans (Verma 1993). The designs and drawings drawn by the Santhals living in North Karampura Valley resemble the script of the Indus Valley people (Imam 1993).

10.5 Contributions to social life

Contributions of tribals to Vedic social life were also immense. According to A.L. Basham (1985), a historian, Indo-European people created Aryan Gotra system that it was unique to Brahmins, but in course of time it spread to Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. But recent anthropological studies of the Gotra systems of Gonds reveals that the Gotra system originally belongs to the tribals and later the Brahmins copied down that system. The tribe of the Gonds is an ancient one. There are no differences between the structure and function of Gond Gotra system and the Brahminic Gotra system (Mohan Rao 1999: 10-11, 18-20).

The influence of tribal kinship system on the Vedic social structure was striking. In the tribal societies, the bride-givers are considered superior to the bride-receivers. The Aryans copied down this idea. This idea still persists. The

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custom of marrying the cross-cousin was very much prevalent among the tribes. Aryans borrowed this custom to some extent. In the epic age, such marriages were popular among the Aryans and Dravidians also. The marriage of Sasirekha in Mahabharata was an example. However, as centuries passed the practice of cross-cousin marriages among the Aryans disappeared. Even then marriages by exchange continued and they are popular even today. In some castes in Gujarat and Maharashtra, cross-cousin marriages especially those with mother’s brother’s daughter are popular even today. As the Aryans acquired tribal Gotra system, cross-cousin marriages, and marriages by exchange, they came to have a kinship system similar to that of the tribals. Accordingly, they shaped even their kinship usages.

10.6 Contributions to techno-economic life

The influence of the tribal techno-economic life on the Vedic Aryans was also substantial. Archaeological evidence clearly demonstrates the gradual use of iron by the Aryans. Aryans came to know the use of iron only after entering India. In the initial days they copied down iron technology from the local tribals. It is for this reason the early archaeological sites yielded a few iron implements while the later sites provided numerous iron implements. This also speaks of gradual increase in iron technology of the Aryans. In the initial days of their migration they did not know the utility of iron. They used to cultivate barley and wheat but they learnt the art of raising the rice crop from the local tribals who were experts. Like the tribals, the Aryans were initially shifting cultivators but later became settled rice cultivators. In this context, they borrowed many agricultural implements like hoe, seed driller and leveller and used them in the very manner that the tribals used them. Further, the Aryans borrowed the magico-religious practices of the non-Aryans for dealing with the pests and diseases of the crops raised by them. Even Atharvana Veda incorporated these into its hymns. The Aryan priests invoked the Vedic gods but the reasons for which they were invoked were trivial and individualistic. For example, the Aswins were entrusted with the protection of agriculture and the killing of rats. Many godlings and spirits were invoked either to cure crop pests and diseases, to protect cattle and fields and to ward off the ill-effects of evil forces on crops.

On account of culture contact situation between the tribals and the Aryans, the Vedic culture borrowed different types of techno-economic knowledge from the local tribals. Through barter, Aryans obtained different varieties of wild products from the tribals. The Banjaras used to secure rock salt from Rajasthan and carry it on the back of pack animals to different places in India and sell it to the needy. To carry the commodity to different places, they

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used to have special public paths for their caravans. When Aryans visited the forests for hunting purposes, they used to seek the guidance from the forest inhabitants namely Bhil, Sabara and Nishada. A tribe by name Asuras were experts in iron technology. The members of this tribe extract iron from iron ore and make different implements. The Aryans copied the technology from the Asuras. Banjaras used to rear cattle and dispose them to the Aryan and non- Aryan agriculturalists. Likewise, some tribals were known for their boat- building and preparing household equipments. Aryans bartered the products of these tribes for their own farm products.

10.7 Contributions to political life

As contact between Aryans and non-Aryans increased, both the parties felt a need for a political system common to them. The political systems of both merged into each other. The system of chiefdom characteristic of tribes has become part of monarchic and republic systems of Aryans. The monarchic and republic system had grown slowly and by later Vedic time the political idea that the king or monarch is God came into prominence. At the same time nobles gained political ranks. Taking this advantage many tribal chiefs became nobles. Relations between the forest tribals and Aryan rulers became very intimate and strong. The tribal chiefs and those chiefs who became nobles used to send their armies to support the armies of Aryan kings. In course of time certain tribal areas became parts of Aryan kingdoms.

The Sabhas and Samithis that were popular among the Aryans were of tribal origins. Likewise, the village assemblies were originally seen among the tribals, but the Aryans adopted them as important means for administering the villages. Federations of Aryan republics were of common occurrence during the epic times. Tribal chiefdoms and kingdoms were absorbed into Aryan monarchies, as tribals accepted honourable positions in the Aryan fold. From the epic times the spying system has acquired special significance. The rulers used to appoint qualified tribals for the purpose of spying in own kingdoms, in own places and harems, and in enemy kingdoms. Those spies used to collect information on secret plans, schemes, gloatings and palace happenings. The tribals earned great reputation in espionage and counter-espionage activities. Tribals learnt the art of warfare from the Aryans and vice versa. During times of war, kings procured the services of the forest tribals especially in matters of transporting the goods, animals, the arms and ammunition, rations and other material objects across mountainous tracts, deserts, rivers and marshlands. There were, thus, close relations between the tribals and the Aryans.

10.8 Religious life

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The Aryans accepted the worship of Mahadeva or Shiva Linga, Sarpa (cobra), Vriksha (tree), Chaitya and Yaksha from the non-Aryans.

The Aryans incorporated into their religion, the non-Aryan little traditional deities and the ritual practices concerned. Jagannatha, Balarama and Subhadra of Puri were originally little traditional deities of the tribe of Savara, otherwise known as Sabara. The heirs of Savara chief Basu still enjoy certain rights with regard the conduct of ritual and ceremonial activities at the temple of Puri. The only temple in India where the entry is allowed to all Varnas, castes, races and religions without any discrimination is the temple of Puri. Lord Venkateshwara in Tirupati, Panduranga Vittal in Maharashtra, Ayyapa Swami in Kerala are originally little traditional deities. In the Nallamalla forest range of Andhra Pradesh there are numerous Shiva temples of which the most famous one is that of Srisaila Mallikarjuna. The Chenchus worship Srisaila Mallikarjuna. In fact, the popular name of Srisaila Mallikarjuna is Chenchu Mallanna. The Chenchus who transport the pilgrims to the temple of Srisaila charge tax (sunkam) known as “Mettu” at a fixed rate approved by the government authorities. The art traditions of Santhals and those of the people of Indus civilization resemble each other. The “khovar” art tradition of fertility, the “Shoray” art tradition glorifying the harvest season and the drawings made at the “Baha” festival time among the Santhals resemble the Indus script. Some of these diffused into Aryan religion. The synthesis of Aryans and non-Aryan religious beliefs and practices was so complete that it has changed even the forms and functions of Aryan deities. Indra was asked to kill the house robber, the worm in the body and the wolf- devil. The Aswins were entrusted with the protection of agriculture and the killing of rats. Surya was invoked to remove demons. Savitri was summoned to fix a place where a new home could be built. Pushan was invoked to bring harmony and safe delivery of babies. Folk traditions percolated into Vedic traditions and found a place in standard Vedic texts like Atharvana Veda.

There are instances where non-Aryans wrote numerous standard texts used by Aryans, and non-Aryans alike. Valmiki (an Aryanised tribal) compiled Mahabhartha in Sanskrit. The woman who gave fruits to Rama and worshipped him belonged to the tribe Savara. The friend of Rama who plied a boat across Ganga when Rama along with Sita and Lakshmana was on his way to forest was Guha, a tribal. Matanga, Dharmavyadha, Arundhati and Pasupatha, and Boya were all tribals who propagated the doctrines of Hindu Dharma. The magical formulae (mantrams) of the Savara have found a place among the hymns of Atharvana Veda. The beliefs and practices of Vedic Aryans and those of the

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contemporary Savaras especially with respect to naturism, animism and animatism show patterns of similarities. The creator of Gayathri mantra is Viswamitra, an Aryanised non-Aryan).

As Aryan Vedic religion and non-Aryan local religion got mixed up, the non-Aryans accepted the Brahmin purohits. Non-Aryan deities joined the Aryan deities and received worship on par with those offered to Aryan deities. Tribes accepted numerous Aryan religious customs and traditions. As a result, the tribals also performed festivals like Holi, Dasarah, Deepavali, Ramnavami, and others visited Hindu temples and undertook pilgrimages. However, Aryan Brahmins kept away the people of Magadha kingdom from Hinduism. As the people of Magadha did not accept Aryan religious life, the Brahmins among the Aryans branded them “Kikatas”, “Vratyas” and “Aparishuddhas”. Consequently, the latter embraced Buddhism. In general, it is a synthesis of Aryan and non-Aryan religious traditions resulted in the formation of Hinduism as part and parcel of Indian culture.

10.9 Contributions of artistic life

The mythologies, folktales, medicine, music and related aspects of tribals diffused into Aryan culture. The anthropomorphic features of idols worshipped by the Santhals of Jharkhand, West Bengal and Orissa and those of the idols worshipped by the pre-Aryan Indus Valley people were similar.

In Vedic times, the music of the Aryans and of non-Aryans combined and formed a unique synthesis. Among the several musical nodes namely “Sa, ri, ga, ma, pa, da, ni and sa”, which the Aryans had, they borrowed the node “na” from the Nishadas of Vindhya region. Likewise, Aryans derived the stringed instrument “Veena” from the Savara instrument of “Memerajan”. “Meme” means breasts, “rajan” means stringed instrument. Neither the music of the Aryans nor the music of the tribals remained pure; both merged into a single reality. The pastoral music of Aryans and the music of the tribals united into a new variety.

Tribal medicine also entered the Ayurveda of Aryans. Aryans incorporated the herbs, decoctions, calcined powders, extractions, mixtures and pastes used by the tribals into their medical systems. Savaras were experts in magical practices. They rendered their services to the Aryans. Their magical formulae were so useful to the Aryans that they incorporated some of them into Atharvana Veda. Tribals like those of Parvatakas, Sabaras (Savaras), Santhals, Gonds and so on were experts in herbal medicine. They used to supply Sarpagandhi, Aswagandhi, Pippali, animal fats to Aryans and others. All this

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established intercommunication between Aryan and indigenous medical systems.

Vedic culture had become a composite of Aryan and non-Aryan cultures. The mythologies and folk tales got mixed up so much that it is well neigh__ impossible to separate the non-Aryan elements from the Aryan elements and vice-versa. Especially, the stories regarding the origins, marriages, styles of worship and powers of the later Vedic gods and goddesses contain the elements of those innovated by the Aryans and non-Aryans which cannot be separated as such today.

10.10 Conclusion

The contributions of tribals to the Vedic culture are very significant. The Vedic culture is actually a synthesis of Aryan, Dravidian and tribal cultures. There were ethnic fissions, fragmentations, exterminations, degradations and upgradations and assimilations in the culture contact processes. At the same time there was inter-culture communications to form a mosaic of culture. This culture came to be recognised as Vedic culture.

QUESTIONS

1. Critically examine the contributions of tribal cultures to the development of Vedic culture. 60 (2003)

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Unit – II Paleo-anthropological evidences from India

Chapter 1- Narmada basin and Siwalik Hills

1.1 Siwalik Hills

Siwalik Hills is a range of foothills of the Himalayas extending from northeast Pakistan through northern India to southwest Nepal, famous for its rich fossil beds containing extinct apes and other primates. The region has a long

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history of paleontological research and exploration, beginning in the early part of the 19th century. However, the most intensive research has been conducted since 1973 in the Potwar Plateau of Pakistan by David Pilbeam and his colleagues. The fossiliferous sediments in the Siwalik Hills are very extensive, measuring several kilometers in thickness. During the Miocene (23-5 million years ago), active uplift of the Himalayas led to increased erosion, and this produced massive volumes of sediment that were deposited by floodplains and rivers. The sediments range in age from more than 22 million years old to less than 1 million years old and provide a remarkably complete fossil record by which to document the evolutionary history of mammals in the region. The sedimentary sequence in the Potwar Plateau has been subdivided into a series of geological formations: Kamlial Formation (18-14 million years old), Chinji Formation (14-10 million years old), Nagri Formation (10-8 million years old), Dhok Pathan Formation (8-5 million years old), and Soan Formation (5-1 million years old). In addition to fossil apes (hominoids), several species of strepsirhines (sivaladapids and lorisids) and cercopithecoids (Old World monkeys) are known from the Siwalik Hills. In addition, a few isolated teeth from the middle Miocene Kamlial Formation (16 million years ago) belong to a small catarrhine primate (about 3-4 kg) that is quite similar dentally to contemporary species from China and East Africa. They appear to belong to a lineage of primitive catarrhines that originated prior to the divergence of the Old-World monkeys and apes. Two groups of fossils strepsirhine primates are known from the Siwalik Hills. The sivaladapids, represented by Indraloris and Sivaladapis from the Chinji and Nagri Formations (14-9 million years ago), are the last surviving members of a diverse group of strepsirhines (the Adapiformes) that inhabited Europe during the Eocene (34-55 million years ago). They are medium-sized (4- 7 kg), arboreal primates with specialized teeth for leaf eating. Slightly later in time, from the Dhok Pathan Formation (8 million years ago), is Nycticeboides, which appears to be closely related to the living slow loris from Southeast Asia. Old World monkeys or cercopithecoids first appear in the Siwalik Hills in the Dhok Pathan Formation and are the only fossil primates known from the Soan Formation. Presbytis sivalensis (or Semnopithecus sivalensis) from the Dhok Pathan Formation (7-8 million years ago) is a small colobine monkey related to the living Asian langurs. A baboon-like cercopithecine (Procynocephalus subhimalayanus) and a macaque (Macaca palaeindica) are recorded in the Soan Formation at 2.0-3.5 million years ago, while a gelada baboon, Theropithecus oswaldi delsoni, is know from somewhat younger deposits dating to 1.5-0.9 million years ago. The most common and best-known fossil ape in the Siwalik Hills is Sivapithecus. Three species are represented: S. indicus (12.5-10.5 million years

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ago), S. parvada (10 million years ago), and S. sivalensis (8.5-9.5 million years ago). Smaller, female specimens of Sivapithecus were previously included in the genus Ramapithecus, once considered to be a human ancestor. However, with the recovery of additional specimens, especially a partial skull of S. sivalensis, it became clear that Sivapithecus was more closely related to the orangutan. Other fossil apes from the Siwalik Hills include “Sivapithecus” simonsi (10.5-11.5 million years ago), which is probably more closely related to Dryopithecus from the later Miocene of Europe than to Sivapithecus, and Gigantopithecus giganteus, the largest of the Siwalik apes (about the size of a modern gorilla), which is known from the Dhok Pathan Formation (6.5-7.0 million years ago). The remains of the Lower Paleolithic (ca. 500,000 to 125,000 BP) Soanian culture have been found in the Siwalik region. Contemporary to the Acheulean, the Soanian culture is named after the Soan Valley in the Shivalik Hills of Pakistan. The bearers of this culture were Homo erectus.

1.2 Narmada basin

Narmada basin extends over states of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh having an area of 98,796 Sq.km which is nearly 3% of the total geographical area of the country with maximum length and width of 923 & 161 km. It lies between 72°38’ to 81°43’ east longitudes and 21°27’ to 23°37’ north latitudes. It is bounded by the Vindhyas on the north, by the Maikala range on the east, by the Satpuras on the south and by the Arabian Sea on the west. Narmada is the largest west flowing river of the peninsular India. It rises from Maikala range near Amarkantak in Anuppur district of Madhya Pradesh, at an elevation of about 1057 m. ` Study of Narmada Basin is important because of its geographical location which is very strategic for migration of animal population from North to South and East to West. It is not only rich in fossils and archaeological sites, but it has a long history of human occupation.

Excavations at Narmada basin has yielded evidences of human settlements from the Lower Palaeolithic period and continued till the present times. Significance 1) Lowe Palaeolithic sites of Hathnora, Hoshangabad and Narsinghapur

In the central Narmada valley, the basal the gravel yielded unworn or fresh Acheulian tools along with heavily rolled Abbevillian hand axes, choppers on pebbles and large massive flakes This indicates that the latter tools are earlier than Acheulian tools. The fresh condition of the

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Acheulian tools indicate that they got incorporated in the gravel while it was being deposited by the Narmada. This suggests that the basal gravel of the lower group was deposited when the lower Palaeolithic man here was manufacturing Acheulian type of tools. It follows then that the heavily rolled Abbevillian hand-axes and the pebble choppers and large flakes were manufactured before the beginning of the deposition of the basal gravel. This group of tools has, therefore, been placed earlier in date than that of the Acheulian. On the whole the Narmada valley is a meeting places for both chopper(Sohan) and hand axe(Madrasian) industries.

The excavations conducted in 1963 at Mahadev piparia yield 860specimens. The collection consisted of 184 choppers, 98scraper, 22 Hand axes, 17clevers, 325 Flakes, 95Cores.

2) Narmada Man

More significant is the discovery of skull cap of Pre-historic man in middle Pleistocene deposits at Hathnora in Hoshangabad district. This discovery is very important since this is the only instance in India, where we have the skeletal remains of Palaeolithic man though his tools are available from numerous sites.

On December 5, 1982, the geologist Arun Sonakia discovered the only known fossil of a human ancestor from South Asia on the banks of the Narmada. The place was Hathnora village in Sehore district, nearly 35 kilometres east of Hoshangabad in Madhya Pradesh. The discovery changed the face of human origin studies in South Asia.

The Narmada human, a fossil skull, belongs to the ancestor category of Homo erectus, who inhabited the earth from 1.8 million to 200,000 years ago and preceded Homo sapiens. Sonakia puts the age of the fossil at 500,000 to 600,000 years citing animals that he found along with the fossil, features of the fossil skull and palaeo-magnetic dating studies done at the Geological Survey of India (he was Director of its palaeontology division). He thinks the fossil individual may have been 25 to 30 years old. Some paleoanthropologists think that the Narmada specimen may be a late evolved form of Homo erectus.

Skull of Narmada man

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3) Middle Palaeolithic

The Middle Palaeolithic artefacts of the Narmada valley are made mostly on quartzite, but some are also made on fine-grained siliceous stones. The finished tools made on fine grained stones are more than those made on quartzite. Various types of side scrapers are found at the sites of Mahadeo Piparia by S.G. Supekar and Adamgarh by R.V. Joshi. The Levalloisian character is quite frequent and the blade element is also at times. Survival of hand axes and chopper elements is seen at the site of Adamgarh.

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Certain Middle Palaeolithic assemblages have also been recovered from within sandy gravels overlying silts, which often cap cobbly-pebbley horizons, such as at Samnapur in the Narmada Basin. The sites of Devakachar and Burman Ghat on the Narmada have yielded animal fossils in association with artefacts or in gravels morphologically similar to the tool-bearing gravel. The species represented are the Bos namadicus Falconer, Bubalus bubalis L., Stegodon insignis, Elephas namadicus and Equus namadicus. It is quite likely that some of these animals were hunted by the Middle Palaeolithic man.

4) Upper Palaeolithic

Mehtakheri (Upper Palaeolithic) was discovered and excavated by Dr. S. Mishra of Deccan College, Pune, Shri S. B. Otta of Archaeological Survey of India, and Shri B P Bhopardikar of Archaeological Survey of India respectively. Upper Palaeolithic artefacts are found in situ in yellow silt. The Upper Palaeolithic industry consists of nodules, trimmed nodules, blades, backed blades, cores, waste flakes etc. These stone artefacts are predominantly made of chalcedony and chert but a few of quartzite are also found.

QUESTIONS

1. Name a few Chalcolithic sites in India and describe their most salient features. 60 (2002) 2. Importance of the Siwaliks in Anthropology (2009) 3. Describe the evolutionary significance of the fossil finds of the Narmada Basin. (2014) 4. Describe the paleoanthropological fossil finds from Siwalik hills. Examine the contribution of Siwalik fossils to paleoanthropological knowledge. (2015)

Chapter 2- Ramapithecus, Sivapithecus and Narmada man Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 153

2.1 Sivapithecus

Sivapithecus, fossil primate genus dating from the Miocene Epoch (23.7 to 5.3 million years ago) and thought to be the direct ancestor of the orangutan. Sivapithecus is closely related to Ramapithecus, and fossils of the two primates have often been recovered from the same deposits in the Siwālik Hills of northern Pakistan.

Time-period

It belongs to Miocene epoch and various specimens are found between 12.5-8.5 million years ago

Site

Siwalik region of Pakistan Other Sivapithecus remains have been found at sites in Turkey, Pakistan, China, Greece, and Kenya.

Archaeologists

In 1982, David Pilbeam published a description of a significant fossil find, formed by a large part of the face and jaw of a Sivapithecus. The specimen bore many similarities to the orangutan skull and strengthened the theory (previously suggested by others) that Sivapithecus was closely related to orangutans.

Features

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The cranial morphology of at least one specimen of Sivapithecus clearly shows its relation to living orangutans. 1. Sivapithecus was about 1.5 metres (4.9 ft) in body length, similar in size to a modern orangutan 2. A concave face markedly upward in profile, a condition called airorhynchy. 3. Eyes set narrowly apart 4. The orbits are shaped like elongated ovals, tall from top to bottom, and with a similar orientation of the tear ducts in the inner corners of the orbits. 5. A smooth nasal floor 6. Large zygomatic bones 7. Enlarged central incisors, large canine teeth, and heavy molars, suggesting a diet of relatively tough food, such as seeds and savannah grasses. All these features show similarities to the features of orangutan. However, there are dental differences between Sivapithecus and living orangutans. Both apes have thick molar enamel, but in orangutans, the enamel of orangutans is wrinkled into complicated tooth surfaces. In contrast, the surfaces of Sivapithecus teeth are uncomplicated and similar in form to Dryopithecus. This primitive molar form is also similar to early hominids, and some of the earliest-known specimens of Sivapithecus were once believed by many paleoanthropologists to be hominid ancestors

Species

Sivapithecus indicus Sivapithecus sivalensis Sivapithecus parvada

Phylogenetic position

Earlier Sivapithecus along with Ramapithecus w thought to be possible first step in the evolutionary divergence of humans from the common hominoid stock of the apes. However, later specimens and reinterpretation of all fossils led to the opinion that they are the ancestral forms of modern day orangutan.

2.2 Ramapithecus

Ramapithecus, fossil primate dating from the Middle and Late Miocene epochs (about 16.6 million to 5.3 million years ago). For a time in the 1960s and ’70s, Ramapithecus was thought to be a distinct genus that was the first direct

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ancestor of modern humans (Homo sapiens) before it became regarded as that of the orangutan ancestor Sivapithecus. Physical features  Vertical incisors and canine  Little or no diastema  Flattened and thickened enamelled molars and premolars

Specimens and archaeologist

 1932- Edward Lewis The first discovery of Ramapithecus fossils was made by G.E. Lewis in 1932 in the Siwalik Hills regions of India. He assigned one of the fossils, an upper jaw, to a new genus and species he named Ramapithecus brevirostris.

 1960- Elwyn Simons No significance was attached to those fossils until 1960, when American anthropologist Elwyn Simons of Yale University began studying them and fit the jaw fragments together. On the basis of his observations of the shape of the jaw and of the morphology of the teeth—which he thought were transitional between those of apes and humans—Simons advanced the theory that Ramapithecus represented the first step in the evolutionary divergence of humans from the common hominoid stock that produced modern apes and humans. Simon’s theory was strongly supported by his student English-born American anthropologist David Pilbeam and soon gained wide acceptance among anthropologists. The age of the fossils (about 14 million years) fit well with the then-prevailing notion that the ape-human split had occurred at least 15 million years ago.

 1960s- Allan Wilson and Vincent Sarich The first challenge to the theory came in the late 1960s from American biochemist Allan Wilson and American anthropologist Vincent Sarich, who, at the University of California, Berkeley, had been comparing the molecular chemistry of albumins (blood proteins) among various animal species. They concluded that the ape-human divergence must have occurred much later than Ramapithecus. (It is now thought that the final split took place some 6 million to 8 million years ago.)

 1976- David Pilbeam- Pilbeam discovered a complete Ramapithecus jaw, not far from the initial fossil find, that had a distinctive V shape and thus differed markedly from the

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parabolic shape of the jaws of members of the human lineage. He soon repudiated his belief in Ramapithecus as a human ancestor, and the theory was largely abandoned by the early 1980s.

Present position Ramapithecus fossils were found to resemble those of the fossil primate genus Sivapithecus, which is now regarded as ancestral to the orangutan; the belief also grew that Ramapithecus probably should be included in the Sivapithecus genus and is considered as the female species of the genus Sivapithecus.

2.3 Narmada man

 It is a specimen of a broken skullcap found in the Narmada basin.  It was discovered by geologist Arun Sonakia, on the banks of the Narmada at Madhya Pradesh’s Hathnora village in the year 1982.  It belongs to the lower Palaeolithic phase of middle Pleistocene.  The specimen is estimated to be about 1.8- 2 million years old.

Specimen

Dr. Arun Sonakia of the Geological Survey of India found the fossil exposed on the ground surface of a thick Quaternary sediment of fluvial origin and embedded in a fossiliferous gravel conglomerate on the north bank of the Narmada River. Preserved parts of the specimen are the left side of the cranial vault, most of the base of the skull, and the left half of the brow ridges and orbit. Hence, it is a calvaria, not a complete skull with a full face including upper and lower jaws. Teeth are absent. In 1997, an announcement was made of the finding of a hominid right clavicle from Middle Pleistocene deposits in the Hathnora region during field explorations between 1983 and 1992 Dr. A. A. Sankhyan of the Anthropological Survey of India, Calcutta, associates this bone with the Narmada Man calvaria and describes as having belonged to a female the size of a modern adult pygmy of “stocky” build.

Phylogenetic significance

In Sonakia’s description, published in 1984 in the Records of the Geological Survey of India, he assigned “Narmada Man” to the hominid taxon Homo erectus narmadensis.

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Its antiquity is based upon the direct association of the calvaria with stone tools, mainly hand axes and cleavers, typical of the prehistoric Acheulian technological tradition that was dominant in Middle Pleistocene times in India. The fossilized animal remains in the deposit—cattle, buffalo, elephant—include some species that are now extinct, but they are reliable “index fossils” of the late Middle Pleistocene. Radiometric dating methods are not feasible, so the age of the specimen is a relative dating estimate based upon its lithic and faunal associations.

Phylogenetic significance in Indian context

 Indian soil being acidic yielded very less number of specimens.  The debate whether India was one of the region where Homo erectus was present was debated.  The presence of skeletal remains belonging to the lower Palaeolithic phase shows that evolution has occurred  The importance of the Narmada calvaria is that it demonstrates that the Acheulian tool tradition was practiced by early sapiens in a part of the world that lies between the richer hominid fossil sites in Africa and in southeast Asia and the Far East.

Debate on the position of Narmada Man

The French investigator, Dr. Marie-Antoinette de Lumley, recognized that some physical features of the calvaria were not typically those found in Homo erectus fossils from southeast Asia, China, and Africa. For example, the cranial capacity of these Early and Middle Pleistocene specimens’ averages 1,000 cm3 but estimates for the Narmada cranial vault fell between 1,155 and 1,421 cm3, values within the range of anatomically archaic Homo sapiens. Dr. de Lumley christened Narmada Man as an “evolved Homo erectus.” This label is acceptable to those biological anthropologists who profess that anatomically modern humans have a lineage that includes Homo erectus as an ancestral species, the anatomically archaic hominids of the Middle and Late Pleistocene (called Homo heidelbergensis) having an intermediate status in this evolutionary progression. Aside from learned debates over this matter, the American investigator, Dr. Kenneth A. R. Kennedy, broadened de Lumley’s observations by an extensive examination of the calvaria using measurements, morphological analyses, and statistical procedures that support the thesis that Narmada Man (actually a young adult female) merited reassignment as an early Homo sapiens.

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The specimen was compared with crania of other hominid fossils of the Middle Pleistocene (Bodo, Kabwe, Petralona, Dali, Ngandong, Saldanha, Sambungmachen, and those from other sites in Africa, Asia, and Europe), with which it exhibited a significant number of anatomical similarities. The archaeological data do not rule out the possibility that Homo erectus had inhabited the Indian subcontinent, but fossil remains of this species have not been recovered.

QUESTIONS

1. Paleoanthropological Significance of Narmada Man (2008) 2. Sivapithecus (2010) 3. Narmada Man (2012) 4. Examine the debates related to Ramapithecus. (2013) 5. Describe the salient characteristics of Narmada Man and examine its phylogenetic significance. (2016)

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Chapter 3- Ethnoarchaeology

Ethno-archaeology has been recently introduced as a separate branch of archaeology as well as a sub-branch in anthropology. It is the knowledge of a contemporary ethnic group for understanding past culture. Coined by Jesse Fewkes in 1900, the term 'ethno-archaeology' is formed out of ethnography and 'archaeology'. Since long back, the archaeologists were involved in collection, identification, classification and establishment of chronology of antiquities and were giving a little attention to the significance of social organization of a particular group, site or region. Dissolving traditional methods of studying cultural materials with the theoretical knowledge of anthropologists and ethnologists, the archaeologists try to reconstruct the various cultural activities of our ancestors. Initially, the western archaeologists were using ethnographic data for the interpretation of archaeological evidences. It is only in recent times; the emphasis has been given to collect ethnographic data more systematically for the purpose of archaeology. As a result, research methodology as well as the model prepared by the western archaeologists for collecting ethnographic data show significant influence of the anthropologists. Incidentally, we find all the American archaeologists are by training anthropologists. Wiliey and Phillips have stated "American archaeology is anthropology or is nothing".

Different scholars have tried to define it in various ways. According to Lawman 'ethnoarchaeology is the study of contemporary cultures, with a view to understanding the-behavioral relationships which underlie the production of material culture. Similarly, Gould has mentioned, 'ethnographic research for an archaeological purpose, linking material remains to the human behavior from which they resulted'. Schiffer has stated that 'the study of material in systematic context for the purpose of acquiring information, both specific and general, that will be useful in archaeological investigation'. Likewise, Staski and Sutro have narrated that, 'the study of ethnographic or historical situations, either through firsthand observation or documentary

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research, to extract information useful for understanding the relationships between patterns of human behavior and material culture in all times and places'. Longacre mentioned that 'the study by archaeologists of variability in material culture and its relation to human behavior and organization among extant societies, for use in archaeological interpretation'. Kramer, a lady anthropologist from the University of Arizona has done important work on ethno-archaeology of India. Her major contribution in ethno- archaeology includes ‘Village Ethno-archaeology' (1982); 'Pottery in Rajasthan' (1997); 'Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology'- an article published in Annual Review of Anthropology in 1985; and 'Ethno-archaeology in Action' jointly with Nicholas David) published in 2001. According to Kramer, ethnographic fieldwork carried out with the express purpose of enhancing archaeological research by documenting aspects of socio- cultural behavior likely to leave identifiable residues in the archaeological record.

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The analysis of the growth and development of ethno-archaeology is simply impossible without the help of analyzing its relationship with other social sciences. At the time of analyzing this aspect of ethno-archaeology, David and Kramer have stated that; "Like other social sciences, ethno-archaeology advances not on its own but in partnership with its disciplinary siblings, archaeology and ethnography, and within the larger context of social science and its philosophy. Ethnoarchaeology has increased the amount of ethnography, and pertinent ethnography at that, to which students are exposed. ". As ethno-archaeology is an emerging subdiscipline of both the anthropology and archaeology very less people are engaged in studying ethnoarchaeology and choosing it as their career. At the time of analyzing the career passages and the centrality of ethno-archaeology, David and Kramer have mentioned that; "Whereas ethno-archaeology is indeed contributing to archaeology and more broadly to anthropology, it has not achieved the status of an institutionalized subdiscipline...Ethno-archaeology is, then, a discipline practiced for the most part by archaeologists, usually with a particular archaeological problem set in mind... Socio-cultural anthropologists rarely, if ever undertake ethno-archaeological research, though they do on occasion write for archaeologists... Another important if often transient category of ethno- archaeological researchers comprises doctoral and, to a lesser extent, masters' students, many carrying out their research under the aegis of a larger project. . . The low cost of ethnoarchaeological fieldwork compared to its archaeological counterpart will no doubt sustain this research approach so long as universities and research institutes remain underfunded...While most who do ethno- archaeology move back and forth between it and archaeology, they also gain access to other area. Several one-time students of ethno-archaeology have moved in other, sometimes new, directions...In short, while ethno-archaeology’s practitioners, even including researchers of the anthropology of techniques school, are too few in number to be able to claim that they play an integrative role in modern anthropology, they certainly occupy a central position within it, even if they have not as yet exploited this to its full potential".

In case of India, ethno-archaeology, as an academic discipline, has been introduced very late. Although there are number of tribes and other communities living in India with their traditional lifestyle they did not properly attract the archaeologists. Although importance of ethnographic work was known to the archaeologists since the early part of the 20th century, it was actually used in a wider way after the mid of 20th century. In India, although in the early part of the 20th century the importance of ethnographic work for archaeology has been

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emphasized by scholars like John Marshall, E. Mackay, Ananda Coomarswamy, P. Mitra and Furer- Haimendorf, etc. it was felt more during 1960s. Within this background, it was G.S. Ray who in his presidential address to the Anthropology and Archaeology Section of the Indian Science Congress Association in 1966 called for effective collaboration between anthropologists and archaeologists in India. Prior to him, Subbarao had pointed out the dependence of archaeologists on ethnology. Prior to two decades, except few institutes like Deccan College, Pune; ethno-archaeology was not accepted as a separate and an important branch of archaeology and therefore the ethnographic data was very rarely used for explaining archaeological evidences. Since the origin, the ethno-archaeology has been growing very fast. On the basis of its development, David and Kramer have divided it into three main periods.

Period-I: The Initial Period, l956-67 Period-Il: The New Ethno-archaeology period, 1968-81. Period-III: The Recent period, 1982-99.

According to them, the period-I started in 1956, the year of publication of Action Archaeology by Kleindienst and Watson and continued till 1967.

The Period-Il i.e. the New Ethno-archaeology period is from 1968, the year of publication of two major works of the New Archaeology i.e. Analytical Archaeology Clarke, New Perspectives in Archaeology edited by Salty and Binford; Besides, Man the Hunter edited by DeVore, in 1981.

Similarly, the Period-III starts in 1982 and continued till 1999, i.e. The publication of Grand mothering and the evolution of Homo erectus by O'Connell, J.F., Hawkes, and Blurton Jones' This Period-III is again divided into two sub-periods' i.e.' Recent-I and Recent-Il. Recent-I began from 1982' the date of publication of Hodder's book symbols inaction where emphasis has been given to explore the relations between associations of material culture items in living contexts and archaeological concepts of culture in a series of ethno-archaeological essays' This sub-period continued tilt 1989. Recent-Il commenced from 1990 with the increasing productivity of non-western ethnoarchaeologists and ended in 1999'

The following ethnographic data are used for solving archaeological problems.

Settlement patterns

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The term 'settlement pattern' has different meaning. Lawman has mentioned, 'it is the spatial distribution of cultural activities across a landscape, at a given moment in time'. Chang (1958) has mentioned that, 'settlement pattern refers both the internal organization of individual settlements and to the distribution and interrelationships of multiple settlements on a landscape'. David and Kramer have characterized several subsistence adaptations- hunting and gathering, pastoralism and agriculture-and their spatial correlations, drawing on selected case studies with a view to identification of their archaeological signatures. Since long back, the archaeologists are interested in documenting patterns of changes in settlement. All these studies demonstrate that while subsistence and settlement are tightly linked, settlement patterns, in addition, are the complex products of social and political relations. In case of Orissa and Jharkhand, most of the typical tribal villages are situated either on the top of the hill, foothill, at the sloppy land close to the water source. Besides, some tribes are practicing settled agriculture in the plains. Except a few, all the tribal huts are very simple and traditional in form. In the hilly region, most of the tribal settlements are found in scattered form while in plains different hamlets of a village are situated in close proximity.

Site structure and activities

Archaeologists are often interested on identifying, analyzing the nature and internal organization of the structure of a site as well as its associated activities. On the basis of findings, they try to establish the settlement pattern and subsistence system of a particular site. They usually emphasize in locating areas in which craft activities were made. Site structure as well as site size, may relate to duration of occupation' degree of sedentism, and population size; these and other factors (some related to changes in subsistence economy) are of direct relevance to studies of the so-called Neolithic revolution, marked in many areas by growing reliance on an extended occupation of built habitats,'. Since long back archaeologists are trying to distinguish the various kinds of sites on the basis of use, multipurpose sites, special purpose sites' etc. At the time of distinguishing such kind of sites, usually they give emphasis on the artefact types and diversity in relation to their contexts. Here diversity' indicates about number of activities performed at that particular site, duration of occupation, number of activities carried out at that particular site, and size of that particular site etc. Where there are buildings and other architectural remains, artefacts and other waste materials can be deposited directly in and around that structure which help to reconstruct their culture'. But, when we discuss about the hunter gatherer or

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nomadic people it will be too difficult to find such type of architectural structure, as they do not produce such type of substantial built structure.

Subsistence systems

Settlement pattern and subsistence system is always interrelated. A human habitation or settlement is always established near to a source of food and drink. Similarly, the human settlements always leave some substantial tangible remains on the surface from which an archaeologist can able to trace out the nature and types of occupation practiced by the inhabitants. These residual remains help to know what the occupants of the region cultivated, gathered, hunted, bred, and ate. This floral and faunal evidence of a particular region help an archaeologist to establish the subsistence system of a particular area adapted by a group of people in that area in a particular time.

Material culture

Material culture comprises any house, building or structure, tools and other artefacts that include any material item that has had cultural meaning ascribed to it, past and present. According to Miller and Tilley study of material culture may be stated as:- "The study of material culture may be most broadly declined as the investigation of the relationship between people and things irrespective of time and space' The perspective may be global on local, concerned with the past or the present, or the mediation between the two. Defined in this manner, the potential range of contemporary disciplines involved in some way or other in studying material culture is effectively as wide as the human and cultural sciences themselves". Ethno-archaeologists are more concerned to show the relation between the human and things, and in this context, they study human culture as a whole and the material culture as a part. Earlier, when ethnoarchaeology was frequently carried out by archaeologists, they were basically emphasizing only on the production and characteristics of material culture. In the succeeding period the trained anthropologists came forward to study ethnoarchaeology with a mind set up to study the holistic aspects of the culture. The major component of the material culture of Eastern Indian tribes includes the Household Equipment, Agricultural Implements, Dress and Ornaments, Hunting and Fishing implements, etc. A brief description of the material culture is given below.

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(i) Household equipment

The household equipment of the majority of the tribal groups of eastern India are very simple and limited. They use different t5pes of earthen utensils in their kitchen, which include earthen vessels, earthen jar and earthen lid, etc. These earthen pots are used for various, purposes like cooking food, preparing rice- beer, storing grains, etc. The household articles of a traditional Ho house include earthen kitchen utensils, palm leaf mat, wooden cot, bamboo umbrella, leaf raincoat, bamboo hat, broom stick, bamboo basket, winnowing fan, axe, grain bin made of straw and husking lever, etc. Presently they are using various types of metal utensils, cloths, umbrella and bicycle, etc.

(ii) Agricultural implements

The traditional agricultural implements of Eastern Indian tribes are very simple. The settled agriculturalists use different t5pes of wooden as well as iron implements for their agricultural activities which includes wooden plough with iron blade, yoke, moi (a long wooden field levelling implement), shovel, crowbar, knife, sickle and bullock cart, etc.

(iii) Dress and ornaments

The dress and ornaments of eastern Indian tribes vary from area to area and tribe to tribe. Some of the 'Primitive 'tribes residing in the dense forest area use very simple dress to cover their body. Few decades back, the Juangs of Orissa, and some other tribal groups were using leaf to cover their body. But some other tribes like the Ho, Santhal, Munda, Bathudi and Bedia, etc. who are residing along with other communities also use very simple dress to cover their body. Traditionally, the male members were using a hand woven coarse and narrow stripped dhoti around their waist, which rarely reach below to the knees. The lower corner of the dhoti tucked at the back. presently the shirt, pant, trouser and lungi are frequently used by the young generation. The female folk use a local made coarse sarees in their village. One end of this san is used as a lower garment to cover the waist to 'knee portion whereas the rest portion of the sari covers the chest and left shoulder reaching up to the right armpit' The undergarment and blouse are rarely used by the village ladies. But due to the regular contact with other communities and frequent visit to the nearby town and market, their dress pattern is gradually changing' Presently most of the female folk are wearing sarees and other dresses and material like their neighboring communities. Besides, some school going girl use frock, shirt and ribbon as their school dress. Generally, the female folk of these tribes use different types of

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ornaments to decorate their body, which include glass bangle, earring, necklace, paiob and hair pin, etc. The use of wrist watch is frequently found among the male members who are working outside their village whereas it is very rare in case of female members.

(iv) Hunting and fishing implements

The long bow and arrow are the major hunting implements of these tribes. The bow is usually made of a broad, pliant split of bamboo with the ends tied with a thin bamboo string. They use two types of arrow namely, the sharp arrow and blunt arrow. The sharp end of the arrow is made with an iron tip, if needed; it is tied with a thin thread whereas the blunt end of an arrow is made of a hard wood. Feathers of different types of birds are tied at the butt end of the arrow to enhance its speed. The sharp end arrows are basically used for hunting of big animals whereas the blunt end arrows are used for killing small birds. For fishing, they use a variety of traps made of bamboo splits and grass. These fishing implements are fixed in narrow and shallow running water channel or stream in such a manner that the fishes which enter into the basket are unable to return. However, sometimes they also catch small fishes from the stream by hand and net. During monsoon they also collect fishes from their paddy field by using small sized fishing trap.

(v) Art and craft

Art and craft is an important aspect of human culture. Ethnoarchaeologists try to show the pattern of distribution of material items results from the interaction of certain modes of specialist production with particular means of distribution and consumption, and how such patterns relate to socio-cultural entities of various kinds. The knowledge of art and craft is, usually, transmitted from generation to generation by the process of socialization. An ethnoarchaeologists studies the route and routes of transmission of this technology from the present ethnic communities and supplies this knowledge to archaeologist to reconstruct the past technology of the region. But, there is some limitations of ethnoarchaeology. It is unable to provide all the essential data to archaeologists. India in general and eastern India in particular is very rich and well known for its art and craft products. While the tribes like Asur and Kolha are famous for their traditional iron smelting technique, the Mahali is famous for bamboo craft and Birhor is known for rope making. Similarly, the Soura possess expertise knowledge in wall painting. Apart from these, most of the tribes decorate their houses, grain bins, and different kinds of materials in different ways.

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(vi) Trade and exchange

The general meaning of 'exchange' is the transfer of goods and services between people whereas trade involve at least part-time specialists. Study of trade and exchange for ethno-archaeological purpose includes descriptions of markets along with the other mechanisms of distribution including gifting, exchange between friends, allies, kin, and members of different age-sets, and formal exchange partnerships between member of unrelated families over the course of generations, jajmani (patron-client relationships), where and services are exchanged, usually on specific occasions. At the time of analyzing the significance of trade and exchange in ethno-archaeology they have stated that; "Exchange and trade distribute raw materials and artefacts across space through a variety of physical and institutional mechanisms, and, as items move, information and energy, sometimes in the form of armies, move with them. The desire to rationalize trade is frequently implicated in the spread of state forms of policy and the development of empires. The contexts in which objects move from producer to consumer that are most familiar to archaeologist are markets, a type of institution for which there is no evidence in many ancient context"

Mortuary practices

The ethnographic study of mortuary practice is very much useful for interpretation of the burial sites of archaeological context. As most of the archaeologists are not aware about the ritual process, they face a lot of problem to analyses the corpse material buried with in a burial site. For better understanding about the role of mortuary practice for interpreting the archaeology of the region a brief analysis of the mortuary practice of the Ho tribe is given here. For the burial of the dead body, the Hos always dig a stepped burial pit which contains two chambers i.e. inner and outer. They place the dead body and associated grave goods inside the inner chamber whereas the outer chamber is filled with soil. In earlier times the Hos placed many grave goods inside the burial pit for a deceased's future use and satisfaction. These grave goods basically include foods, drinks, utensils, coins, ornaments (glass, brass, silver, iron and gold, etc.) and a person's daily used articles, except the hunting implements. But nowadays because of awareness and the high market price they do not bury the ornaments made of gold and silver. Customarily, the Hos perform the Pathalghori (placing of memorial stone) ceremony on the last day after the death or 9ft day after the Jangpokharr (in case of cremation). But as per their convenience a deceased's family can also perform it in advance to the customary

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date or postpone it for a long period. But nowadays, a lot of changes are noticed in Ho memorial stones. Due to the non-availability of huge stone, heavy expenditure in transportation and lack of man power, presently the Hos prefer to place a small stone on the grave of their deceased relatives. After placing this small stone some of the Hos (not economically poor) prepare cemented platform on it. Different tribal group follow various types of methods for disposing up the body of their deceased relatives. They also bury various kinds of material in the grave along with the corpses. The size, shape and type of burial pit also vary from tribe to tribe. The ethnographic study of burial is more relevant for the archaeological study. The ethnographic study about the location of burial place, type of burial pit, direction of the head of the dead body and the arrangement of the grave goods give some important date for the further study. Besides, the size, rock type and direction of memorial stone could help to compare with the mortuary practices of neighboring tribes as well as with the other archaeological evidences. Therefore, the study of mortuary practice of different tribal communities of eastern India might help in interpreting the eastern Indian burial sites.

As discussed earlier, the ethnographic data can answer easily many difficult or unsolved questions of archaeologists. Basa in this context mentioned that "ethnographic, studies could work as flesh and blood for the skeleton of archaeological researches". These following points of the ethnographic work are important for the archaeological study.  The shifting cultivation and terrace cultivation practiced by different tribal groups of Orissa and Jharkhand make available evidence to the subsistence strategies of early Neolithic culture of the region.  Both Orissa and Jharkhand are very rich in Prehistoric as well as Early Historic Rock Art Heritage. There are a number of Rock art sites discovered from Sambalpur, Sundargarh, Jharsuguda, Rairangpur and some other parts of southern Orissa as well as from the Hazaribagh region of Jharkhand. Out these, some rock arts bear only paintings and engraving where as some possess both paintings and engravings. The subject matter and symbols of these rock paintings vary from site to site.  The art and painting in general and the wall painting and floor design of Eastern Indian tribe may provide clue to analyze the prehistoric rock art. Ethnography of craft, especially the traditional method of iron-smelting craft of the Asuras and Kolhas, the pottery and terracotta manufacturing technique, dokra craft of Mayurbhanj and Dhenkanal districts of Orissa as well as the other brass ware, bamboo and other wooden craft may show technological continuity from the remote past.

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 Most of the tribes of the region believe in simple exchange system. Goods against goods, goods against services, services against goods, gift, etc. are very common in exchange system of the tribes. The area of their exchange network is also very limited. The intra racial inter-tribal dependence between the hill and plain people helps in analyzing the trade and exchange system of our ancestors.  The settlement and subsistence system of different tribes residing in different region could help to study the primitive settlement and subsistence system of the region. Besides, it could also provide data in relation to the primitive ecology, environment, climate, flora, fauna, etc.  The type and nature of the house and other architectural remains, daily use materials as well as other materials or artefacts, waste products can be deposited directly or indirectly in and around a structure or activity area would help to reconstruct the past culture.

QUESTIONS

1. Concept of Ethno archaeology. (2008) 2. New Archaeology (2009) 3. Discuss the importance of the ethno-archaeological approach to the study of indigenous craft in India. (2014) 4. Ethno-archaeological evidences for the survival of hunting gathering societies in India. (2016) 5. Ethno-archaeology. (2017) 6. Discuss the relevance of art and craft traditions in the understanding of Indian archaeology. (2017)

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Unit – III

IMPACT OF BUDDHISM, JAINISM, ISLAM AND CHRISTIANITY ON INDIA

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Chapter 1- Impact of Buddhism on Hindu culture

1.1 Introduction:

Buddhism which emerged as a challenge to the Brahmanical supremacy and caste inequality was very much promising in the beginning for it was able to get royal support of many kings. But it could not maintain its popularity for long. The craze for Buddhism slowly came to an end within the borders of India in due course. At the same time, it became more popular outside India. Even though hardly 0.80% of the people in India are Buddhists, the impact of Buddhism on Hinduism, on the Hindu society and on the Indian culture, in general, is very great. Here is a brief analysis of its impact on the Indian society.

1.2 Impact on social life:

(i) Buddhism laid the foundation for the Indianisation and Hinduisation of foreign ethnic groups. It was during the ascendancy of the Buddhistic rule or influence, a number of foreign ethnic groups such as Persians, Sakas [Scythians], Kushans, Gujars, Parthians and others had flocked towards India and settled down in different places of India. The accommodative spirit of the Buddhism made them to retain their un-Hindu foreign names, customs, practices in brief, their culture. “Lather, when Buddhism decayed, these foreign settlers were quietly and completely absorbed into the mass of the Hindu population, their foreign origins having been forgotten during their long stay in India. Thus Buddhism, without at first intending it, contributed very largely to the synthesis which has produced modern Hindu society. Therefore, the ethnic fabric of India became very complex and acquired a new configurational character.

(ii) Buddhism granted higher status to Vaisyas. The Vaisyas requested the Brahmanical rulers to provide them higher status in Varna hierarchy which was denied by the Brahminic rulers. As the Vaisyas were economically sound and proved to be helpful for providing the required capital to the peasants, Buddha granted them a higher status. This was not palatable to the Brahminic rules of North.

(iii) Buddhism also tried to accommodate the agriculturists below the Vaisyas but as the agriculturists was constantly associated with agriculture and adhered to violence they were not able to elevate their rank even though the rules concerned were sympathetically disposed of towards them. Since filling a lowly occupation, they could not elevate their position in social hierarchy.

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(iv) Buddhism had its tremendous impact on low castes all over India. Buddhism influenced the lower castes to adopt more honourable occupation like agriculture than other types of work. At the same time the new religion preached that the lower castes can eat the meat of the dead ones but not the meat of the slaughtered animals. This was quite convincing to the lower castes and abstained from slaughtering animals. As they have become agriculturists they brought much of the land under cultivation and contributed to the agricultural prosperity in India. As other castes have acknowledged their contribution to agriculture and economy their status improved to some extent in society.

(v) Buddhism indirectly reduced the intensity of caste inequality. It is very often said that Buddhism rose as a challenge to the caste inequality and to assure social justice and equality. “In a way, Buddhism and Jainism protested against some important characteristics of Hinduism like its- rigid formalism, tyrannical ritualism, value system based on hierarchy, supremacy of Brahmins, and religious orthodoxy”. Hence a large number of men and women belonging to different castes joined these new faiths. Buddhism declared that caste or Varna would not come into the way of persons seeking to obtain “Nirvana.” Had there not been that protest from Buddhism against the inequalities of Varna or caste system, the caste system would have reached a stage of social explosion long back. Buddhism, thus contributed to lessen the extremity of caste inequality.

(vi) As all the castes followed the same new religion they were bound by similar beliefs, sentiments and values. All these created a congenial atmosphere for uniting all castes in India. The sense of religious similarity and the acknowledgement of the supreme role of Dharma by all the caste groups created unity or consciousness of kind among all ethnic groups in India.

1.3 Impact on Economic life

(i) Buddhism improved agricultural economy. The concept of Ahimsa popularised for the first time favoured agricultural activity which could support at least ten times as many people per square mile as in pastoral economy in the same region.

(ii) Buddhism emphasised that cattle should be protected because “they are our friends just as parents and relatives”, and cultivation depended upon them. That cattle were indispensable for cultivation was recognised by Buddhism.

(iii) Buddhism even recommends to the kings to supply seeds to the peasants and cattle and suitable implements to those who were the subjects

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within a state. Since Buddhism showed a great awareness of the needs of contemporary agriculture it was acceptable to the village folk and directly influenced the village folk to support the urban centres.

(iv) Buddhism favoured increased trade with foreign lands and increased prosperity of merchants and craftsmen. All this gave rise to urbanisation.

(v) Buddhism favoured internal trade and the use of money which gave rise to money-lending. Unlike the Brahminism, Buddhism granted higher social status to the merchant class and craftsmen. Their higher social status coupled with higher economic status gave them an advantage in terms of trade activity in Indian society. Buddhism never condemned usury. In fact, there was intimate relationship between the Buddha and the traders or Sreshtis. The Buddha even advised the households to pay off the debts and did not allow the debtor to join the Buddhist religious order. In other words, Buddhism in contrast to Brahminism gave its support to usury, which was symptomatic of the mercantile economy of the Gangetic Valley.

1.4 Impact on political life

(i) Buddhism achieved political peace. The principle of Ahimsa (non- violence) when applied to politics led to useful as well as harmful results. “peace at any cost” and “compromise with invaders” had become the guiding principle of some rulers. It provided advantages to the people of India on one hand and to the invaders of India on the other. That means in both the instances it gave peace to the people of India but advantage to the enemies.

(ii) Buddhism established intimate contact with foreign countries and good international relations. Through Buddhism India maintained an intimate contact with foreign countries. Buddhism was “a universal movement, a force irrespective of country and caste, which the whole ancient East was free to accept. Indian monks and scholars carried Buddhism to foreign countries from the third century B.C. onwards, and thereafter the converts of these countries looked up to India as a holy land, the cradle of their faith, a pilgrimage to which was the crowing act of a pious householder’s life”.

(iii) Buddhism preached Dharma Vijay rather than Digvijay. This preaching helped in promoting universal peace.

(iv) Buddhism fostered political oneness and cultivated national spirit. The people living in different parts of the country began to realise they belong to one religion and to one nation.

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(v) Buddhism accommodated the interests of all agricultural castes in village political life Buddhism helped better political understanding developed within the villages and urban centres. Hitherto agriculturalists dominated the leadership. When the lower castes also became agriculturist and boosted up the production, the dominant caste recognised their contribution and had given them a place in the deliberations of village council especially those pertaining to agricultural problems.

(vi) Buddhism inculcated democratic spirit in conflict resolution. In Buddhistic Sanghas every dispute was settled by democratic means and methods. This has inculcated democratic spirit in the political life of Indians.

1.5 Impact on religious life

(i) Buddhism introduced idol worship. As Jadunath Sarkar opined “Image –worship was most probably introduced into India by the Buddhists.” In order to commemorate the memories of the Buddha as a great master and preacher statues of the Buddha were produced and soon they came to be worshiped in as representations of the godhead. “Houses had to be built to shelter these sacred images and temples arose. Vedic Aryans had been content with offering sacrifices on altars in the open air, as was the case with the Aryans of ancient’.

(ii) Buddhism provided an organisational base for Hinduism. The monastic system or the organisation of religious devotees in disciplined orders was another experiment made by Buddhism. It is true that the great sadhus and seers of Hinduism were only making lonely contemplation for they had no systematic monastic orders. Buddhism instituted the monastic orders which made the religious devotees to constitute a fraternity of monks, obeying a common head and living together under a common disciplinary rule. It is said that prior to the emergence of Buddhism, Hinduism did not have any well-established organisational base. The Brahmin scholars, sadhus, sages and santas’ were practising Hinduism at their individual levels. The efforts of the Buddha and his disciples in establishing the Buddhist Sanghas, Buddhist monastic orders, etc. impressed very much the people at the helm of affairs of Hinduism. As a result, they realised that it was necessary for them to have some sort of “Sangha” or “Sanghatan” for the preservation of their religion and to counteract the propaganda of the other religions. Perhaps, the Buddhist Sangha influenced Sri Adi Shankaracharya in founding the “mutts” known as “Shankar Mutts” in four corners of the nation. Buddhistic monasticism, we could say, lives in the order of Shankara’s monks. In course of time, the tradition of “mutt”

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became so popular that most of the major castes of India established their own tradition of the monastic order.

(iii) Buddhism gave a simple and a popular religion. Buddhism never gifted us a religion which is full of complications and un-intelligible rituals that could be performed only by a priestly class. “It deliberately set itself to appeal to the masses, and wonderfully succeeded in winning their hearts by its simplicity, its emotional element, its easy ethical code, its use of the vernacular language in its scriptures, its popular method of teaching by means of parables, and its worship in congregation. It introduced a personal element into religion, in the form of a known human saviour in the place of the impersonal forces of nature to whom Vedic Aryans used to pray.”

(iv) Buddhism enriched the intellectual and spiritual life of the country. Of all the proselytising religious of the world, Buddhism seems to be the only religion that could spread its influence both within and outside the borders of India by virtue of its internal vitality and spiritual power. The importance of Buddhism in this context could be understood by comparing it with religions such as Christianity and Islam which often resorted to political, military and economic power to spread their faiths in India. Buddha’s love towards the entire humanity, his compassion towards all the living creatures, the emphasis he laid on non-violence and peace, have all made Buddhism to acquire worldwide recognition. Buddhist monks also tried to attain the heights of spiritual life and worked sincerely to obtain for their religion positive support even at the hands of the intellectuals.

(v). Buddhism influenced Hindu philosophy, logic and Vedanta philosophy. Brahmin scholars acquired at the hands of the Buddhist Pandits a new approach towards philosophy, logical and Vedanta philosophy. Buddhism influenced Vedanta philosophy also. Both Buddhist and Vedanta philosophers assert the unreality of the world. This doctrine is not specifically stated but implied in the Upanishads. Buddhism made possible for the Hindu scholars to give new interpretations in the light of the Buddhist thought. It is said that Adi Shankaracharya himself was influenced by the Buddhist “Madhyamik Darshan.” Shankaracharya, no doubt, drew his inspiration from the Upanishads, but in explaining its negative aspect, that is, refutation of ideas he was surely inspired by Madhyamik philosophy.

(vi) Buddhism provided cultural contacts between India and other Asiatic countries. Many Buddhist scholars visited foreign lands to preach Buddhism. Kashyapa Matanga and Dharmaraksha went to China in the first century B.C. Santarakshita of Nalanda University went to Tibet. Kumaraghosha, A Bengali

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Buddhist went to Java in 782 A.D. Many foreign visitors and students came to India in search of knowledge. Thus, Buddhism provided opportunities for the spread of ancient Indian civilization in South-East Asia.

1.6 Impact on language and education

(i) Buddhism encouraged development of regional languages. Contribution of Buddhism towards the development of the regional languages had been remarkable. The language of culture hitherto had been Sanskrit and the texts of the Brahmanical religion were in Sanskrit. Contrary to this, the Buddha preferred to preach his doctrines in the language of the common people. Buddhist texts came to be written in Pali. This helped the development of Pali language and literature. In the same way Mahavira preaches his tenets in Ardhamagadi a form of Prakrit languages. This helped the development of Ardhamagadi dialect. In this way, Buddha and Mahavira laid the foundation fort the growth of vernacular literature.

Further, due to the increasing popularity of Buddhism, Indians recognised the importance of the studies of Pali, Sanskrit, Prakrit, Tibetan and Chinese for a full understanding of Buddhism. These have influenced writers in the modern Indian languages. They have either translated Buddhist works from the original or were inspired to write independent works that reflect Buddhist thought.

(ii) Buddhism provided plenty of literature on varied subjects. The Buddhist scholars produced vast literature on varied subjects. Vasubandhu wrote books on ethics, psychology, and metaphysics. Nagarjuna was an all-round scholar. He dealt with medicine, chemistry and philosophy. The Buddhist writers produced books in the spoken language of the people. Thus, languages other than Sanskrit began to acquire respectable position in the country.

(iii) Buddhism gave special importance to education. Buddha Viharas, Mutts or monastic orders also functioned as centres for spreading education. Buddhist monks were also great scholars. Indian kings who supported and patronised Buddhism also encouraged education. Universities such as Taxila of 7th century Nalanda of 4th century B.C. had earned a good name in the ancient world. Nalanda was, in fact, recognised as a Buddhist university.

Another speciality of Buddhism was, it had extended educational opportunity for women from the very beginning. Further, Buddhism made education available for the lower sections of the Hindu society also.

1.7 Impact on art and architecture

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(i) Buddhism encouraged artistic activity. The greatest contribution of Buddhism to Indian culture is to be found in the realms of Indian art and architecture. It is said that the history of Indian art begins from the Buddhist period. The Buddhist monasteries were not only great centers of learning but also flourishing centers of artistic activity.

(ii) Buddhism favoured special type of architecture in the form of stupas, viharas, chaityas and so on. The early Buddhist monuments chiefly found at Sanchi, Bharhut, Bodh Gaya, Amaravati and in other places contain stupas. The Buddhist art and architecture that include stupas, viharas, chaityas, pillars, carvings, paintings, etc. are found in various places of India, like Sanchi, Ajantha, Ellora, Nasik, Amaravathi, and so on.

(iii) Buddhism introduced the cult of Bodhisattva. Mahayanism influenced art in another manner. It defined Buddha and introduced the cult of Bodhisattva. The Mahayanists considered the Buddha “Avalokiteshwara” and prepared the images of the Buddha and worshiped him. The Hindu worship of images was very much influenced by Buddhism.

1.8 Impact on modern life

(i). Influence of Buddhism on modern life is very great. The world has come to realise the services done by the Buddha to the mankind. The “Panchsheel” which govern the policy of the Government of India is based on Buddhist teachings. Buddhism has always stood for universal peace and it will continue to do so even in the future. Those who seek universal peace must turn to Buddhism for a better support. Swami Vivekananda has very rightly called him “The Light of Asia.” Japanese author Suzuki writes in his article: “if the fact is one and it there is something that differentiates it form the West, the differentiation must be sought in the thought that is embedded in Buddhism ………. But when the East as a unity is made to confront the West, Buddhism supplies the bond”

(ii). Conversion as an escape route from ritual degradation and caste oppression is not unknown to Indian history. Both Islam and Christianity grew largely through conversions from low castes. Conversion to Buddhism is distinct in several ways.

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a. Buddhist conversions were episodic, but not systematic. This is due to the absence of missionary organisation systematically involved in proselytization.

b. Buddhist conversions are largely single caste affair-like the Mahars in Maharashtra and Chamars in Uttar Pradesh etc.,

c. The converts have not joined an already established large body but are themselves building a new religious organisation.

d. The conversion is not simply a religious act but also a political move in that most neo-Buddhists are also involved in a political party. The neo- Buddhists have a dual identity because they distinguished themselves from the old handful of Buddhists.

e. In none of the states the Buddhists constitute 7% to 13% of the population. Only in Maharashtra the Dalit Panthers have some political clout

f. Buddhists do not identify themselves with any distinct language, culture or territory in India. They are usually encapsulated in the regional cultural milieu (nearly 50 lakhs of Buddhists (0.81) exists in India.

1.9 Conclusion

It is significant to note that Buddhism which at one stage obtained royal patronage and support could not become popular in India. Its influence slowly faded away. It left India only to become popular outside its border that is, in Ceylon, Burma, Nepal, Tibet, China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Thailand, and other Asian nations. Ram Swarup has expressed the view that Buddhism also made the same experiments which Hinduism had done. It could be spread to palaces wherein Hinduism was already introduced never destroyed anything to stamp its imprint. It blossomed in different places by accommodating itself with the regional peculiarities. It was not an imperialist instrument to exploit people and to make them accept slavery.

Ram Swarup is of the opinion that Hinduism and Buddhism are intimately intertwined. He writes: …Buddha and Buddhism from an intimate part of Hindu consciousness. Buddha was a Hindu. Buddhism is Hindu in its origin and development, in its art and architecture, iconography, language, beliefs, psychology, names, nomenclature, religious vows and spiritual discipline

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Hinduism is not all Buddhism, but Buddhism forms part of the ethos which is essentially Hindu”.

According to Jadunath Sarkar, “original Buddhism was only a new form of Hinduism” and not a separate religion as such. As he opined “in its origin, Buddhism was not avowedly a new creed, but an appeal for holier in the bosom of the existing Hindu religion and society.” He writes “As far as the original philosophy of Buddhism goes, there is, therefore, hardly any break of continuity between the Buddha and the Hindu sages who had preceded him. In the Jatakas, the Buddha says again and again that true piety consists not in the performance of rites or the repetition of set prayers, but in holy living and holy dying”.

Buddhism, though has its own independent existence, according to Ram Swarup, it cannot remain a total stranger to Hinduism. He writes: “…. Buddha, his spiritual experiences and teachings formed part of a Hindu tradition. He belonged to Upanishadic heritage. He cannot be understood in any other sense……He himself claimed no originality. He claimed to have ‘seen an ancient way of life’.”.

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Chapter 2- Impact of Jainism on Hindu culture

2.1 Impact on social life

(i) Like Buddhism it did not try to abolish the existing social differences. However, both strongly refuted the importance of caste for the attainment of Nirvana. Like Buddhism, Jainism also emerged as a protest against Brahminic supremacy and caste system. In course of time, however, like Buddhism the Jainism also got trapped into caste system. Jainism adopted a liberal attitude towards lower castes. The first female disciple of Mahaveera is said to have been a captured slave woman.

(ii) Jainism like Buddhism did not debar the lower castes from acquiring knowledge. Jain monks like the Buddhist monks accepted food from lower class families including those of weavers. Like Buddhism, Jainism also adopted favourable attitude towards traders and merchant class also. The reasons advanced in this context are similar to those given by Buddhism. Like Buddhism, Jainism tried to improve the position of slaves. Apastamba forbids trade in human beings only for Brahmins. The new religions prohibited it even for the lay followers.

(iii) The Digha Nikahaya advises masters to treat their slaves decently. Likewise, Jainism also advises the employees to treat their slaves in the most humane way.

2.2 Impact on economic life

(i) Jainism, like Buddhism, favoured agriculture. It prevented animal scarifies enabling the agriculturists to have adequate number of cattle for agricultural purposes and for dairy activity. However, it remained unpopular with the agriculturists because its emphasised-on non-violence stood against the agriculturists whose profession necessarily involved killing of organism for like insects and pests.

(ii) Jainism was unacceptable to artisans and craftsmen. The principle of Ahimsa became unacceptable to artisans and craftsmen because, their occupations endangered the plant life and the life of other creatures.

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(iii) Jainism imposed limitations on private property. The strict Jaina limitation of private property was interpreted as a ban on the possession of property in land owning. The followers of Jainism thereby specialised in trade and financial transactions. This explains why Jains came to be increasingly associated with the spread of urban culture and maritime trade. India’s western coast facilitated foreign trade and therefore it is not without reason that the population in this area is predominantly Jain even today.

2.3 Impact on political and aspects of life of Hindus

The Jainas also distinguished themselves in giving their unstinted support for the improvement of political and economic life in the country. The Jainas, especially in southern and western India, produced a large number of eminent and efficient monarchs, ministers, and generals and thereby contributed to maintain and improve the political importance of the people. Not only the ordinary Jainas but their acharyas, i.e., saints. also aided materially to create the proper political environment based on ahimsa culture necessary for the resuscitation of the life in the country.

It is considered that due to the keen interest taken by the Jaina Acharyas, i.e. saints in political affairs of the country, Jainism occupies an important place in the history of India. The Jaina ascetics were never indifferent towards the secular affairs in general. We know from the account of Megasthenes that, in the 4th century B.C., the Sramanas of Jaina ascetics who lived in the woods were frequently consulted by the kings through their messengers, regarding the cause of things. The great Chandragupta Maurya became the famous Chadramuni coming under the spell of Jainism. The mighty emperor Mahameghavahana Aira Kharavela became an ardent devotee of Mahavira Jaina. By following the principle of non-violence, the kings became kind hearted and tolerant. This was a lasting impact of Jainism on Indian politics. So far as Karnataka is concerned Jainism, throughout its course of more than one thousand years, was an example of a religion which showed that religious tenets were practiced without sacrificing the political exigencies when the question of rejuvenating life in the country was at stake. That is why in Karnataka we find that the Jaina acharyas ceased to be merely exponents of dogmas and turned themselves into creators of kingdoms. It has already been noted that the Jaina saints were virtually responsible for the founding of the Ganga kingdom in the 2nd century A.D. and the Hoyasala kingdom in the 11th century A.D.

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2.4 Modern position

There are a few important points dealing with the modern position of Jains.

(i). They are not socioculturally distinct from Hindus, although they are a distinct religious community both in terms of doctrines and rituals

(ii). Jains, although small in size, are divided both on sectarian and caste basis, hence do not function as a unified religious group

(iii). Jainism is no longer a proselytising (missionary) faith but is socially insulate

(iv). Jains do not identify themselves with any specific territory or language and are not concentrated in any state.

(v). The central value of Jains is Ahimsa. And Jains, for this reason, initiate, sponsor and finance many charitable institutions. This invests them with considerable respectability.

(vi). Finally, their territorial dispersal and tiny size do not provide them with any visible political clout, although they are economically an important group.

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Chapter 3- Impact of Islam on Indian culture

3.1 Introduction

Islam is the second biggest religion of humankind. It entered India in the 10th century A.D. But the Islamic culture started exercising its influence in a serious manner only after the 15th and 16th centuries. Almost upto Akbar’s rule, the Muslim invaders in India never made any systematic efforts to provide for India a strong and a stable political administration. Even though the triumph of Islam provided an opportunity for the intermixture of both the cultures in the beginning, it resulted in serious consequences later particularly when the Muslim invaders started destroying the Hindu and Buddhist monuments. But the continued stay of Muslims in India compelled the people of both the communities, to develop better understanding. Slowly, there took place between the two cultural exchanges, borrowings and inter-mixtures. One culture started influencing the other. The “give –and-take” attitude which these cultures developed resulted in the enrichment of both the cultures. As Alberuni has pointed out “the administrative system and the styles of life of the Muslims modified the socio-economic conditions of India”.

3.2 Impact on social life

(i) Islam created more ethnic complexity in India. The Greek, Scythian, Mongolian, and Parthian invaders had, a few generations after their settlement in this land, been completely Hinduised in name, speech, manners, religion, dress and ideas. But the Muslim conquest of India differed from all preceding invasions. Islam is a monotheistic religion. Islam could not make any compromise with Hinduism. Hence, the absorption of the Indo-Muslims into the fold of Hinduism by recognising Allah as another of the numberless of incarnations of Vishnu and Muhammad as an inspired sadhu, was impossible. The four groups of Indo-Muslims namely Sayyeds, Sheiks, Mughals and Pathans did not merge into Hindu society, rather they continued their identity. The Sayyeds are the descendants of prophet’s daughter. The Sheiks are also of Arabic descent but they are not the decedents of the prophet’s daughter. Mughals are Turkish by origin. Pathans are of Afghan origin. All the four groups became priests, rulers, officers and warriors respectively. As distinct groups, they became organic parts of Indian society. Hence, Indian ethnic system became very complex.

(ii) Islam favoured a separate ethnic system similar to the caste system in India. The Sayyeds, the Sheiks, the Mughals and Pathans formed the upper strata and the rulers among the Muslims. In course of time, the Muslims rules

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recruited the local caste members into Islam. Among the first generation converts, the Brahmins became Sayyeds, and the Rajput converts merged with Mughals, Sheiks and Pathans. Next came the converts from occupational castes such as the Julaha (weaver), Nai (barber), Dhuniya (cotton carder), Kumbhar (potter), Teli (oilmen), and so on. In Bengal there are 35 caste-like divisions among the Muslims. They related caste patterned endogamy and hereditary traditional occupations. So is the case in Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and South India. In Kerala, the Moplah Muslims are divided into Thangals claiming descent from prophet’s daughter Fatima, Arabs calming descent from immigrants from Arabia, Pusalars who are recent converts from the fisherman caste and Ossans who are barbers. Everywhere the converted Hindus retained their caste identity. The Sayyeds, Sheiks, Mughals and Pathans comprise Ashraf, a higher order and the converts comprise Ajlaf, a lower order. M.N. Srinivas says, ‘the Muslim Jatis in many respects are combinable to Hindu Jatis having specialised occupations and gradation of status. As S.C. Dube remarks ‘the Persistence of Jati has worried Muslim theologians and social reformers, but even the recent wave of fundamentalism has not been able to do away with it’. Thus, Islam favoured the formation of an ethnic system similar to but separate from the caste system among the Hindus.

(iii) Islam split Indian society on a vertical basis. Before the 13th century, Hindu society was divided horizontally and neither Buddhism nor Jainism affected this divisions. They were not unassailable elements and filled in easily with the existing division. On the other hand, Islam split Indian society into two sections of Hindus and the ethnic system of Muslims. As a result, two parallel societies, the Hindu society and the Muslim society were established. This kind of division of Indian society into two separate societies has come to be known in the phraseology of today two separate nations.

(iv) Islam favoured Muslim society remain mostly urban. Since the Muslim provided more prominence to the material pleasures, they preferred to settle in urban areas. They built several urban centers including Fatehpur Sikri, Aurangabad Secunderabad, Allahabad, Ahmedabad, Hyderabad and soon. Muslims never showed any interest in purchasing land in rural areas to settle as agriculturists. This made many villages to develop indigenous culture of their own uncontaminated by the Muslims. The Muslims felt that it was easy for them to secure political protection at the hands of their own rules if they lived as one community in some selected towns and cities. Even today, Muslims are found in a bigger number in urban areas than in rural areas. Hence, the Muslim impact has been greater in towns and cities than in villages.

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(v) Islam attempted towards communal harmony. It is true that Muslim rules had made various attempts to convert people of other religions. But it is wrong to exaggerate this aspect and say that all the Muslim rulers resorted to forcible conversions throughout their rule. S.C. Dube writes: “thus the alternatives for the Hindus were acceptance of Islam or death. Despite long years of Muslim rule, the overwhelming majority of the people remained Hindu. This would not have been possible had the requirements of Islam been strictly carried out.” Muslim rulers were aware of the fact that it was not possible for them to rule the country for long if they failed to obtain the co-operation and support of the majority community, i.e., Hindus. Hence, they made special efforts to develop friendly relations with the Hindus. Thus, they used to recruit a large number of Hindus into the army and also administration. Thus, Islam tried to maintain harmony between Muslims and Hindus.

3.3 Impact on economic life

(i) Islam favoured the flourishing of urban occupations. Muslims always gave importance to the material pleasure and preference to settle in urban areas. They built numerous towns and cities. In towns and cities numerous crafts flourished to cater to the needs of elite Muslims classes. Further towns and cities became centers of trade activities.

(ii) Islam favoured internal and external trade. There was movement of goods between villages and urban centers. The Muslim rulers welcomed traders from Asian and European countries. The Muslim period led to the refraction of tough with outer world. Which included the revival of an Indian navy and sea- borne trade both of which been lost since the decline of the Cholas.

(iii) Islam monetised Indian economy. No doubt monetisation of Indian economy helped easy transactions but it did not bring about a capitalistic economy in India.

(iv) Islam neglected agriculture. Undoubtedly Islam favoured horticulture and had several achievements to its credit in this field. However, Islam gave a blow to agriculture due to neglect. Further, due to the heavy taxes imposed on the peasantry the latter could not generate surplus.

3.4 Impact on political life

(i) Islam created a new ruling elite of foreign origin consisting mainly of Sayyeds, Sheiks, Mughals and Pathans who comprised Ashrafs. The elite made

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efforts to bring political unity between Hindus and Muslims through friendly relations, through conquests and through conversions.

(ii) Islam provided oneness of administrative system to the whole of India. Especially two hundred years of Mughal rule gave to the whole of North India and too much of the Deccan also a single system of administration. The Hindu rulers copied down this administration. In some Rajput and Malwa states the administrative system was similar to that of Mughal empire.

(iii) Islam contributed to a uniform legal and judicial system. It introduced distinct and court dress. During Mughal rulers, the legal system was uniform throughout the length and breadth of North India and most of the Deccan.

(iv) Islam contributed most to the art of war. In fact, Muslim contract led to an improvement in the art of war. The art of war was highly developed by the Muslim partly by borrowing from Europe (through Turkey) and partly through Persia. The imperial Mughal army served as a model which the Hindu Rajas eagerly imitated. Muslims introduced gun powder: their cavalry rose to great prominence eclipsing the elephants of the old Hindu days.

(v) Islam greatly improved the system of fortification in India. The system of fortification reached its peak of development during the Mughal rule. Numerous Hindu Rajas copied down the system of fortification greatly improved by the Muslims, particularly Mughals in India. Hindus borrowed the custom of maintaining slaves, a custom which was a recognised institution among the Muslims. It is said that Firoz Shaw Sultan had made special arrangements to maintain two lakh slaves. Hindu royal harems and palaces in Rajas than also maintained large number of slaves. Among the Rajput families women slaves were offered as dowry.

3.5 Impact on religious life

(i) Islam brought a synthesis of Hindu-Muslim religious thought, the Sufi- saints and the Hindu saints made attempts to synthesize Hindu-Muslim thought. The Sufi saints, for example, adopted Hindu doctrines and followed many of their traditions. Likewise, the Hindu saints adopted Muslim doctrines like universal brotherhood, social equality, devotional worship and other principles. As a result, Hindus and Muslims came to have common doctrines and values. As P.K. Kar said, “the Hindu and Sufi saints preached the unity of mankind, believed in the equality of all human beings before God, condemned caste distinctions and laid emphasis on love and devotional worship of the deity as against formal ritualism and external piety.” On account of such preachings,

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many Hindus became the disciples of Muslim saints. Some of the Muslims also became the disciples of Hindu saints and started worshipping Hindu Gods and Goddesses. In their social contacts also both the Muslims and Hindus, to a certain extent, have arisen above traditional barriers and religious orthodoxy.

(ii) Islam gave an impetus to the emergence of Bhakti cult. Islam preached universal brotherhood, social equality and rejected untouchability and idol worship. Its monotheism was a challenge to Hinduism. To meet this challenge the Hindu saints rejected idol worship and caste system, preached equality of men and oneness of all religions and showed their opposition to excessive ritualism and formalities and advocated a simple faith. They called this as Bhakti Marg or Bhakti cult. From this, it cannot be inferred that the Hindus did not known the oneness of god. It was known to them long before the Prophet of Islam preached his religion. but contact with the Muslims gave an impetus to the revival of these ideas and produced a great effort on such religious leaders like Kabir, Namadeva Ramanand and others. The Bhakti movements aimed at purification of existing system and liberation of the masses from the dominance of priesthood.

(iii) Islam created a congenial atmosphere for the formation of new religions. Islam contributed to Bhakti tradition. Both the Muslims and Hindu traditions emphasized that Ram and Rahim are one and the same. All this influenced Akbar, Kabir, Nanak and others. As a result, Akbar innovated a new religion known as Din-I-Ilahi, Kabir foundered Kabirpanthi and Nanak founded Sikhism. Such religions originated in an environment of reconciliation rather than confrontation.

(iv) Islam inspired native Kings to fight against the invaders in defence of their religion and culture. Islamic values such as unity, uniformity, equality, fraternity, commitment to religions and provided them a new vision. In an indirect way, all Islamic values gave inspiration for the Rajputs, Marathas, Sikhs and the Kings of Vijayanagar empire to fight against the invaders in defence of their religion and culture.

3.6 Impact on language and education

(i) Islam contributed a new language Urdu to India. Urdu is a harmonious combination of Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Sanskrit. In fact, Persian language influenced Indian languages and gave birth to Urdu.

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(ii) Islam enriched Hindi in India. Muslims like Raskhan, Alam, Khusro and Jaisi enriched Hindi vocabulary by introducing many Arabic and Persian words.

(iii) Islam introduced Urdu as an official language. In some Hindu Rajput and Malwa States, the official language even in 1928 was Urdu and the Persian script was used instead of Devanagari.

(iv) Islam contributed to establishment of libraries. Some of the scholarly Muslim kings took special interest in developing libraries.

(v) Islam contributed to development of Urdu language and literature, thereby providing a new meeting ground between Hindus and Muslims. Scholarly Muslim kings got some of the Sanskrit works translated into Arabic, Persian and Urdu languages. Great Sanskrit works such as Ramayana, Mahabharata, Upanishads, Bhagavad-Gita, Puranic Stories, Jataka Stories, etc., were translated into Arabic language. Hindu writers wrote in Hindi, Bengali and other vernaculars, often dealing with subjects of Hindu social life and religion, such as Radha and Krishna, Sita and Ram, Nala and Damayanti, and so on. Thus, Islam influenced the development of Urdu language and literature and provided a new meeting ground between Hindus and Muslims.

(vi) Islam gave importance to education also. Muslim children got education through “mosque” and “madrasas”. Every major mosque had its own educational institution attached to it. Muslim rulers financed such educational institutions. Universities of Agra and Fatehpur Sikri could be regarded as the great gifts of Muslim culture.

(vii) Islam introduced paper (kagaz) to facilitate recording of events, accounts, judicial proceedings and history. The use of paper encouraged the art of writing and the profession of scribing. Islam created the habit of writing of history of India.

3.7 Impact on diet, dress and decoration

(i) Islam influenced the Hindus to adopt Muslim culinary, which included preparation of Pulav, and Biriyani, and sweets such as Gulab jam, Badusha, Shakkar Pana, Kalakhand, Halwa, Burfi, Jilebi etc besides several types of Sharbats.

(ii) Islam contributed a distinct dress pattern to Hindus. Men Prior to the arrival of Muslims in India’s the Hindu men and women used to wear their

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traditional dress. However, after the arrival of Muslims in India, and establishment of their rule, Hindus adopted the Muslim custom of wearing Sherwani, Achkan, Chudidar and Pyjama and Khurtha. Before the arrival of the Muslims in India, there was no prevalence of the Purdah system in the Hindu society. Hindu women could move freely without restrictions of the Purdah. The Muslim conquest of India imposed Purdah on Hindu women also. The Hindu women were compelled to wear Purdah like their Muslim counterparts mainly to escape from the sexy looks of the invaders and to protect themselves from being kidnapped or reduced. Practice of wearing Purdah further added to the dependence of Hindu women on their men folk.

3.8 Impact on art and architecture

(i) Islam contributed a harmonious combination of Hindu and Muslim art and architectural styles. Mughal architecture was an amalgam of influences of Persia, Byzantium and India. Babar had brought architects from Constantinople. In fact, the real synthesis of Muslim and Hindu features began Sikri, Jahangir Mahal, Moti Masjid, and the like. The same story is repeated in the Rampur Temple at Jodhpur. Muslim rulers with an ascetic sense built various buildings in different architectural styles some of which look like “Jaina Basadis”, a few others, like “Bouddha viharas”; a few more, like Hindu temples while the remaining ones resemble the Persian monuments. Thus, the Hindu and Muslims architects joined their hands to build a temple, a mosque, the palace of a king or the “durbar” of a Sultan. The services of the artists or architects whether they were Muslims or Hindus, were hired by the Hindu and Muslim kings alike.

(ii) Islam unconsciously adopted Hindu art. Muslims invaders were adventures and so they did not bring with them craftsmen and sculptors and employed the natives to construct their places and mosques. While conforming to the tastes of the Muslims the Hindus introduced their own techniques and thus influenced Muslim art. In the early days, palaces and mosques were built on the ruins of temples or by remodelling existing temples like replacing the Shikharas by domes and minarets. In this way, they unconsciously adopted elements of Hindu art.

3.9 Impact on music and gardening

(i) Islam contributed a blend of Persian and Hindustani music. Muslim kings had given patronage to Arabi, Irani and Hindustani singers. Hindustani music witnessed its heyday in the reign of Mughals. There took place the process of blending of Persian and Hindu music. Muslims developed new musical instruments such as Sitar, Shehnai, Tabla, Dilruba, Sarangi and so on.

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There were expert singers like Surdas, Keshvadas, Tansen, and Abul Fazal in the court of Akbar.

(ii) Islam contributed devotional music. The Sufis regarded music as the chief means for the realisation of God. The Hindu saints copied devotional music from the Sufi saints. Muslims adopted music and processions in connection with the arrangements of marriages, weddings and festivals.

(iii) Islam contributed to gardening in India. Mughals took interest in developing beautiful gardens. Here also they showed their love towards variety and novelty. They had introduced Persian and Turkish styles in building gardens. Shalimar gardens, Nishat and Barinag gardens of Kashmir, and Mughal gardens at Delhi stand as examples in this regard.

(iv) Islam introduced the best medical system of that age using Unani or Greeko-Arab system of Medicine.

3.10 Contemporary position

1. The Muslims are a minority in India. They constitute about 13% of the total population of 1.02 billion in India in 2001.

2. Although there are about three dozen Muslim majority nations in the world, India has the 2nd biggest Muslim population in the world. Their numerical strength bestows on them an instantaneous political clout given the importance of number and communal interest groups in democratic politics.

3. The partition of the Indian subcontinent on the basis of the ill-conceived two nation theory not only led to the biggest known uprooting of humanity (of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims) in history but created a psychological distance between Hindus and Muslims

4. The formation of two Muslim nations in succession, in 1947 (Pakistan) and in 1971 (Bangladesh) as immediate neighbours of India rendered Indian Muslims, objects of suspicion in the eyes of non-Muslim Indians. In general, and Hindus in particular, with the result they have to prove constantly their loyalty to India. In this process, the Indian Muslims face double estrangement: most of the erstwhile co-religionist neighbours became alien citizens (Pak & Bangladesh) and the fellow Hindu citizens have become stranger neighbours.

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5. For a variety of reasons Urdu came to be associated with North Indian Muslims, bestowing upon them the status of a speech community reinforcing a specific Muslim cultural identity. In this process, millions of Hindus disowned Urdu as their mother-tongue (as the Hindus of Punjab did Vis-a-Vis Punjab) and Muslims perceived Hindus as destroyers of their language and culture

6. Muslim masses particularly in North India have a distinct style of life in terms of dress, trimming of beard by men and observance of Purdah by women, dietary practices, architecture of dwelling units, stipulated and highly routinised forms of worship etc. all of which render them physically and socially visible.

7. Muslims seem to be socially enclosed in that they tend to live in exclusive neighbourhood clusters. This may be partly due to cultural factors but partly at least their tendencies seem to be a product of communal riots. Whatever may be the reason, exclusive Muslim residential areas logically implies exclusive Hindu neighbourhoods which in turn inhibits free interaction between the two communities leading to reinforcement of prejudices and differences.

8. Finally, the dichotomy between church and state does not exist in the Muslim concept. The source of Muslim law is the sacred text and its official legal interpreters, the Lemmas, have religious sanctions behind them. This inter-linkage between the secular and the religious realm in the Muslim thought and action inevitably puts a high premium on religious sanctions and is a constant source of tension in a secular state such as India, which is populated predominantly by Hindus. The Muslim world view inevitably leads to the mixing of religion and politics which has given birth to several Muslim communal political parties such as AIML (All India Muslim League) and Jamaat-e-Islam- championing the Muslim interests in secular matters. In the final analysis past political glory, substantial size, present political clout, economic disabilities, socio- cultural insulation, close linkage between the religious and the secular and an abiding commitment to propagate their religion renders Indian Muslims a category apart as compared with all other religious “minorities” in India.

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Chapter 4- Impact of Christianity on Indian culture

4.1 Introduction

Christianity has a history of about 200 years. Saint Thomas, an apostle of Christ, reached the shores of Kerala in India in 52 A.D. He proselytised the masses and classes in Kerala and Tamil Nadu.

With the discovery of the sea route to the east in the 15th century, traders from Portugal, Denmark, England and France came in contact with India. The Portuguese who were the first to visit India had contact with the Western coast, their impact on Indian culture was not great except the fact that they managed to spread Christianity in some areas on the West coast. Even though the Dutch and the French were interested in spreading their commercial and political activities in India, they were not successful in doing so. The British were the only people who emerged as the Christian impact on Indian culture has been primarily that of the British.

The British Christians established their direct rule over India for more than almost 150years. These Christians brought with them not only a system of political administration but also a new way of life. Indians came under the influence of the Christian rulers and their agents.

4.2 Impact on social life

(i) Christianity created more ethnic complexities in India. Christian religion succumbed to the influences of Varna and Jati. The ethnic identity of the Christians is a diffused one but the dominant image is that they are mainly converts from Scheduled castes, Scheduled Tribes and other Backward Classes. In fact, they are highly fractionated not only denominationally but also ethnically. All this made the ethnic fabric of India more complex.

(ii) Christianity contributed a separate but distinct ethnic group namely Anglo-Indians the French and the Portuguese also have contributed distinct ethnic groups like French-Indian and Portuguese-Indian but their population is very small compared to the large population of Anglo-Indians. These come

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under the minority. Their customs, traditions and values follow a distinct pattern.

(iii) Christianity was able to create a small section of urban middle class by providing educational facility made available to them by missionaries.

(iv) Christianity failed to remove many disabilities of the Scheduled Castes. Scheduled caste people converted into Christianity are not treated on par with the rest of the Christians. “In their annual meeting in January 1988, the Bishops of Tamil Nadu noted that “the Scheduled Caste Christians, even after conversion, continue to suffer from extreme social, educational and economic backwardness arising out of the traditional practice of untouchability.” In a pastoral letter issued in February 1988, the Catholic Bishops of Tamil Nadu admitted: “Caste distinctions and their resultant injustice and violence do still continue in Christian social life and practice. We are aware of and accept the situation with deep pain.” The Indian Church now realise that approximately 60 per cent of the 19 million Indian Christians are subjected to discriminatory practices and treated as second-class Christians or worse”.

In South India, caste divisions within Christianity seem to be more rigid. “In the South, Christians from the Scheduled Caste are segregated both in their settlements and in the church. Their Cheri or colony is situated at a distance from the main settlements and devoid of the civic amenities available to others. In church services, they are segregated to the right wing and are not allowed to read scriptural pieces during the service are or to assist the priest. They are the last to receive the holy sacraments during baptism, confirmation, and marriage. The marriage and funeral processions of Christians from the low castes are not allowed to pass through the streets of the main settlement. Scheduled Caste converted to Christianity have separate cemeteries. The church bell does not toll for their dead, nor does the priest visit the home of the dead to pay. The dead body cannot be taken into the church for the funeral services. Of course, there is no inter-marriage and little inter-dining among the “high-caste” and the “low- caste” Christians, classes between them are frequent. The low-caste Christians are waging struggles to improve their lot; the Church is responding, but little meaningful change has become about so far. Even among higher caste Christians the Jati origins are remembered and at least covertly they colour social relationships.”

“Tharamangalam has stated that under the Portuguese archbishop, “Syrians were allowed to continue practising untouchability.” It is also well- known that Dalit converts to Christians have had to sit in pews set apart from the pews reserved for higher caste converts. No wonder that Dalit Christians are

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protesting against discrimination in the church just as Hindu Dalits are fighting against the Hindu establishment”.

Christianity inspired social reform movements in India. During the British rule and also afterwards, a number of social reform movements came into being. Several traditional beliefs and practices dysfunctional to society were discarded and many new customs, institutions and social practices were adopted.

Indians who came under the influence of these values became aware of many of the existing social evils like child marriage, taboos against widow remarriage and intercaste marriage, intercaste dining, seclusion of women, untouchability, etc. This awareness led to the launching of a series of social reform movements right from Raja Ram Mohan Roy down to Mahatma Gandhiji. Raja Ram, “Sri Ramakrishna Mission”, Dr. Annie Besant’s “Theosophical Society”, Gandhiji’s Sarvodaya” and crusade against Untouchability and such other movements not only served to eradicate some of the social evils but also to enlighten people regarding modern values.

4.3 Impact on economic life

(i) Christianity introduced miraculous changes in the field of the technology. The British modernized the age-old Indian technology, agriculture, entrepreneurship and industry. This led to the economic advancement of the country. The new and large-scale industries introduced by the British exposed Indians to the influence of British technology. Widespread use of modern technology increased the number of industries both small-scale and large. Thus, widespread use of British technology led to the process of industrialisation. The process of industrialization is normally associated with the growth of towns and cities which started attracting people from the rural areas. The cities provided a favourable atmosphere for the spread of British influence.

Technology led to the development in the fields such as communications, posts and telegraph, telephone and radio, railways, roads, canals, etc. Radical progress in the fields of transport and communication added greater speed to the spread of British way of life.

(ii) Christianity created intense desire to increase the standard of living or material life. The use of British technology and the scientific equipments and gadgets and the acceptance of Western model of industrialism created new aspirations and ambitions in the minds of people. The “pull” of spiritualism became weakened and the attraction of the comforts and luxuries of worldly life strengthened. The craving towards more material pleasure and economic

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prosperity increased. This tendency hastened the material progress of the country to a certain extent.

(iii) Christianity spread new life-styles among the Indians. The Christianity made Indians imitate the British way of life. More than anything, the British education had a great impact on the style of living of the people. They gave up their inhibition towards meat-eating and consumption of alcohol. They also adopted British style of dressing and dining. Restrictions on food habits got relaxed. Carrot, beet-root, onion, garlic, cabbage, radish and such other vegetables once tabooed, became more acceptable. Modern means of transport and communication lessened the social distance between different castes. Cinemas, hotels, bars and night clubs became common. Friendly gatherings, marriages, birth-days, wedding anniversaries, new year day celebrations, felicitation programmes etc., came to be arranged on the British model.

The impact of the British life-style was such that there was “a very marked tendency among the natives of India to indulge in English luxuries”. They had well-furnished houses, many wore pocket watches and they were found drawn carriages, drank wine like their English masters.

As Gandhiji wrote in his autobiography, educated Indians undertook the task of “becoming English gentlemen in their dress, manners, habits, choices, preferences, etc.” it included even learning to appreciate English British music and participating in ball dancing. British education brought about a big change in the outlook of those educated.

(iv) Christianity introduced a market system with factory made goods and destroyed the rural crafts and Jajmani system. The modern capitalist mode of economy introduced by the British gave a fatal blow to the economic self- reliance of the village and also to the existing “Jajmani system”. New commercial establishments, banks, new accounting system, partnership firms, joint stock companies, share market, co-operative societies, etc. came to be established.

4.4 Impact on political life

(i) Christianity introduced new political values and ideologies into India. The British rulers introduced and popularised certain new values and ideologies namely humanitarianism, rationalism, egalitarianism and secularism and such other values and ideologies among their subjects, the Indians.

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(a) Humanitarianism which includes in itself various other values implies “an active concern for the welfare of all human beings irrespective of caste, economic position, religion, age and sex”.

(b) Egalitarianism upholds the principle of equality, that is equality of sex, caste, class, colour, creed, race and religion.

(c) Rationalism upholds “a system of belief regulated by reason, not authority”, nor dogma.

(d) Secularism as an ideology believes “that the state, morals, education, etc. should be independent of religion”.

These ideologies and values had a great impact on Indians. They changed the traditional attitudes and outlook of the people. Educated Indians came under the heavy influence of these values. These values broadened their vision and made them to develop secular outlook. They realised the importance of reasoning and started appreciating the principle of equality.

(ii) Christianity restructured the hierarchy of political values. The hierarchy of political values has been restructured. Through the British people left India, the British model of democratic system introduced by them had come to stay in India. Monarchic form of government which existed in India for centuries came to an end. Then existing provincial states numbering more than 500, ultimately merged into the Indian state. Common constitutional, legislative and judicial system came to be practised. Feelings and sentiments of nationalism became stronger.

Acceptance of this new political system brought structural changes in the social system also. For example, the feudal system, and the Zamindari system came to an end. Practices of untouchability became illegal and unconstitutional. Social institutions such as marriage, family, caste, property, professions, etc. had to undergo major changes for the simple fact that the modern law provides for equality in all the major fields of social life. These changes provided a new scope for the middle class which became active in almost all the areas of social life.

(iii) Christianity contributed a uniform legal system to India. Due to the British contact, India came under the system of common law and legislation. In place of the tradition, caste panchayats, and the village Nyaya Panchayats, the modern law, legislation, courts police and other legal system came to stay.

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(iv) Christianity provided inspiration to the Indian to fight for freedom. British ideas and values inspired a number of freedom fighters such as Gopala Krishna Gokhale, Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Ranade, Gandhiji, Nehru, Sardar Patel, Subhas Chandra Bose and others. The inspirations strengthened the freedom movement to a great extent. The famous movements in the West such as Italian Unification, etc., provided inspiration for the Indians plunge in the freedom struggle.

4.5 Impact on religions life

(i) Christianity emphasized materialism rather system spiritualism among the Indians This has diluted spiritualism among the Indians.

(ii) Christianity favoured a communication system which spread information quickly about religious and non-religious ideas, events, and values.

(iii) Christianity introduced a transport system that favoured quick travel from one place to another. This helped the people to make pilgrimages to new and distant places.

(iv) Christianity introduced synchronised elements in Indian religion. Especially, the converts followed their old religions as well as Christianity. The consequence was a mixture of elements pertaining to indigenous faith and Christian faith in a unique way.

4.6 Impact on language and education

(i) Christianity introduced English as medium of instructions and language throughout India.

(ii) Christianity introduced formal type of educational institutions in the place of traditional institutions. British education broadened the vision and outlook of the people which made them to become conscious of their right and freedom. In place of the traditional educational institutions, the British type of formal educational institutions such as schools, colleges, technical institutes, centers, universities, etc., were established. English became the medium of language in these institutions and gained prominence. It also served to spread English culture.

4.7 Impact on art and architecture

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(i) Christianity introduced British art and architectural styles into India. The court, the corporation the university, the church, the collectorate and other buildings reveal the typical art and architectural styles that the British introduced into India.

(ii) Christianity introduced urban planning especially city planning which is partly British and partly Indian.

(iii) Following the tradition of modern West, the Christians in India accept the separation between the church and the state. This stands in the way of their being organised on a political platform on India basis.

(iv) The relative non-involvement of Christians in the national struggle created suspicion and misgiving in general and Hindus in particular.

(v) After attaining independence this attitude has been gradually changing but given the Christian propensity to proselytization their worldwide missionary links and financial aid. The majority community seem to feel a constant threat of losing adherence of Hinduism to Christian faith.

(vi) There is one area in which the Christians dominate in India not withstanding their small size and that is, service institutions, particularly in education and health. The Christian contribution in this regard is widely acknowledged.

QUESTIONS

1. Evaluate the impact of Buddhism, Jainism, Islam and Christianity on Indian society and culture in anthropological terms. 60 (2003) 2. Buddhism, Christianity and Scheduled Castes (2004) 3. Impact of Islam on Indian society (2005) 4. Impact of Jainism on Indian society (2016) 5. Explain how Buddhism influenced the economic and cultural transformations of Indian society. (2017)

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Unit - IV

POPULATION, BIOGENETIC AND LINGUISTIC CHARACTERS OF THE PEOPLE OF INDIA

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CHAPTER 1- GROWTH OF POPULATION IN INDIA

Various factors have contributed to the rapid growth of population in India among which the following can be noted.

(i) Peaceful Conditions: For nearly a century [1860-1960] India enjoyed comparative peace without involving herself in major inter-conflicts or was especially after the establishment of British rule. Peaceful conditions provided an impetus for over-population. (ii) Excess of births Over Death: Growth of population depends on the excess of Births over deaths. Births rate means the number of children born per thousand of living population, and similarly, the death rate in India is very high. At present [1981] it stands at 36. Death rate has been failing in recent years, from 27 in 1951 to 15 in 1980. (iii) Progress in Medical Knowledge: and its application has considerably reduced the death rate. It has helped us to control the spread of diseases like Malaria, T.B., Cholera, Plague, influenza, Smallpox, etc., and protected the lives of people from the jaws of death. Positively, it has contributed to greater population, because, those persons saved from the death also produced children to add to the existing numbers. (iv) Improvement in Transport Facilities: has helped people to avail of medical and health facilities without much difficulty. These have saved countless lives and added to the size of the population. (v) Improvements in the field of Agriculture and Industry: also contributed to an increase in population. Uncertainties in the field of agriculture have been removed with the help of science and technology. Food production has considerably increased. Industries have been providing employment opportunities to thousands of persons. These developments have given people the confidence that they can afford to feed more people if they beget. (vi) Certain Social Factors like Universal Marriage, Child Marriage, Early Marriage: have also contributed to the problem. Indians consider marriage as a social obligation and almost all marriage persons are in a married state. Life- long bachelorship is looked down upon. Particularly for women marriage is almost an inescapable obligation. Further, the number of children born per couple is also large. (vii) Social Attitudes of Indians: also favour an increase in population. Poverty, illiteracy, ignorance, absence of recreational facilities, attitudes of conservatism, orthodoxy, feeling of dependence on God, a

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sense of resignation towards life, looking upon children as old age pension, etc., are all responsible for the rapid growth of population. (viii) Lack of Conscious Family Planning: There is the lack of conscious family planning on the part of the married people. The use of contraceptives is unknown to the illiterate masses. People feel that more children are wanted for economic purposes. Further, blind faith in fate and the existence of joint family system induce thoughtlessness in the matter of begetting children. (ix) The Climatic Conditions of India: are also very conductive to the growth of population. The tropical climate stimulates sex urge. Montesquieu said that people of warm land are more sex indulgent. Further, girls become physically mature at an early age ranging from 11 to 15 years of age. Immediately after puberty they are pushed into marriage and they begin to bear children. Childbearing capacity of women lasts in the tropical places. (x) Added to this, during the earlier days the Government did not take much interest in introducing family planning to slow down the rapid growth of population. Though family planning programme was started under the five-year planning system, proper attention was not given to popularise it in the beginning. People also failed to recognise its importance. The result is the phenomenal growth population. (xi) Lack of Entertainment Facilities: It has been observed that people especially in the rural areas, have been forced to find entertainment in the sex-play in the absence of proper entertainment facilities. This has further aggravated the problem.

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Chapter 2- Effects of over population in India

If the size of population of the country reaches the optimum level, it will not pose any problem. If the growth exceeds the reasonable limits, problems will crop up and that has happened in India. It means population in excess of demand or need proves to be a great liability to the society. The unprecedented growth of population in India during the recent years has brought about a series of sectors consequences. Some of the main effects of population may be described here.

(i) Population and Poverty: Poverty and population very often go hand in hand. In fact, poverty is both the cause and the effect of rapid growth of population. The mass poverty of our country is due to the rapid growth of population. It is estimated that about 35% of the people of India still live below the poverty line. They are ill fed, ill clothed and ill housed. Thus, mass poverty is due to rapid growth population.

(ii) Unemployment and Under Employment: Not only new-born individuals are to be fed and sheltered but they are also to be provided with jobs. New jobs are to be created for new hands. It is not to create jobs. There is already unemployment coupled with under employment. Every year more than 5 million people who attain the working age join the group of job seekers. Job opportunities that are created during the course of the five years plans are not enough to meet the demand. For instance, the number of the unemployed increased from 12 million at the end of the third plan to 16 million at the end of the fourth plan, and to 21 million at the end of the fifth plan. The percentage of the people who did not get employed as per 1991 census was 42.3%. In June 1999, the number of persons unemployed was 40.6 million. In short, there is large-scale unemployment and underemployment.

(iii) Low Per Capita Income: during the past 50 years of planning, the national income of the country increased by about 3.6% per annum. But the per capita income has increased only by 1.5%per annum. This low per captain income of the people in India is attributed to the rapid growth of population.

(iv) Shortage of Food: the rapidly growing population in India has led to the problem of shortage of food supply. In spite of the fact that more than two-third of its population engaged in agriculture, people do not

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get even minimum necessary amount of food. Even though we have attained self-sufficiency in food production, due to improper distribution, all the people do not get sufficient food to sustain their health. As a result, one out of every four is suffering from malnutrition and two out of every four get only of the daily-required quantum of energising food.

(v) Increased Burden of Social Overheads: When there is rapid growth of population in the country, the government is required to provide to minimum facilities for the people for their comfortable living. Hence it has to increases educational, housing, sanitation, public health, medical, transportation, communication and other facilities. This will increase the cost of the social overheads. Government finds it difficult to find sufficient funds to meet these “Unproductive expenses.”

(vi) Population and Labour Efficiency: since an increase in population reduces per capita income, the standard of living of the people deteriorates. This affects very badly the health and efficiency of the workers. The physical and the mental efficiency of the large lose very heavily.

(vii) Population and the standard of Living: The standard living denotes the way in which people live. It reflects the quantity and the quality of the consumption of the people. Due to the rapid growth of population standard of living of the people has been adversely affected.

(viii) Population and pressure on Land: overpopulation inevitably leads to heavy pressure on land. Since land is limited and fixed in supply, an increase in population can only bring more pressure on it. Hence the new-born people will have to share the land with the existing people. With the exception of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, in all the other states heavy density of the population is to be found. Further, the per head availability of the land for cultivation in the 1911 was 1.1 acres, and this has declined to 0.3 acres in 1992. On the contrary, the average size of the agricultural land that each person could get is 2.59 acres in Russia, and 2.68 acres in America.

(ix) Increased Unproductive Consumers: When there is a rapid growth of population in a country like India, there will be large proportion of unproductive consumers. In fact, today about 51% of the total population of India is unproductive. Rapid increase in the population contributes to an increase in the dependency ratio.

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(x) Slow Economic Development: Economic development is bound to be slower in a country in which the population is growing at a very fast rate. Absence of savings results in low capital formation. The shortage of capital has restricted investments and contributed to the slow economic growth of the country.

(xi) Political Unrest: Unmanageable population size may contribute to political instability and unrest. The failure of the government to provide the basic minimum facilities to the people contributes to agitation and unrest among the masses. It is true that India is gripped by the problem of over-population. It has shaken the stability, integrity and the security of the nation. The progress that has been made is being eaten up by the growing population. A careful study of adverse effects of population leads us to realise the needs to control it. We cannot destroy or remove our large population so as to bring it down to the optimum level. We can only control it. “If population is not checked our progress would be like writing on sand with of population growth washing away what we have written”.

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Chapter 3- Measures for controlling the rapid growth of population in India

Need for Controlling the Growth of Population:

Overpopulation is, indeed, a serious socio-economic problem of India. This problem has adversely affected the progress of the economy and the standard of the living of the people. The problem is an urgent one needs immediate solution.

The problem of overpopulation is to be tackled immediately. There is an absolute need to contain the rapid growths of population. If this growth is not checked it is going to affect adversely the various aspects of our economy. It brings down per capital and national income, brings down standard of living of the people. It becomes difficult to face the challenges of poverty, unemployment and underemployment. Basic needs of the people cannot be met with, political unrest and immorality cannot be efficiently dealt with.

Overpopulation is related to the size of the population and the utilisation of the countries resources. The problem should be tackled from both the sides. Firstly, production should be increased to meet the needs of the people. Secondly, size of the population should be controlled and reduced.

(A) Measure to increase production

Growing population of the country can be supported through increased production. Agriculture and industrial productions are to be increased for this purpose.

1. Increase in Agricultural Production: It is necessary to resort to modern scientific cultivation in order to increase agricultural output. Use of irrigation, highly yielding seeds, rotation of crops, utilization of chemicals, fertilisers, manures and such other means are to be adopted for this purpose. Production should keep pace with increasing population, if possible should outstrip it.

2. Increase in Industrial Production: The purpose of industrialisation is to be accelerated. Modern sophisticated technology must be made use of for industrial production. The industrial strategy should be such that it should be able to

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increase production and at the same time provided job facilities to a sizeable number of people. Industrial are to be established in different places by making use of the locally available raw materials and human resources.

3. Development of Trade and Commerce: The development of trade and commerce will contribute to additional income and help the country to support the growing population.

(B) Measure to Control and Reduce Population

The problem of overpopulation can be effectively dealt with only if the rapid growth rate of population is contained. Various measures are to be undertaken in this regard.

1. Family Planning Measure: Family planning is nowadays considered an indispensable method of controlling population. The motto of family planning is- “Child by choice and not by chance” or “child by desire not by accident.” The size of family must be limited voluntarily. It can be done in two ways: (a) Birth control methods, (b) Other family methods.

(a) Birth Control methods include- use of rubber contraceptives by males, use of pills by females, use of loops by females, sterilisation for both males and females [that is, vasectomy for males and tubectomy for females], abortion, i.e., medical termination of pregnancy. (b) Other family methods include- practice of celibacy [that is, practising brahmacharya or self-restraint], postponement of marriage [or resorting to late marriage], observance of moral or self-restraint.

2. Providing Education to the People: Illiteracy is one of the factors of overpopulation. It is to be countered in order to contain the population growth. Spread of education among illiterate massage is a significant step in reducing the birth rate. People must be educated regarding the benefits of small family and late marriage. Education helps to increase the earning capacity of males and females. It improves the status of women; it creates awareness regarding family planning.

3. Rise in the Age of Marriage: In order to reduce the child-bearing period of women [reproductive span of women], it is necessary to raise the minimum age of marriage from 18 to 20 for females and from 21 to 24 for males. Child marriage should be strictly prohibited.

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4. Improving Status of Women: Experience in the West has shown that high status of women is closely associated with a low birth rate. The desire to rise in the social scale develops a strong feeling for a smaller family. The educated, employed urban women exhibit a desire for a small family. Efforts must be made to impress upon the rural women to go in the direction of a small family.

5. Propaganda in Favour of Small Family: Enough publicity is to be given in a country like India regarding the benefits of a small family to the general masses. Mass media of communication like the press, radio, television and movies are of great help in this regard.

6. Provision of Incentives: Incentives such as cash payments and promotion in jobs, free education, preference in admission to technical courses, etc. could be given to the people who accept and adopt family planning.

7. Increasing the Standard of Living of the Masses. People with higher standard of living normally opt for small family. Hence, it necessary to increases the standard of living of the masses.

8. Providing Enough Recreational Facilities: It has been observed that lack of sufficient recreational facilities has often contributed to the problem of overpopulation. People must be provided with sufficient recreational facilities to relax and refresh. This will prevent them from resorting to sex play whenever they feel like refreshing themselves.

9. Internal Migration: Unequal distribution of population in different parts of the nation can be death with if internal migration is allowed. It means people must be encouraged to move from the densely populated areas towards the thinly populated areas. This is not, however, easy. As Adam Smith observers, “Of all sorts of luggage, man is the most difficult to be transported.”

10. Provision of Social Security: In the absence of comprehensive social security especially, in old age, sickness, unemployment and accident] people have tended to depended on large families for security. The poor, in particular, consider children as their wealth. It is necessary to introduce various social insurance and social security schemes to help the poor to develop confidence to face the future.

11. Reduction in Infant Mortality: By resorting to suitable medical steps the rate of infant mortality is to be reduced. If it is reduced, then parents will definitely feel that their children will survive and live long.

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12. Changes in the Tax Structure: Dr. S. Chandrashekhar, a noted Indian demographer, is of the opinion that by introducing a change in the taxation policy, especially that of income tax, the problem can be reduced a little. Instead of giving concessions to married people with more children, he has suggested, it is better to give such concessions to the unmarried, and also to those couples without children or with only one child.

CHAPTER 4- CLASSIFICATION OF RACES IN INDIA

Classification of B.S. Guha (1937) B.S. Guha has found the following racial elements, which have entered into the population of India. 1. The Negrito: They are considered to be first comers and the true autochthones of India. Their physical characteristics are - head is small; stature is very short long; nose is straight, flat and broad; stature is very short or pygmy stature; skin colour is dark brown to dark; hair is woolly; forehead is bulbous; supraorbital ridges are smooth. This type is represented by the Kadars, Pulayans (Cochin and Travancore), Irular and primitive tribes of the Wayanad. In respect of the head form and hair structure, the Indian Negritos are close to the Melanesian Pygmies than to the Andamanese. 2. The Proto-Australoid: They are characterised by dolichocephalic head; markedly platyrrhine nose, which is depressed at the root; short statue; dark brown skin colour; wavy or even curly hair. Their limbs are delicate. The forehead is less developed and slightly retreating. Supraorbital ridges are often prominent. They are closely akin to the Australian tribes. They markedly differ from the Negritos in having wavy hair instead of the frizzly or woolly of the latter. This element is found in the Pulayan women (Travancore), Urali (Travancore), Baiga (Rewa), etc. The tribes like the Male, Chenchu, Kannikar, Khond, Bhil, Santal, Oraon, belong to this group. 3. The Mongoloid: The Mongoliods are distinguished by scanty growth of hair on body and face; obliquely set eyes and straight hair. The Mongoloid peoples entered India probably through the north - eastern routes in successive waves of migration.

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The Mongoloid comprises two types namely, the palaeo-Mongoloid and the Tibeto-Mongoloid. The Palaeo-Mongoloid has again been subdivided into long- headed type and broad headed type. The long-headed type possesses long head, medium nose, and medium stature. Their cheekbones are prominent; skin colour is dark to light brown; face is short and flat; supraorbital regions are faintly developed. They inhabit the sub- Himalayan region. This type is found in the tribes of Assam and Burma Frontier. The Sema Nagas of Assam and the Limbus of Nepal more said to be true representative of this type. The other sub-division of the Paleo Mongoloid, the broad-headed, is a represented by the Lepchas of Kalimpong. This type is found in the hill tribes of the Chittagong, like the Chakmas, the Maghs, etc. Their characteristic features are; broad head, round face, dark skin colour, medium nose, obliquely set eyes, which show, marked epicanthic fold. Among the Tibeto-Mongoloids, the head is broad and massive; face is long and flat; stature is tall; nose is long or medium; eyes are oblique having marked epicanthic fold; body hair and facial hair are markedly absent; skin have colour is light brown. The Tibetans of Bhutan and Sikkim have these characteristics. 4. The Mediterranean: They comprises three distinct racial types. These are: i) The Palaeo-Mediterranean: They are most ancient people and, in many characters, they resemble the Proto-Egyptian type. Their distinctive characters are; long and narrow head with bulbous forehead projecting occiput and high vault; small and broad nose; medium stature. Face is narrow; chin is pointed; body is lightly built. Their skin colour is dark and hair on face and body is scanty. The human skeletal remain found at Adittanallur show this type is characteristics. These people probably introduced Megalithic culture to India. At present the Dravidian - speaking people of South India show the preponderance of this type. The Tamil Brahims of Madras, Nairs of Cochin and Telugu Brahmins form the best example. ii) The Mediterranean: They are characterised by long head with arched forehead: long face; narrow and prominent nose; tall to medium stature; light skin colour. Chin is well developed; hair is dark; eyes also have dark brownish to dark colour. They possess plentiful facial and body hair; and slender-built body. Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 210

They are found in Uttar Pradesh. Bombay, Bengal, Malabar. etc. The true representatives are the Nambudiri, Brahmins of Cochin, Brahmins of Allahabad, and Maratha ladies of Indore. The Bengali Brahmins also show this type of characteristic. Probably this type was responsible for the building up of Indus Valley Civilization. iii) The Oriental (of Fischer): They very closely resemble the Mediterranean in almost all the characteristics except the nose which is long and convex in the former. This type is found in the Punjab, Sind, Rajputana. etc. The typical representatives are the Punjabi Chettris and the Pathans. 5. The Western Brachycephaly: They have been divided into three types. i) The Alpenoid: Characterised by broad head with rounded occiput; prominent nose; medium statue round face; skin colour is light; hair on face and body is abundant, body is thickly set. This type is found among the Bania of Gujarat, The Kathi of Kathiawar, the Kayasthas of Bengal etc. ii) The Dinaric: Among these people the head is broad with rounded occiput and high vault; nose is very long and often convex; stature is tall; face is long; fore head is receding; skin color is darker, eyes and hair are also dark. This type is represented in Bengal, Orissa and Coorg. The Brahmins of Bengal and the Kanarese Brahmins of Mysore are also some of the representative. The Alpino-Dinaric people entered Indian through Baluchistan, Sind, Gujarat, and Maharastra into Kannada, thence to Ceylon. The presence of this type is found in the Indus Valley, Tinnetvelley, Hyderabad. iii) The Armenoid: In most the characters the armenoids show resemblance with the Dinarics. In the former the shape of occiput is more marked and the nose is more prominent, narrow and aquiline. The Parsis of Bombay shows typical Armenoid characteristics. 6. The Nordics: Their head is long with protruding occiput and arched forehead, they are tall statured people with long face, strong jaw and powerfully built body. Nose is fine narrow and straight; complexion is fair. Eyes often have bluish tinge. This element if found sporadically in different parts of Northern India, especially in the Punjab and Rajputana. The Kaho of Chitral, the Red Khaffirs, and the Khatash are some of the representatives of this type.

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The Nordics came from the north, probably from South-East Russia and south-west Siberia, through Central Asia to India.

Chapter 6- Negrito element in India

Opinions differ as regard presence of Negrito’ element in the mainland of India. This controversy started as early as the nineteenth century, when in 1877 De Quatrefages expressed the view that Negrito made remarkable contribution towards basic ethnic substratum of the Dravidian and some tribes of India. Slight trace of woolly hair in any population was assigned to the Negrito; it became some sort of fashion at that time. In 1895 Ball strongly criticized the view of De Quatrefages. He said that De Quatrefages findings were baseless. Some other scholars like callamand, Jjagor and Koerber were also not prepared to accept the view of De Quatrefages. On the other hand in 1896 Keane while discussing the Negrito problem supported De Quatrefages. He wanted to oring the Negrito element of India from Malaysia. According to him Negrito traits are present in some South India tribes like Kadar, Irula, Kurumba, Malachar, Pali, Vallal as well as among the Vedda of Sri Lanka, However, in 1909 he himself expressed doubt about it and admitted that the same type of woolly hair as seen among African and oceanic Negrito was perhaps lacking in the population of India. Lapicque after examining the Kadar in 1905 said that Negrito element was present in them. However, he revised his view and said that Negrito traits as seen among the Andamanese were lacking among the Kadar, though the later show a Negrito admixture. Sarasin brother studied the Vedda in 1893. They did not find any trace of woolly hair among the Vedda. In 1905 Turner also arrived at the same conclusion on the basis of analysis of craniometric data that Negrito element was not present among the Vedda. According to Thurston woolly hair is not present in the population of south India. Risley also did not find woolly hair in any population of India. Haddon was also inclined to accept this view and

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therefore he did not accept the list of Negrito populations prepared by Keane. Though he listed the Kadar as a Negrito people, yet he expressed his doubt about it. Buxton also did not support the view that Negrito element is present in the tribes of Central and South India. Eickstedt in his classification of Indian people made in 1993 did not include the Negrito. His Melid group is not Negrito. He clearly stated that Negroid hair was never present in any population of South India. Perhaps most of the investigators failed to distinguish between woolly and frizzly or spiral hair and that led to confusion. The Andamanese are Negrito. But “they have had no share in the making of the Indian population” as has been said by Risley. Molesworth analysing the anthropometric data formed the opinion that the Andamanese were different from the aboriginal tribes of India. On the strength of craniometric evidence Fowler and Turner came to the same conclusion. The Andamanese are brachycephalic and platyrrhine people. Their cranial capacity is low. In many characteristics they are different from the Australoid. The Andamanese were confined to a particular area. The skeletal materials collected from different prehistoric sites do not indicate presence of Negrito element in ancient India. Negrito traits are not found in the population of modern India. In such manner so to suggest that at one time it was fairly distributed in India. Iyer observed frizzly hair among certain tribes of South India like Kadar, Pulayans, Urali and Kannikar, which he considered as Negrito element. But as Majumdar has pointed out “no specific mention has been made of the incidence of this character and no microscopic examination is available to support Iyer’s view”. Aiyappan’s view was different from that of Iyer. According to him, though the so-called Negrito south India, all other tribes exhibit usual south Indian type i.e. Australoid. The tribal people should not be considered to be different from the people in ethnical and racial origins. The Negritos are regarded by Guha to be the original inhabitants of India. His observation was based on sporadic occurrence of woolly hair in certain populations of India, more particularly among the Kadar whom he found 16 individuals having woolly or frizzly hair. Hair form is one of the racial criteria. But Guha put much more emphasis on the single criterion only. Even in describing this character he uses the terms woolly and frizzly indiscriminately, which should not be, because as has been pointed out by Hauschild, there is difference between the genetic feature of frizzly hair of the Negroes and

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ordinary frizzly hair. Ephrefels made the same mistake. He wanted to prove the existence of Negrito hair in the Kadar. He published some photographs also. While describing the hair form he used different terms like woolly., frizzly, spring. Sarkar strongly criticized Guha’s view. He is not prepared to accept the Negritos to contribute ethnic strains to the basic substratum of the Indian population. The sporadic so occurrence of so-called Negrito hair cannot be taken so seriously in the light of modern development of the science of genetics. Woolly hair developed from wavy hair as result of mutation as has been pointed out by Fischer. In 1959 Sarkar along with his colleagues made a detailed study of various aspects of the physical features, e.g., anthropometry, somatoscopy, ABO blood group, dermatoglyphic traits and hair of the Kadar and arrived at a conclusion that no Negrito element is found among them. The Kadars are very similar to the Australoid tribes of south India and they may be listed along with the Paniyan, Kannikar etc., as one of the Australoid tribes. After this study there is no reason to talk about the Kadar as having Negrito traits. So, the earlier observation on Negrito element based on the Kadar are no longer tenable. Haddon gave a general description of the Negritos. They are very short statured, woolly haired and medium to low brachycephalic. The Andamanese are brachycephalic. De Quatrafeges also described the Negrito as brachycephalic. But according to Guha the Kadars are dolichocephalic. Then how can he call them Negrito> Is it because some of them have woolly hair and two individuals a show mesocephalic head? This question was raised by Majumdar who does not think that sporadic occurrence of brachycephalic head proves existence of Negrito element. If the mean cephalic index of a population is 75 or 76, there may be few individuals with brachycephalic head. Another stern supporter of Negrito elements in India is Hutton. He observed sporadic occurrence of Negrito hair among the Angami Nagas. But Olivier did not find any Negrito element in any of the Naga tribes. Besides woolly and frizzly hair among the Angami Nagas, Hutton has put forward several cultural evidences in support of his hypothesis. But he has been severely criticized by Sarkar Mujumdar. With strong, valid arguments they have very clearly shown that Hutton’s suggestion is not acceptable. Now let us examine the skeletal materials. To establish his view Guha has demonstrated skull, from two different regions, which have Negrito traits. As

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regards how far his arguments are acceptable we shall present the views expressed by Sarkar. To support Hutton’s view on the existence of Negrito element among the Nagas, Guha has demonstrated the cranial materials a collected by him and Basu from the Naga Hills. They have classified the skulls into two groups. One group is mongoloids, while the other is proto-Australoid or Australoid. The skulls of Mohenjodaro. Though the authors call them Australoid, they have not care to compare these skulls, with the skulls of Australoid. On the other hand, comparison of those skulls has been made with that of Tasmanian and Melanesian. Perhaps, the reason is that they believe in the cultural similarities between the Naga people and Melanesians. But why Australian aborigines have been excluded? On the basis of comparison, they have arrived at a conclusion that the skulls of the second group are similar to that of Tasmanian and Melanesian with regard to low forehead and deep nasal root. These are undoubtedly Australian features. But the authors themselves have stated the Negrito elements found in the Papuan and Tasmanian skull were at one time distributed from North East to south west frontiers of India. Under the Oceania leaving sporadic evidence of their presence where and there. Thus, Guha and Basu are of their presence here and there. Thus, Guha and Basu are not very clear what they intend to say but to prove somehow or other that the Negritos were distributed over a fairly larger part of India at one time. The second representative of the Negritos exhibited by Guha come from Jewugri skull described by Taylor as having Negrito features. But Taylor has not mentioned anything. The Jewugri skulls appear to be disfigured. Nothing definite can be said on the strength of such evidence. While dealing with the racial elements in prehistoric India it has already been noted that the skeletal remains unearthed from different sites belonging to different periods ranging from Neolithic Piklihal and Chalcolithic Mohenjodaro to Iron Age site at Adichanullur there is no evidence to Negrito traits, such as woolly hair a broad head associated with flat nose and dark complexion, would have been med frequently in northern India as well: However, we cannot completely rule to the possibility of penetrance of Negrito traits into certain population of India more particularly a few coastal groups. There are reasons to believe that the Negroid populations established their colonies in some coastal regions like Gujarat, where they came in contact with the local people and as a result by admixture Negro traits were penetrated

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into the local populations. But these events occurred comparatively in recent times and these were local phenomena. And as such these negroids did not get chance to contribute their share in considerable manner to the ethnic makes up of the Indian population.

Chapter 7- Linguistic elements in India

The Indian population displays a high degree of diversity in its language and dialects. This diversity has resulted through the age due to the various ethnic groups and races that immigrated into India. The various Indian language of today have evolved from the various language families that correspond approximately to the various racial elements that have come into India. Over the centuries the various parental language has interacted with each other to produce the various language and dialects of modern India. India never had a common language which could be understood by all her people. For many years in the past, Sanskrit remained a common medium. However, it was the language of the learned classes and not of the masses. Under the British regime English became the lingua franca, again only of the literate. After independence, when the question of a common language came up, Hindi won the casting vote. However, as it was restricted to only a few states and union territories it did not gain sufficient importance. In free India, the distribution pattern of major language groups was considered as a satisfactory basis for the formation of states. Thus, this policy gave of the political meaning to the geographical patterns of then recognised Hindi as the official language of the union and at the same time recognised the regional language as the official language of the union and at the same time recognised the regional languages as the official languages of the states concerned. English although foreign, was retained as the authoritative legislative and judicial language. The 8th schedule

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of the constitution of India recognizes statutorily the following languages, out of which only are not official languages of any States. 1. Assamese 2. Bengal 3. Gujarati 4. Hindi 5. Kannada 6. Kashmiri 7. Malayalam 8. Marathi 9. Oriya 10. Punjabi 11. Sanskrit 12. Tamil 13. Telugu 14. Urdu 15. Sindhi Classification of Indian Languages: Broadly speaking one may classify the language spoken by the people of India into the following four languages families: 1. Indo-European Family (Arya) 2. Dravidian Family (Dravida) 3. Austric Family (Nishada) 4. Sino-Tibetan Family (Kirata) It is interesting to note that the strength of the four families is very uneven, Indo-Aryan languages are spoken by about 73% of the population and the Dravidian language by about 25% of the population. The Austric languages are spoken by a more 1.3% of the population while the Sino-Tibetan languages by a meagre 0.7%. Indo-Aryan Languages: A substantive proportion of the Indian population (73%) speaks one or other forms of the Indo-Aryan languages. They are generally divided into two main branches: Dardic and Indo-Aryan.

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The Dardic group includes Dardi, Shina, Kohistani and Kashmiri. With the only exception of Kashmiri, whose speakers have a strength of above two million, one of these speeches are spoken by a population of more than 7000. The Indo-Aryan branches are divided into six groups: North-Western, Southern, Eastern, East-Central, Central and Northern groups. the North- Western groups include Lhanda, Kachchi and Sindhi. The Southern group comprises Marathi and Konkani. The Eastern group includes Oriya, Bihari, Bengali and Assamese. Among the dialects of Bihar may be included Maithili, Bhojpuri and Magadhi. The East-Central group consists of these main groups, namely Avadhi, Baghaili and Chattisgarhi. The Central group includes Western Hindi, Punjabi, Rajasthani and Gujarati. The dialects that come under this Hindi group are Khariboli, Brajbhasha, Bangaru, Kanauji, Bundeli. The Rajasthani group also includes several speeches such as Marwari, Mewari and Malawi. The speeches that fail in the Northern group consists of one or other variety of Pahari language. They include Nepali, Central Pahari and Western Pahari. Dravidian Languages: The Dravidian languages may be broadly divided into three groups: South-Dravidian, Central-Dravidian and North-Dravidian. The South-Dravidian group comprises of major languages such as Tamil, Malayalam and Kannada and some minor languages such as Tulu, Coorgi and perhaps Yerukala. The Central-Dravidian group includes the major language of Telugu. Gondi is one of the minor languages that comes under this group. Kui, Khond and Parji are other speeches that may be included in this category. The North-Dravidian group is very small in comparison with the above two groups and comprises only minor languages like Kurukh (Oraon) and Malti. It should be noted that the Dravidian group as a whole is less diverse than the other language families of India. The four major languages of Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam themselves account for 96% of the total population of Dravidian speakers. The following figure depicts the various speech lines in the Dravidian language family. Figure 2 Dravidian Language Family and its Branches

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Dravidians

South Central North

Tamil Malayalam Kannada Telugu Kurukh Malti (Oraon)

Gondi Khond Kui Parji

Tulu Kurgi Yerukala

Austric Languages: The Austric languages of India belong to the Austro-Asiatic sub-family of languages. This sub-family divided into two main branches: Munda and Mon- Khmer. The Mon-Khmer branch consists of two language groups, namely the Khasi and the Nicobari. The Munda branch is the largest of the Austric language family and consists of tribal language groups. The Austro-Asiatic languages are spoken by about 6.2 million people in India. The largest single group is that of Santali speakers, who alone account for more than half of this total. There are seven groups within the Austric family having a population of more than a lakh person each. On the whole, one may say that the Austric languages belong mainly to central tribal belt of India. The following figure shows a broad classification of the Austric language family. Figure 3 Austric Language and Its Main Branches Austric

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Munda Mon-Khmer

Santhal Munda Ho Korku Khasi N Nicobari

Sino-Tibetan Languages: The speakers of the Sino-Tibetan language family in India fall into three main branches: Tibeto-Himalayan, North-Assam and Assam-Burmese. The Tibeto-Himalayan branch consists of the following two major groups: The Bhutia group and the Himalayan group. The Bhutia group includes Tibetan, Balti, Ladakhi, Sherpa and Sikkim Bhutia. The Himalayan group consists of Chamba, Kanauri and Lepcha. Ladakhi has the largest number of speakers followed by Sikkim Bhutia and the Tibetan. In the Himalayan group, the speakers of Kanauri have the highest numerical strength. The North-Assam or Arunachal branch includes the following six speeches: Aka, Dafla, Abor, Miri, Mishmi and Mishing. In this group the Miri’s have the largest number of speakers. The Assam-Burmese branch of the Sino-Tibetan family is divided into the following five major groups: Bodo (or Boro), Naga, Kachin, Kukichin and Burma group. Each of these group consists of several speeches. Among them the Naga group displays the highest number. The numerical strength of different groups varies greatly. There are as many as six speeches having a total strength varying between one and seven lakhs. Manipuri has the largest number of speakers exceeding six lakhs. Other speeches falling in this category include Garo, Tripuri, Mikir and Lushai (Mizo). Figure 4 Depicts the various speech line in the Sino- Tibetan language family. Sino-Tibetan

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Tibeto-Himalayan North-Assam Assam- Burmese

Bhutia Himalayan Aka Dafla Abor Miri Mishmi Mishing

Chamba Kanauri Lepcha

Tibetan Balti Ladakhi Sherpa Sikkim Bhutia Bodo Naga Kachin Kukichin Burma

Geographical Distribution of India Languages: The languages belonging to the four families described above have a peculiar geographical distribution. Languages of the Indo-Aryan family are concentrated in the plains of India. The domain of Indo-Aryan languages, however, extended over the peninsular plateau also, reaching as far south as the Konkan coast. The central part of the above said geographical region has Hindi as the principal language. It is spoken by the majority of people in India. Hindi is spoken in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar Rajasthan, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and the Union Territory of Delhi. Urdu is closely akin to Hindi and is Widely distributed in this belt. The speeches belonging to the North-Western groups, such as Kachhi and Sindhi are mainly concentrated in western India. Marathi is the most important language of the southern group of the Indo-Aryan family. The languages of the eastern group, such as Oriya, Bengali and Assamese are spoken in the eastern India. The languages of the central group are confined to Punjab, Rajasthan and Gujarat. The Himalayan and the sub- Himalayan areas are inhabited by the speakers of the various forms of Pahari and Nepali which belong to the northern group of the Indo-Aryan languages. Languages of the Dravidian family are concentrated in the Plateau region and the adjoining coastal plains. Telugu is spoken in Andhra; Tamil in Tamil Nadu; Kannada in Karnataka and Malayalam in Kerala. The speeches of the

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Dravidian family are also spoken by a large number of tribal groups living in the eastern and the north-eastern and the north-eastern parts of the peninsular plateau. These groups included the Gonds of Madhya Pradesh, Central India and the Oraons of Chota Nagpur Plateau. The speeches of the Austric family are spoken by the tribal groups in the Khasi and Jaintia hills of Meghalaya and tribal districts of Santal Paraganas, Mayurbhanj, Ranchi, East Nimar, Betul and Boadh Khondmahals. Of the two speeches of Mon-Khmer, Khasi is confined to the Khasi and Jaintia Hills while Nicobari to the Nicobar Island. The Mundari speakers are concentrated in the other districts mentioned above. The languages and the dialects belonging to the Sino-Tibetan family are spoken by the tribal groups of northeast and of the Himalayan and sub- Himalayan regions of the north and north-west. The speeches of the Tibeto- Himalayan branch are in Ladakh and parts of Himachal Pradesh and Sikkim. The Assam-Burmese branch is concentrated in the Indo-Burmese border. Among these, Naga dialects are spoken in Nagaland, Kushar is concentrated in the Mizo hills, Garo in Garo hills and Meithei in Manipur. Linguistic Regions: The geographical distribution of the major languages in India neatly fits into a scheme of linguistic regions. Based on the principle of numerical strength about a dozen major languages constitute the principal linguistic regions. However, the tribal languages do not fit into this scheme of regions as the tribal groups are concentrated in enclaves in central, eastern and north-eastern parts of the country. The regional mosaic of the tribal languages is highly complex and does not lend itself to a simplified scheme of regions. Broadly speaking, the principal languages of India constitute the following linguistic regions: (1) Kashmiri, (2) Punjabi, (3) Hindi/Urdu, (4) Bengali, (5) Assamese, (6) Oriya, (7) Gujarati, (8) Marathi, (9) Kannada, (10) Telugu, (11) Tamil, (12) Malayalam. The tribal languages are so distributed that either they have their own small clusters or they overlap the regions of major languages. In the north-east, however, the tribal speeches such as those of minor groups in Arunachal have almost knife-edged boundaries of their own. The twelve linguistic regions identified before generally correspond with the states of the Indian Union. But the state boundaries do not always correspond with the linguistic boundaries. In fact, the linguistic boundary in

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itself is not a line, it is a zone of transition over which one language gradually loses its dominance and gives way

QUESTIONS

1. Negrito elements in India (2000) 2. Age specific, sex specific mortality rates, and dependent factors (2002) 3. K.S. Singh's project on the People of India. (2002) 4. Demographic transition in India (2004) 5. Bring out the interrelationship between population growth and development in the Indian context. 60 (2004) 6. Write in brief 'Population Growth in India indicating causes and measures of its control'. 60 (2006) 7. Describe ethnic elements in the Indian population focusing either on Risley's or Guha's classification. 60 (2007) 8. The distribution of Indo-Aryan Languages (2008) 9. Is Risley's Racial Classification of Indian Population valid? Critically discuss with the help of suitable examples. (2008) 10. Mediterranean Element in Indian Population (2008) 11. Critically examine the factors responsible for the high population growth in India and suggest suitable measures for population control. (2010) 12. Discuss the relevance of Guha's racial classification in the context of India's ethnic groups. (2010) 13. Describe the linguistic elements in Indian population. (2011) 14. Major linguistic divisions of India (2014) 15. Outline the 'distribution of Dravidian languages in India and describe their cultural significance. (2014) 16. Briefly describe the classical models of ethnic and linguistic classification of Indian population. Discuss its relevance today. (2015) 17. Linguistic elements in Indian population (2016) 18. Give a critical assessment of Negrito problem in India. (2016) 19. Austro-Asiatic linguistic groups in India. (2017) 20. Give your assessment of the reasons for the imbalance in the sex-ratio in India. (2017)

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Unit – V GROWTH OF ANTHROPOLOGY IN INDIA

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Chapter 1 - Growth of anthropology in India

Manu’s Dharmashastra (2nd-3rd century BC) comprehensively studied Indian society of that period, based more on the morals and norms of social and economic life. Kautilya’s Arthashastra (324-296 BC) was a treatise on politics, statecraft and economics but also described the functioning of Indian society in detail. Megasthenes was the Greek ambassador to the court of Chandragupta Maurya from 324 BC to 300 BC. He also wrote a book on the structure and customs of Indian society. Al Biruni’s accounts of India are famous. He was a Persian scholar who visited India and wrote a book about it in 1030 AD. Al Biruni wrote of Indian social and cultural life, with sections on religion, sciences, customs and manners of the Hindus. In the 17th century Bernier came from France to India and wrote a book on the life and times of the Mughal emperors Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb, their life and times.

Anthropology began as a colonial handmaiden is a phrase that lies deep in the murky heart of the subject. However, it is true that in the initial stages the British administrators needed to know more about those that they ruled and thus started creating detailed analyses of their culture and society in order to understand how best to rule over them. This period ensured that anthropologists from England came to India and collected data on Indian populations and prepared monographs on them. This period is at the second half of the nineteenth century, when a number of monographs on tribal and other

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communities were being written by the British administrators and anthropologists.

Along with these, there appeared on the scene a small number of Indian anthropologists who were being trained by the British masters to assist them in their anthropological work. Anthropology happened to be taught at Haileybury College to train British Civil servants going off to India under the East India Company. By 1807, the Company had realized the importance of anthropological knowledge. The Governor-General had appointed Dr. Francis Buchanan to collect information on the life and culture of the people of Bengal. At this time very, little was known about the communities that resided in India and thus descriptive work was very much required that filled in the lacunae. In Victorian England, at that time, forms of classical evolutionism and diffusionism were very much in vogue and thus many of the anthropologists followed, consciously or sub-consciously, the theoretical regimes under which they existed. These theoretical ideas supported the spread of British rule and agreed with the subjugation of the natives. A political economy of support thus existed between the subject’s non-stated aims and its activities.

By the beginning of the twentieth century, new Indian anthropologists came into the scene voluntarily due to the nature of their work, who wished not only to be educated about anthropology but also spearheaded the task of setting up Anthropology Departments in various Universities. Once large numbers of students came into the scene, the British hegemony over the subject weakened. As we shall see from the lives of the famous Indian anthropologists, without overtly falling out with the British at any point, they actually often disagreed with them openly on many important issues. However, British ideas kept emerging in Indian Anthropology over the years and never really and truly died out.

One of the first things that happened in Anthropology in India was the setting up of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1774 by Sir William Jones. Under this organization, a number of anthropological works were conducted and many were printed in the journal of the Society. It is said by many that such work did not constitute an anthropology since they were written by British administrators and missionaries rather than ‘true’ anthropologists. However, many were well trained and their works are still studied, albeit as matters of historical interest, in Indian universities. They included famous names like L. S. O’Malley, E. Thurston, Edward Tuite Dalton, Herbert Hope Risley, R.V. Russell, William Crooke, J. T. Blunt, Buchanan, J. P. Mills, R.E. Enthoven, J. Todd, Valentine Ball, Baden-Powell, Sir Edward Gait, Sir Richard C. Temple, Sir Denzil Ibbetson, H. A. Rose, E. T. H. Atkinson, J. Shakespear, P. R. T. Gurdon, N. E.

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Perry, T. V. Grigson, Sir Edward Gait, Campbell, Latham, and others. These men compiled encyclopaedic material on castes and tribes of various parts of India. What they could not collect, they compiled in other works where they described regions as well as the people they met on their travels. ‘True’ anthropologists like W. H. R. Rivers, J. H. Hutton, A. R. Radcliffe-Brown and C. G. Seligman also came to India. Their work influenced people like Paul Olaf Bodding, Hoffman, Emelen, etc. to work on Indian communities in a greater degree of sympathetic detail.

These anthropologists in turn influenced others who were of Indian origin to work in anthropology. Such Indian anthropologists wrote of the cultures that they knew best and among whom they had grown up. Thus, a limited kind of ‘auto-ethnography’ was already being practiced in India by Indian anthropologists long before it became a major issue in western anthropology.

This was seen to have an overriding factor in Indian anthropology by M. N. Srinivas (1996), since such studies extended to the Indian diaspora which lived abroad over generations. Anthropologists in India also had less funds than their Western counterparts. M. N. Srinivas only had Rs 75 a month to carry out fieldwork among the Coorgs in 1940. Hence, it was a necessity to conduct fieldwork in India since even today anthropologists rarely get enough funds to carry out fieldwork in Africa, Latin America or west or south-east Asia.

Sarat Chandra Roy used to regularly review the work done in anthropology over the years through a number of his articles in various journals. This had been taken up by D. N. Majumdar in 1950, where he took up the terms used by T. K. Penniman in 1935 to classify the various stages of Indian anthropology. S. C. Dube was sad that anthropology was not used by the administrators and political leaders in administrating India. He complained of this to his colleagues from India and abroad in 1952. G. S. Ghurye had also commented on the influence of anthropology and sociology from the West and lamented in 1956 that they had not been keeping up with the subject. S.C. Dube again complained of the inadequacy of Indian research techniques and methods in 1962. In 1963, N. K. Bose gave an account of the rise of anthropology in India. In 1964, a paper was presented by L. P. Vidyarthi on the issue and in 1968 by Surajit Sinha.

Based on their reports it seems that Indian anthropology has gone through the following historically defined phases (Basu Roy; 2003). These phases had earlier been mentioned by other Indian anthropologists in various works (Sinha; 1980). These phases were then modified by Basu Roy in 2003. It may be seen from their description that anthropologists have not been strictly following the

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labels applied to them by others but were often found to encroach into other areas and other labels.

1.1 Vidyarthi (1975)- development of anthropology.

The Formative Phase (1774-1919)

For Majumdar, this phase ended in 1911. According to Vidyarthi, this period extended to 1920. This period seems to have been characterized by an emphasis on tribes, a natural history approach and descriptions of the diversity of customs. A variety of encyclopaedias on tribes and castes were published during this period. A search for primitive survivals from the viewpoint of classical evolutionism and an attempt to piece together the cultural history of the people was a hallmark. Apart from ethnographic reports, listings of customs, and administrative reports, there were also land revenue settlement reports that gave a more realistic functional idea of Indian rural society, like the works of Dalton, Buchanan and Lord Baden-Powell. The Asiatic Society was established in 1774 (it became the Asiatic Society of Bengal later in 1784) and this seems to be the beginning of anthropology in this part of the world. By 1784 the journal of the society also started coming out regularly. By 1893, a separate section or Part III was being published of the journal which contained only anthropologically relevant material. This continued till 1904. Recently these old issues have been digitized for future generations and copies of articles contained there may be obtained for a price. The Academic Association began in 1828, the Bethune Society in 1851, the Benaras Institute in 1861 and the Bengal Social Science Association between 1867 to 1878. All of these were Institutes where social science research began to be carried out.

By 1872 the Indian Antiquary came out and contained many articles of anthropological interest. The first journal solely devoted to Anthropology seems to be that of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, published first on 31 December 1886, published first by Edward Teyrrel Leith. The first Anthropological Society in India was formed through a meeting on 7 April 1886 at Apollo Street, Bombay (now Mumbai). T. H. Huxley, E. B. Tylor and Sir James Frazer became honorary members. It continued in a room in the Bombay Asiatic Society offices and some grants were occasionally made available to it. Many well-known Indian anthropologists were part of it.

H. H. Risley first published his account of the tribes and castes of Bengal in 1891. Later, he was famous as head of census operations in India. This period resulted in The People of India. He developed a wing in the census operations

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that was devoted to ethnographic survey in 1905. According to many, this may be called the beginning of Indian anthropology (Sarana and Sinha; 1976). After Independence in 1947, a social studies division was added to the office of the Registrar General of India, who was in charge of the census operations in India.

Many others who were not anthropologists also influenced the discipline. These included Indians like Dadabhai Naoroji, G. K. Gokhale, R. C. Dutt, M. G. Ranade, Raja Rammohun Roy, K. C. Sen, Ramakrishna Paramhansa and Swami Vivekananda. All of them, through their interpretations of Indian society, have affected the works of many social scientists and anthropologists.

By 1915 a slew of other journals came out like The Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society and Man in India in 1921. Books and District Gazetteers also came out and started gaining public interest to such an extent that they have remained in print till today! After Grierson’s linguistic survey of India, many associations brought out small monographs on the tribes of their region, their social and cultural mores and customs, as well as their language. The Mythic Society of Bangalore was also publishing a journal by this time. A Department of Sociology opened in Bombay with F. Geddes as its head in 1919.

The Constructive Phase (1920-1949)

For Majumdar (1950), this phase began in 1912 and ended in 1937. By 1920, Anthropology came into the curriculum of Post-graduate studies at Calcutta University with R. Chanda as Head. This was a marked change from the earlier period. By 1918 it was a subsidiary subject in Calcutta University but its true identity emerged only with its development into a full-fledged discipline. K. P. Chattopadhyay was one of the first to be appointed there with R. P. Chanda (who is famous for his idea of brachycephalization in Western India). They were joined by L. K. A. Iyer. The first group of students included luminaries like N. K. Bose, D. N. Majumdar, B. S. Guha, P. C. Biswas, T. C. Das, S. S. Sarkar, Dharani Sen and Andre Beteille.

In 1947, a Department of Anthropology opened in University of Delhi, then in 1950 in Lucknow and in 1952 in Guwahati. Other Universities having Departments of Anthropology included Sagar, Pune, Madras, Ranchi, Dibrugarh, Utkal, Ravi Shankar at Raipur, Karnataka, North-Eastern Hill at Shillong, Garhwal, and so on. Many would still claim that despite this growth, the number of Departments were not adequate as many Universities in India still have no Departments of Anthropology. The anthropologists mentioned above as well as others like K. P. Chattopadhyay made inroads into detailed systematic studies of Indian populations. Many Indian anthropologists also began to be educated abroad, especially as students of W. H. R. Rivers (like G. S. Ghurye Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 229

and Chattopadhyay in 1923) and B. Malinowski. Tribal monographs with a functional orientation were published and there was an interest in kinship studies. Some studies were also conducted on the American diffusionist school lines and there were studies related to acculturation. Though missionaries were often from the Austro-German diffusionist school, their impact has been much less. Applied problems were also being studied, like the condition of industrial labourers, the future of aborigines, the impact of famine on Bengal society, etc.

By 1939, Verrier Elwin had commented that the tribes should be left alone and they should be allowed to develop in isolation, away from the mainstream. This would ensure that outside populations did not influence and exploit these tribal populations. On the other hand, G. S. Ghurye had not even wished to enumerate the tribals separately in the census operations, thus enforcing his contrary idea that the tribals should be completely assimilated by the Hindus as a part of the mainstream. J. H. Hutton had claimed that tribals were to be seen as backward Hindus, and also that their assimilation into the Hindu fold had been going on for a long time.

Later, aided by Elwin, Nehru set out the panchsheel document, which became the Golden Mean between these two extreme methods. He claimed that (a) people should be allowed to develop on the lines of their own genius and nothing should be imposed upon them; (b) tribal rights in land and forest should be respected; (c) induction of too many outsiders into tribal areas should be avoided; (d) there should be no over-administration of tribal areas and as far as possible work should be done through their own social and cultural institutions; and (e) the results should be judged not by the amount of money spent but by the quality of human character that is evolved.

The Analytical Period (1950-1990)

For D. N. Majumdar (1950), this phase began in 1938 and carried on to the present. The earlier anthropologists like Surajit Sinha called this the recent phase. By this time Indian Anthropologists started regularly interacting with anthropologists abroad and many kinds of collaborative works were taken up. A shift was seen from the descriptive studies of preliterate villages to the analytical studies of complex societies. Village studies still remained the norm and began to be raised to the level of a methodological deity. The Americans who came to India during this period made their works famous for all time and immortalized also the names of the villages they worked in. These studies began with the work of Sir Henry Sumner Maine in 1871 and Sir Baden-Powell in 1892. Morris Opler of Cornell University (Madhopur and Rampur), Oscar Lewis of the University of Illinois (Rampura) in 1952, David Mandelbaum of the University

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of California, W.H. Wiser and Charlotte Wiser of Cornell University in 1933-36 (Karimpur), Alan and Ralph Beals from University of California (Namhali and Gopalpur), Harold A. Gould (Sherupur), Kathleen Gough, Stephen Fuchs, Ruth and Stanley Freed from the National Museum of Natural History at New York (Shanti Nagar), F. G. Bailey (Bisipara), Robert Redfield, W. A. Rowe of Cornell University (Senapur), M. S. Luschinsky in 1954-57 (Senapur), M. R. Goodall of Cornell University (Chittora), Scarlett Epstein (Wangala and Dalena), David Mandelbaum, McKim Marriott (Kishan Garhi, Wai town near Pune), John T. Hitchcock (Khalapur), John J. Gumperz (Khalapur), Kolenda (Khalapur), Ralph R. Retztaff (Khalapur), Leigh Minturn (Khalapur), A. P. Barnabas (Sharanpur), Adrian C. Mayer (Ramkheri), G. M. Carstairs (Deoli), Henry Orenstein (Gaon), Robbins Burling (Rengsanggri), Milton Singer (Madras), Gerald D. Berreman (Sirkanda), David G. Mandelbaum, O. T. Beidelman, Martin Orans (Jamshedpur), etc. Indian anthropologists who were included in this group included S. C. Dube (Shamirpet), M. N. Srinivas (Rampura), A. Aiyappan, D. N. Majumdar (Mohana), Prof. Inder Pal Singh (Deleke), K. S. Mathur (Potlod), Yogendra Singh, G. S. Ghurye (Haveli Taluka), etc. A large number of village study monographs were published in the 1960s through the Census of India 1961. The first of these was a study of Ghaghra by L. P. Vidyarthi.

These studies ensured that new concepts and ideas began to germinate and a large amount of data was generated on a very large number of villages from all over India. This provided a very good baseline from which emerged other kinds of studies as well as new theoretical ideas. The work of L. P. Vidyarthi, B. K. Roy Burman, R. M. Sarkar, Baidyanath Saraswati, Makhan Jha, A. Danda, M. K. Raha, P. K. Misra, K. S. Singh, T. N. Madan and others is memorable. P. K. Bhowmick’s study of the Lodhas and the setting up of the society ISRAA for their development in a village created by him called Bidisa is memorable. Such Action Anthropology was a direct influence of the famous anthropologist Sol Tax and others. Further, in places like Panjab University, inter-University collaboration with Universities abroad resulted in a detailed palaeo- anthropological study of the Siwalik region and the discovery of many fossils, some of whom, like the Gigantopithecus fossil, became very famous. It led to the Department becoming specialized in such work and much work was done in this region on Palaeo-anthropology by those from this University over the years.

In spite of these influences from American cultural anthropologists, the influence of British anthropology on Indian anthropologists continued to be very important. A professional cadre of anthropologists was developing with a Ph.D. degree being very important. Influences from Redfield were coupled with those of Levi-Strauss, Dumont, Leach and Radcliffe-Brown. Books and articles increased tremendously and many publications of Indian anthropologists in

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foreign journals occurred. However, in following the West so assiduously, Indian anthropologists seem not to have followed a constructive trend in their own approaches to a logical conclusion. In 1952, Ghurye made a reference in Vienna to the mistrust of social workers and popular political leaders of anthropologists. According to D. N. Majumdar in 1956, Indian anthropologists had an inadequate knowledge of American anthropology.

By 1953, attempts were being made in India to use anthropological knowledge to intervene, train, develop, and in other ways to help, the tribals. This was done through the setting up of the Tribal Research and Training Institutes all over India at the instance of the Commissioner for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes. Such institutes would conduct researches and their data would be used for all planning and welfare programmes. This has not really been done in thorough detail even now. This seems to have been due to the apathy of many government employees, their lack of autonomy and initiative, and the fear of annoying those in power that their present schemes may be wrong. Even while evaluating welfare schemes, such institutes have remained non-controversial in their approach. However, even after many forays in the field of applied anthropology, few anthropologists were being consulted by the government for most plans and programmes. Perhaps, it is in this context that S. C. Dube commented on a cautionary note that, “There are obvious dangers in overselling applied social science and anthropology and in making high sounding but impossible claims as a science of human engineering” (Dube; 1958: 152 in Sachchidananda; 1972: 27).

In studying culture change, Indian anthropologists have been involved in studies relating to the determination of whether the caste system is disintegrating or whether it has been strengthened since Independence. Studies have also been conducted on adult franchise, urbanization, industrialization and their effects on the caste system. With this there has been an emphasis on the nature of Indian unity and the characteristics of various categories of sub-nationalism. Finally, the role of the Indian social and religious traditions in economic development were studied, with special emphasis on the theories of Max Weber.

In other words, the utilitarianism of Indian anthropology was a feature within colonial anthropology, and this attribute continued to play an important part in anthropology all through, even after India’s Independence in 1947. A major part of this work was that of the Anthropological Survey of India with its headquarters in Kolkata and having hundreds of anthropologists employed in seven regional stations. Anthropologists are also employed by the Harijan and social welfare departments. They are employed in the National Institute of Community Development, National Institute of Family Planning, International

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Centre for Population Studies, Indian Agricultural Research Institute, National Institute of Health and Family Welfare as well as the departments of preventive and social medicines in various hospitals, forensic science departments attached to the Home Ministry in the centre and various states as well as at anatomy departments in some hospitals. They are Public Relation Officers attached to governments, in relation to health and NGOs as well as consultants and counsellors. They are present at the Satellite Instructional Television Experiment (SITE) at the Space Applications Centre, Ahmedabad.

They are, of course, present at the Office of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, social welfare departments of the Government of India and state governments, the Office of the Registrar General of India, the Gazetteer Division of the state information departments, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts and the Ministry of Tribal Affairs. There are anthropologists associated with the country’s major museums also. The Indian Museum at Kolkata and the National Museum, New Delhi both have anthropology departments. The Government Museum at Chennai, The Prince of Wales Museum at Mumbai, Gujarat Vidyapith museum in Ahmedabad all have anthropologists and the Gurukul Kangri Vishwavidyalaya museum near Haridwar also has a section on anthropology. A trend of picking up locally trained anthropologists in various Departments of Anthropology led to a regionalism and parochialism in their setup. The better-financed, semi- autonomous, inter-disciplinary institutes where anthropology was also being carried out, became outward-looking and American-focussed, as in the National Institute of Community Development, the Indian Institutes of Management and the UNESCO Research Center for the Developing Nations in South and Southeast Asia. Meetings between anthropologists were restricted to seminars/conferences or as external examiners, often due to a paucity of funds.

Further, anthropology has been a part (though now sadly a smaller part) at the Indian Science Congress Association, the Indian National Science Academy (earlier National Institute of Sciences in India), the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (and NISCAIR), Indian Council of Medical Research, Indian Council of Social Science Research and the Planning Commission. Anthropologists were also employed by the Indian Institutes of Technology, the Indian Institute of Management at Kolkata, as well as the Administrative Staff College at Hyderabad, Udaipur and other areas. In spite of a lack of facilities and the slow growth rate, India is second only to the United States of America in the number of professionally trained anthropologists working in different institutions (Sarana and Sinha; 1976).

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By 1979, 8420 social science periodicals were in print in India. By 1980, the number of Ph.D. s awarded by Indian universities in social science exceeded 10,000. The study of social science seems to have been restricted to universities between 1947 to 1969. After this period, it has come out of these centres to other institutes and organizations. One major event was the setting up of the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) in 1969, which started funding a lot of social anthropological work (Sharma; 1992).

Apart from such general cultural studies a growing body of studies incorporated Indian culture as a whole in their studies. N. K. Bose tried to see India as two basic zones of material culture which cut across linguistic divisions. He sees a pyramidal form of Indian unity in diversity. He sees a non-competitive economic ideology in the caste system and a Hindu mode of tribal absorption. There was also an interrelationship between the village and other supra-local centres. For M. N. Srinivas, there was the fact of sanskritisation combined with the role of the dominant caste in local and regional integration. For Iravati Karve, there was an agglomerative character to Indian society. For Surajit Sinha, Indian society was an ‘evolutionary emergent’ from a tribal base while for L. P. Vidyarthi, among caste groups there was the concept of a sacred complex while for tribal groups there was a Nature -Man-Spirit complex. Most Indian anthropologists happened to be apolitical except for some Marxists and Gandhians.

Those who developed a distinct research methodology to conduct their studies included Das (using genealogies to study Parum society), N. K. Bose (spatial distribution technique used to date Indian temples, use of human geography in study of culture-historical issues as well as the use of family histories in studying social change in urban centres), Chattopadhyay and Mukherjee (use of statistics in studying social change), Iravati Karve (text analyses incorporated with kinship studies) and L. P. Vidyarthi (using the concepts of sacred centre, cluster and segment to study sacred complexes). Perhaps, a caste structure and community content of the Indian anthropologists may have influenced their comments on Indian civilization. According to Sinha (1980: 281), “it is unlikely that Indian anthropology will find a strong domestic orientation in the near future. For some time, the proliferation of trained manpower, random efforts at catching up with the latest developments in the West and a general increase in the number of publications will characterize the development of Indian anthropology.”

The Evaluative Phase (1990-present)

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The complexity of Indian society was frequently described by Western anthropologists in terms inimical to many Indian anthropologists. Hence, Indian anthropologists began to feel that a better interpretation of such complex interrelationships could be given by Indian anthropologists. As a result, many anthropologists have proposed their own theories.

The study of recent improvements and changes in anthropology in India deserves to be done in much more detail. However, it has become clear that not only are the earlier trends being maintained but many areas of anthropology are emerging anew and other sub-fields within are becoming active. An increasing interest in Medical Anthropology, Religion, Development studies, Psychological studies, as well as other areas is becoming more evident.

It seems apparent to many that Indian anthropology has many new directions to travel in. Where it will eventually go is something that may only be wondered at. Some of the ideas may come from our guides in anthropology from the past. M. N. Srinivas seems to believe that due to its particular history, Indian anthropologists have gained much more expertise in studying their own histories and cultures. He advocates that this background should enable studies of others to understand the self (self-in-the-other) may now give way to studies of the self itself as a valid mode of anthropological inquiry. Each life (one’s own) thus becomes a case study, which the anthropologist self is uniquely placed to study (Srinivas; 1996).

1.2 Growth of anthropology as defined by D.P. Sinha (1991)

Nineteenth Century Anthropology: Ethnological Surveys

Ethnological surveys pre-date anthropology as a professional discipline in India. Ethnological surveys were undertaken by English administrators whose major objective was to build ethnographic profiles of the people they administered. This was largely because of administrative exigencies, but also, sometimes because of genuine curiosity to understand the variety of cultures and customs, religion and know languages, economy and occupations, history and habitat in Indian subcontinent. These administrators were naturalists, observing and recording the ethnographic accounts of people, comparing and classifying tribes and castes, sometimes delving in folk history and making social linguistic comparisons. Their inquiries reflect extensive, rather than intensive studies. Their approach was to paint a large social canvas and sometimes to interpret the socio-cultural phenomena relevant not only for understanding, but also for administering the people.

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Ethnological surveys made during 1871-1920 were essentially compendia of tribes and castes. These provide social-cultural profiles of these tribes and castes Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Dalton, 1973); Primitive Tribes of Nilgiris (Breek 1873); Hindu Tribes and Castes (Sherring, 1881); Tribes and Castes of Rajasthan (Sherring, 1881); Wild Tribes of India (Rowney, 1882); Tribes and Castes of Bengal (Risley, 1891); Tribes and Castes of North-Western India (Crooks, 1896); Tribes of Brahmaputra Valley (Waddeller, 1901); Tribes and Castes of Cochin (Iyer, 1908); Castes and Tribes of South India (Thurston, 1909); Tribes and Castes of Madras(Sherring, 1909); Punjab Castes (Ibbetson, 1916); Tribes and Castes of Mysore (Iyer, 1912); Tribes and Castes of Bombay (Ethnoven, 1920).

These early works of the Indian anthropology provide one of the basic identities of the discipline. Some of the early efforts were to produce integrative ethnological surveys, such as The Peoples of India (Risley, 1904), Linguistic Survey of India (Grierson, 1905) and the Archaeological Survey published in The Antiquities of India (Barnett, 1913). Even the recent decades, there have been a number of studies, which offer an all-India perspective on ethnological issues. Ghurye (1943) wrote The Aborigines, So-Called and Their Future; Majumdar (1944) published the classic Races and Cultures of India; Singer (1961) edited Traditional India: Structure and Change; and Piggott (1950) synthesised Indian Archaeology in his book Prehistoric India. These studies belong to the same genre. More recently, the Anthropological Survey of India has completed a massive study of Peoples of India, which is a descriptive account of nearly 4500 communities across the subcontinent.

Anthropology in Early Twentieth Century: Ethnographic Studies

The shift from ethnological surveys to ethnographic studies during the early part of the century was dictated by the rise of anthropology as a professional discipline. It called for an intensive, descriptive, ethnographic understanding of simple, isolated, preliterate, tribal aboriginal communities.

Some of the above ethnographic account provided an understanding of their habitat and (folk) history, ecology and economy, ethnic characteristics and linguistic features, religion and customs, social organisation besides focussing on the unique characteristics of the tribe. A distinctive contribution to anthropology is apparent during this period.

Earliest account:

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While the earliest ethnographic accounts published on an Indian tribe was the Todas of the Nilgiri Hills by Marshall (1873), most of the studies were carried out during the first four decades of this century.

North-Eastern India:

From North-Eastern India, the first monograph was on the Nagas (Hodson, 1911), the next were on the Lushai Kuki clans (1912), The Khasis (Gordon 1912), The Garos (Hudson, 1921), the Purums (Das, 1945) and The Apatanis (Haimendorf, 1962). Some of these tribes, e.g. the Nagas, the Garos, and the Khasis, have been re-studied at several points of time. On the Nagas, several monographs have been published on its subgroups by J.P. Mills (1921, 1926) and von Haimendorf (1946).

Central India:

The Central Indian tribes have also been intensively researched. Ethnographic studies of the following tribes give excellent accounts of the work the Indian anthropologists pursued the first half of the century.

From Bihar were The Munda (Roy, 1912); The Oraon (Roy, 1915); The Birhor (Roy, 1925); The Kharia (Roy, 1937); The Hos (Majumdar, 1937); The Santhals (Culshaw, 1949). The Baiga (Elwin, 1939), The Agaria (Elwin, 1942), The Maria (Gibson, 1949), The Muria (Elwin, 1947), The Bode (Elwin, 1950) from M.P. and the Saoras (Elwin, 1954) of Orissa.

South India:

Some of the best anthropological studies on Southern India include: The Todas of the Nilgiri Hills (Marshall, 1873 and Rivers, 1902), The Kadars of Cochin (Ehrenfels, 1952), The Nayars of Malabar (Ayyappan, 1941), the Chenchus of Andhra Pradesh (Haimendorf, 1943), The Raj Gonds of Andhra Pradesh (Haimendorf, 1945), The Bison Reddis of Andhra Pradesh (Haimendorf, 1945), and the Kotas of Nilgiris (Mandelbaum 1938).

Western India:

In Western India, ethnographic studies include those on the Bhils of Gujarat (Naik, 1956; Nath, 1959); The Gonds of Rajasthan (Mehta, 1885) and Warlis (Suve, 1945) of Maharashtra. Radcliffe Brown’s monograph of the Andaman Islanders had already appeared in 1922.

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During the post-independence era, although there was a distinctive shift in anthropological inquiry, some ethnographic accounts, such as the Malers of Santhal Paragans (Vidyarthi, 1963); The Paharis of Himalayas (Berreman, 1963), The Lodhas of West Bengal (Bhowmick, 1969); The Bauris of West Bengal (Shasmal, 1972), The Korwas of Central India (Sandhwar, 1981), The Parachiuyas of Palamau (Prasad, 1979); The Kolams of Andhra Pradesh (Rao, 1980) contain the rigors of traditional ethnographic studies.

The Anthropological Survey of India, which has the largest member- anthropologists in this country promoted researchers on the primitive communities in the country. Recently it has looked at ethnographic research not only in terms of cultural parameters, but also linguistic, ethnic, and social- psychological aspects of the people encompassing the total study of man. It has also conducted an all-India anthropometric data on different regions of the country (ASI, 1991).

Anthropology: Study of Village and Caste Communities

By the middle of the century, particularly after independence, anthropology as a discipline witnessed another shift in its domain. While a group of professionals continued to focus their inquiry on the Indian tribes since the government increased its attention on development of tribal groups and tribal areas, a new wave of anthropological studies emerged. They included village and caste communities.

Rampura, a village in Mysore was studied by Srinivas (1955); Shamirpet, an Andhra village by Dube (1955); Kumbapettai, the Tanjore village by Gough, (1955); Gohana Kalan, Senapur, Khalapur; the UP villages by Majumdar (1958); Rajana, a West Bengal village by Chattopadhyaya (1964); a Sikh village by Singh (1958); Vilyatpur, the Punjab village by Kessinger (1974); the Rajasthan village by Chauhan (1967); a Gujarat Village by Sted (1955); the villages by Mathur (1964) and Mayer (1960); an Oriya village by Bailey (1957); a Hermit, Village in Kulu by Rosser (1960); Gopalpur, A south Indian village by Beals (1962); and a village in Karnataka by Gurumurthy (1989).

Many tribal village studies were followed, e.g. Marriot (1955), Burling (1963), Jay (1968) and Sachchidananda (1968) by name a few. These studies were oriented to understand the tribal societies and their network relations with other tribal-caste villages in a specified territorial setting.

The above noted village studies graduated Indian anthropology from a descriptive to an analytical discipline. They helped to formulate concepts of

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social structure, dominant caste, Sanskritization, and rural-urban continuum and also highlighted the processes of continuity and change in India.

Anthropology Diversified: From General to Specific

During post-independence India, anthropology as a discipline, diversified. Social anthropology, as a sub-discipline, focussed on social phenomena interfacing with economics, demography, and sociology. There are several pointed studies made by both Indian and foreign scholars during the period 1960-1980 (Dube 1975, Srivastava 1979, 1982, and 1984).

During the last two decades there has been a distinct shift from understanding social systems to social issues, e.g., from caste-to-caste politics, from tribe-to-tribe development.

Caste has been an important Indian social phenomenon; early anthropologists wrote on castes in their ethnological surveys. In 1931, J.H. Hutton published a comprehensive account of caste; and Iravati Karve wrote on kinship in India (1953, 1961). Most of the villages studies described above, in one sense or another, were studies of caste in the village context. The Village India edited by McKim Marriot (1955), and The Indian villages edited by M.N. Srinivas (1953), for example, deal with social structure of caste; changing status of a depressed caste; inter-caste relations; caste and Jajmani system; caste and election; caste and economy; caste and speech variation; caste and law; caste and leadership, etc. Indian anthropology has produced full-length ethnographic accounts of several castes, e.g. Briggs (1926); Shah and Shroff (1958); Madan (1965); Khare (1990). Dumond (1966) in his Homo Hierrarchicus has described caste as a pan-Indian phenomenon, an aspect of indigenous culture encompassing time and space, religion and language in the sub-continent.

Another shift in anthropological inquiry has been from village studies to study of urban centres and sacred cities of India. During the 50s, economists had initiated city studies. Later, anthropologists added their own tinge to studies of Urban Cities: Majumdar (1960) wrote on Kanpur, Bose (1968) on Calcutta, and Vidyarthi (1969) on Ranchi; analysed the population, occupation, housing and environment. These studies provided an analysis of caste, class and social pattern in urban setting. They also examined linkages and impact on their hinterlands, the neighbouring villages around the urban centre.

Under the influence of Robert Redfield, Milton Singer, some scholars dwelt on the great tradition, which constituted the core of Indian civilization. About the same time, S. Sinha (1957) wrote on the Tribal Cultures of Peninsular

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India as a Dimension of the Little Tradition in the Study of the Indian Civilization.

Anthropologists were already searching for a framework, which could describe the Indian civilization. The great tradition, which continued through centuries, was reflected in the sacred cities and the metropolis, and the little traditions were represented by the tribal and peasant communities dispersed across the country. This theoretical construct provided a meaningful model for the anthropological study of the Indian civilization. Using the model, Vidyarthi (1961) studied The Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya; Cora Dubois later studied the Sacred Cities of Bhubaneswar and Puri; and Vidyarthi and Saraswati studied Varanasi the epicentre of Hindu tradition. Several sacred cities in Western and Southern India have also been studied during the recent decades.

Anthropological studies, such as Social Framework of Indian Industry (Sheth, 1968); Factory Workers in Poona (Lambert, 1958), and Inter-Tribal Market: An Institution Changing Traditional Economy to Modern Market Economy (Sinha, 1968) marked the new shift. Studies undertaken on population growth and demography provided insights into family planning and family welfare; the study of genetics, nutrition and health enabled administrators to identify and to control diseases and to promote health in tribal areas.

In this connection some recent studies are worth noting: Srivastava (1982) reviews the application of Population studies in India and Joshi- Mahajan’s edited volume (on studies in Medical Anthropology in India) explores the phenomena of health in human population. Sharma’s edited volume (1989) contains several articles on aspects of health; nutrition and demographic strains on aspects of health; nutrition and demographic strains in Indian population, (see also Chauduri, 1990 and Bhasin, 1989).

The rapid growth of the Indian economy, partly because of industrialization, mainly because of modernisation of agriculture and village industries, contributed to a new social reality and social realignments. These seem to have influenced anthropological research during the period 1970-1990. A number of studies are on the impact of industrial-urbanization, in rural and tribal India.

1.3 Anthropology: Future Issues and Challenges

During the first half of the century, Indian anthropology has witnessed the gradual disappearance of tribal societies. In the recent decades, it has also become obvious that village communities are no longer isolates. WE have

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talked about the tribal-rural-urban continuum. However, even this continuum is slowly and surely disappearing, it is being replaced by a complex network of people, places, classes, and categories. People living at one place may have more in common with others geographical away.

The Indian anthropologists worried in the past about the disappearance of traditional societies. Not long ago, anthropology was concerned about the fragmentation and diversification of the discipline. As a study of man in totality, its sub-disciplines social anthropology, physical anthropology, prehistoric archaeology (but not Linguistics) have grown on their own momentum. Social anthropology has more in common with Sociology than human biology and prehistory; pre-historians have found more meaning in their interaction with ecologists, geologists and historiographers than with physical anthropology, and physical anthropology has found its interest converging with biochemistry, genetics and health sciences than the with social anthropology. These are real issues, which must be addressed squarely.

Indian anthropology is not a monolithic phenomenon. It has never been put together as a single event. Looking to the past of India to its scriptures for an identity does not give it a pan-Indian focus. There does seem to be, in spite of it all, an Indian anthropology that distinguishes it from other anthropologies. This is seen in the way most anthropology texts from India focus on uniquely Indian contexts, mostly because anthropologists here have focused on it more due to lack of funds to conduct researches abroad.

The idea of ‘indigenizing’ this anthropology has often been discussed earlier by many authors. They have claimed that this should be done to include local models which do not come from the West. However, the problem that arises here is whether such a project is possible within a subject that is itself borrowed from a colonial West. There seems to have been a trend of looking at a version of the concept of India that involves the thinking of it as a ‘caste’, ‘tribe’, ‘hierarchy’, ‘Hindu’, ‘villages’ and other such labels, which is perhaps why anthropology in India is still involved in studying such issues (like Mathur’s ‘foundational categories’). One focus has always been for anthropologists to not only class themselves as Indian and the subject as useful to Indian society in the practical sense, but also to ensure that others know of this relevance of Indian anthropology. Sinha sees this happening because:

“The patronage accorded to anthropological organizations in India by governments (as early as 1880s), have created a dependence upon the state. The bulk of anthropological research is funded by the Central for various State governments… Funding from private organizations or philanthropists is

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practically non-existent. Resources are scarce. What little is available provokes intense competition from other social sciences. In such a context, it makes sense that Indian anthropologists feel the need to demonstrate the relevance of their research to administrators and policy-makers. In order to legitimate their cause, Indian anthropologists have to present themselves as committed to planning, development and nation -building… They must demonstrate the usefulness of their craft in the real world to be seen as relevant and legitimate.”

Anthropology is the future will have to search for a fresh frame of reference and new parameters to deal with its universe.

Chapter 2 - Contribution of British and Indian anthropologists Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 242

2.1 JAMES H. HUTTON

Hutton was well-known as an anthropologist who was also an administrator. When he was a political agent to the Naga hills among the tribes there he made thorough studies of the Angami and Sema Nagas. They were both published as books and became a standard reference work for the region over the years. As an ethnologist, he studied the entirety of the cultural life of the tribal communities, including their language and physical characteristics. The book on the Angamis, published in 1921, described their mythological origin, law, customs, domestic life, religion, language and folklore, ending with an appendix on their physical characteristics.

At that time, in England and in other parts of the continent, the trend among ethnologists was to find the evolutionary origins of various socio- cultural institutions. This mode was also followed by Hutton. He concludes from his study that the Nagas must have originated and migrated from somewhere close to China. He discusses the institution of head-hunting and the Negrito element among the Angamis. This evolutionary and diffusionist work was also extended to the study of the caste system, on which Hutton wrote another book.

Hutton was also very much in sympathy with the problems of the tribes. In fact, he was of the opinion that autonomy could be granted to these tribes for conducting their own affairs. This stood him in good stead with the local administration and he was appointed Political Agent to the Naga hills before he became the Census Commissioner. He was also appointed as the Chairman of Anthropology at Cambridge. He was first to be appointed the President of the Indian Science Congress in 1921.

2.2 CHRISTOPH VON-FUHRER HAIMENDORF

Christoph von-Fuhrer Haimendorf was responsible for many tribal studies. Initially, he began his work in the Naga hills. He accompanied J. P. Mills on his tours in the region. At the time Mills was a Political Agent. He wrote a travelogue in 1938 entitled The Naked Nagas as a result of his tour. In this work, a very subjective account was written about the Konyak Nagas, about which the world knew very little at the time.

Later, he went on to study the Chenchus of Andhra Pradesh, a hunting- gathering community. He also went on to make a detailed study of the Gonds of Adilabad. He described the social life of both these tribal communities and paid special attention to their problems. He suggested separate development programmes for them. Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 243

He then went on to study the Apatanis of Arunachal Pradesh. He made an extensive study and was favourably impressed by their stage of development. The Apatanis were well-educated and were able to compete for posts in the bureaucracy.

Using this comparative background study of the tribes of India, he proposed a developmental future for these communities based on their isolation from other communities. This has been called isolationism. In 1984, in a D. N. Majumdar lecture, he argued that the Gonds were being deprived of their lands and were becoming poorer due to their contact with outsiders. The Apatanis were isolated because of their houses being in difficult terrain. This has resulted in their faster development. Development in this area reached the grass root level and was not taken over by outsiders. The Indian governmental policy of not allowing people into this region has also contributed to this state. In fact, by 1985, his book on the Tribes of India clearly states the Indian government policy of state terrorism against the tribals protesting for their own land to be left to them instead of being repeatedly usurped by outsiders and taken over. This was based on a postscript in the book on the planned shooting down of unarmed Gond tribals on 20 April 1981 at Indravelli, Adilabad. A quote from the magazine Olympus that he quotes is very clear in its denouncement:

“Tribals are fighting a grim battle for survival. The depredation of forest contractors has upset their economic life. And now their lands are sought to be snatched away by the new ‘voortrekkers.’ The plainsmen with the power of the modern state behind them are moving in.” (Furer-Haimendorf; 1985: 326)

He has also written on the morals and merits in South Asian societies. Haimendorf has also worked on communities in Nepal. He retired as a Professor from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), London. In 1976, he retired from the Chair of Asian Anthropology at the University of London. He is well-known for his many meticulously detailed ethnographies but is not so well- remembered for the few theoretical approaches that he used.

2.3 VERRIER ELWIN

Verrier Elwin came to India as a Christian preacher but took up anthropology as a primary interest. He was an ethnographer and in 1932 began to work among the Baiga tribe of Madhya Pradesh. This was later published as The Baiga in 1939. This was introduced by Hutton. It was cited often but it contained the first citation of his statement on isolationism for tribals. He had noted that the Baigas were being destroyed by the landlords and the missionaries. To protect them

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from exploitation he suggested that the State should prevent or control their interaction with outsiders.

Verrier Elwin has always been associated with the issue of the integration of tribal societies with the greater Indian society. Such an integrationist stance was initially opposed by him, when he proposed that tribals should be left alone instead of being constantly interfered with and acculturated. This gave him the reputation of being a person who advocated separate ‘reserved national parks’ for tribals. Such national parks he also called ‘Tribal Reserve Area.’ Such a stance was also being used at the time by the United States government.

After this, Elwin went on to study the Murias of the Bastar region. He devoted one book to the study of the youth dormitories called “Gotul” among the Murias there. It was seen from his work that such youth dormitories were an indispensable part of many other tribal societies as well. It was responsible for training the youth in various social activities and for initiating them into sexual activities. This led others to work on the activities of the youth dormitories in other tribal societies.

He went on to publish many more works on tribal and other cultures. He published one on the religion of the tribes, their folklore, myths of origin, etc. In a study of the Borneo highlanders he again supported isolationism. This was criticized by several nationalist leaders and pro-assimilation anthropologists. Finally, when Elwin wrote A Philosophy For NEFA he propagated a more assimilationistic stance in collaboration with the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. In his integrationist model of the tribe, he propagated the idea, following Nehru’s panchsheel that the tribes should be allowed to develop according to their own dictates.

Elwin went on to become a member of several committees on tribal affairs and also an editor of Man in India. Many of the photographs that he took now adorn the walls of the Museum and Department of Anthropology, NEHU, Shillong.

2.4 RAI BAHADUR SARAT CHANDRA ROY

S. C. Roy started his work among the tribals of Chotanagpur in the early years of this century.

According to Roy (1937) anthropology is for use, for nation-building in a positive sense, for fellow-feeling among human beings and for writing the eternal history of humankind.

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S. C. Roy was no objective anthropologist. He began with the idea of helping the oppressed tribals of the region. In order to reframe the way outsiders manipulated them, he had to prepare an outline of their customary laws. In order to do so, he had to study their oral and mythical history, their social and cultural life, at first hand. The only discipline that suited him was that of the anthropologist. He wished anthropology to be there as a subject in all Universities and also as a requirement of officers in administration and bureaucracy.

It soon became apparent that early accounts of Indian tribes were mostly written by British authors. Out of 100 articles on anthropology published between 1784 to 1883, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, only 3 articles were by Indians. In Calcutta Review, there were 53 articles on anthropology published between 1843-1883, only three by Indians (Roy; 1992: 13). There were no monographs on tribes by Indian authors.

Sarat Chandra Roy took care to learn the dialects of the various tribes of the region. He had no formal training, yet he managed to create a good rapport by his ability and knowledge. During his later years he frequently talked of his work to Nirmal Kumar Bose and to his youngest daughter, Mira Roy, who died in February 2006. According to him, all his works needed to be revised to include individual differences that occur in each of the different villages. As a first step, he made notebooks for each thana and tehsil where he numbered and noted down one village on each page. On these pages, he noted whatever information he knew regarding the villages. This was a remarkable attitude of collecting local data, which is only now becoming popular.

Yet, Roy’s work must also be seen in the context of the everyday life of the Oraon which did not have (and still does not have) a structuralized behaviour pattern for behaving with outsiders. S.C. Roy was also one of the ‘diku’ yet clearly was never called such names. Further, the researcher in his attempt to gain intimacy becomes a ‘friend’, a term which an Oraon well understands. This deep effect of the anthropologist on tribal society was well observed by D.N. Majumdar:

“How far this was true was seen by us in 1921, when some of us, then students of anthropology at Calcutta visited the Munda country with Dewan Bahadur L.K. Anantakrishna Iyer, Reader in Anthropology, Calcutta University. We visited hamlet after hamlet, we went into the interior villages of the Munda country, we enquired about the intimate social life of the people and everywhere we visited we felt the invisible presence of Roy. Every village we passed

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through, we were greeted with shouts of Sarat Babu Ki Jay. It is no wonder that Roy represented the tribal people of his district in Bihar Legislature for successive terms.” (in Roy; 1980: 210)

It is the social-ness of the work of S. C. Roy that is his main advantage. His house had a set of rooms prepared for his tribal clients so that those who came from far-off villages could stay on while his case was being fought in court. Ultimately, S. C. Roy was thinking not just in the tribal language but in terms of their own worldview. An incident that shows this side of him relates to the construction of a bridge over a river at Lohardaga:

“The river side had Hindu and Oraon settlements. Since the bridge was washed out twice earlier, the contractor wanted to placate the Gods of both the villages. He repaired an old dilapidated temple of Hindus and presented a flag with a railway engine painted on it to the Oraon which was a symbol of power to that parha of Oraons in the Jatra festival. But envious of this, one of the neighbouring parha made a same kind of flag having the emblem and led [to] trouble at the annual Jatra festival at Bhasko. Two persons were killed. Fearing similar trouble next year, Roy was consulted by the sub-divisional Magistrate and he then presented a flag emblemed with an aeroplane and explained the superiority of it to the senior members of the parha of the latter village next year. A happy solution came out and no trouble occurred at the jatra that year.”

Books and monographs

 The Mundas and Their Country (1912)  The Oraons of Chota Nagpur (1915)  The Birhors (1925)  Oraon Religion and Customs (1927)  The Hill Bhuiyas of Orissa (1935)  The Kharias (1937)

Sarat Chandra Roy was the first man of India who delivered a course of lectures on anthropology in any Indian University and first to make an effort to publish a quarterly journal for anthropology. His studies laid the foundation of anthropological knowledge of the tribal population of Bihar and adjacent areas. He started his investigation amongst the Mundas as early as the beginning of twentieth century and his findings began to be published right from the year 1907. While dealing with a particular tribe, he tried to cover different aspects of their life like arts and crafts, traditions and customs etc. which were very

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important for ethnology. Despite lots of information, his monographs were not confined in presenting a rounded picture of the tribes; he aimed at concise information of the life of tribes as “universal categories of culture”. Sarat Chandra Roy is considered as the Father of Indian Ethnography. He not only made valuable contribution in the study of human society and culture; he tried to popularize the subject of anthropology among the general readers. He also pleaded for the application of anthropology in finding out the causes of sufferings of the people.

Journal contributions  Man in India, the first anthropological journal in India was started by him in 1921.  He wrote extensively on totemism among the Asur, the Ho people of Singhbhum, the Paharia of Chota Nagpur; on the Lepcha funeral; kinship among Sikkimese people, Khasi people; Khond human sacrifice; Korku memorial tablets; black Bhils of Jaisamand lake in Rajputana, and on the ethnic groups of Burma.

2.5 BIRAJA SHANKAR GUHA

B. S. Guha was born in 1894 and began by being a student of philosophy, obtaining his Masters degree from Calcutta University. He then became a student of Anthropology. He was also interested in natural history, antiquarianism and primitive tribes. He had been interested by the work of Prof. Dixon, and having obtained the Hemenway Fellowship, went to Harvard University, and did his Masters and Ph.D. in Anthropology on ‘The Racial Basis of the Caste System’ from there in 1924. He studied all the branches of Anthropology, and worked under the famous Anthropologist Ernest A. Hooton, R. B. Dixon and A. M. Tozzer. By the time he came back to India after four years, Anthropology had begun in India at Calcutta University. He joined the Department, but later went on to join a post as an Anthropologist in the Zoological Survey of India from 1927. This became the central point of growth for the subject here, and in 1931 was responsible for the Census Operations work. In 1936 he found the Indian Anthropological Institute in Calcutta using amateur ethnographers.

He became a fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal and then became its Honorary Secretary. His efforts ensured the creation of an Anthropological Survey of India from its parent Zoological Survey of India in 1946, whose first director was B. S. Guha. He went on to create several training and extension programmes for social workers and social scientists. In 1955-56 he was invited to organize a training centre for Social Education Organisers (Extension Officers

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for India’s Community Development Programme) working in tribal areas. He also contributed to the founding of the Indian Museum, Calcutta and the Bihar Tribal Research Institute, Ranchi (which became a centre for tribal researches from 1956-59). The Ranchi Institute was reorganized into six sections – Cultural Anthropology, Physical Anthropology and Human Biology, Linguistics, History, Social Psychology, Biometrics and Statistics. Each had a head and several research assistants. A good library and a rich museum came up under him. There was a division on Primitive Art and Photography.

He had visited several tribes in Assam and Bengal before he went to Harvard. In the United States he worked among the Utes and the Navajos of Colorado and New Mexico in 1921 as a Special Research Officer of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. He was in the expedition to the Naga Hills for abolishing human sacrifices near the Burmese border between 1926-27. He went to Chittral in north-west Baluchistan (now in Pakistan) to solve the problem of the linguistic affinity of the tribes of Central India and the Brahuis of the North- West Frontier. He had also worked for some years on the Khasas. He believed strongly in fieldwork and would advocate it strongly. He disliked theoretical work done with insufficient field data. He created a field station of the Anthropological Survey in the Andaman Islands in 1952.

His researches in the Anthropological Survey of India seemed to be based on the osteological studies of historic and prehistoric human remains from materials excavated by the Archaeological Survey of India and a continuation of the study of anthropometry of the Indian population that was started at the request of the 1931 Census operations.

He wrote the Report on the Human Remains Excavated at Nal in 1929, at Mohenjodaro in 1931 and 1937, Racial Affinities of the Peoples of India in the Census of India for 1931, Vol. I, Part III in 1935 and Racial Elements in the Population in 1944.

He contributed to the creation of a racial map of India. In order to do this, he collected anthropometric measurements of 2511 subjects from various parts of India (in its undivided form) representing 34 population groups. He then discovered in 1937 the racial elements which seem to have entered the population of India.

First to come were the Negritos, who seem to have been autochthones or indigenous to the initial Indian population. Their heads are small, round, medium or long, the nose is straight, flat and broad, with short or pygmy stature, dark brown to dark skin colour, woolly hair, bulbous forehead, and smooth

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supraorbital ridges. They are closer to Melanesian pygmies than the Andamanese ones and are represented by the Kadars, Pulayans of Cochin and Travancore, Irular and other tribes of the Wayanad.

Next to be added to the population were the Proto-Australoid, who had a dolichocephalic head, markedly platyrrhine nose depressed at the root, short stature, dark brown coloured skin, wavy or curly hair, delicate limbs, less developed and slightly retreating forehead, and prominent supraorbital ridges. They seem to be similar to the Australian tribes and differ from the Negritos in having wavy hair. This racial element is seen most frequently among the Pulayan women of Travancore, the Urali of Travancore, the Baiga of Rewa, etc. Tribes like the Male, Chenchu, Kannikar, Kondh, Bhil, Santal, Oraon, etc. belong to this group.

The Mongoloids have scanty body and facial hair, eyes that are obliquely set with epicanthic folds, flat face with prominent cheek bones and straight hair. They seem to have entered India through the north-eastern region in successive waves of migration. They are of two types – the Palae-Mongoloid and the Tibeto-Mongoloid. The Palae-Mongoloids are of two types – the long -headed and the broad-headed type. The long-headed type possesses a long head, medium nose, medium stature, prominent cheek bones, dark to light brown skin colour, short and flat face, and faintly developed supra-orbital regions. They are found in the sub-Himalayan region in the tribes of the Assam like the Sema Nagas and the Limbus of Nepal and Burma frontier. The broad-headed type has a broad head, round face, dark skin colour, medium nose, obliquely set eyes with a marked epicanthic fold. They are found among the Lepchas of Kalimpong, the hill tribes of Chittagong like the Chakmas, the Maghs, etc. The Tibeto-Mongoloids have a broad and massive head, long and flat face, tall stature, long or medium nose, oblique eyes with epicanthic folds, body and facial hair are absent and light brown skin colour. This type is found among the Tibetans of Bhutan and Sikkim.

The Mediterranean consists of three distinct sub-types. The Palae-Mediteranean are very ancient and resemble the Proto-Egyptian. They have a long and narrow head, bulbous forehead, projecting occiput, high vault, small and broad nose, narrow face, pointed chin, slightly built body, dark skin colour, scanty face and body hair and medium stature. The skeletal remains of Adittanallur, the Dravidians like the Tamil Brahmins of Madura, Nairs of Cochin, and Telugu Brahmins show this kind of feature. The Mediterranean sub-type shows long head, arched forehead, long face, narrow and prominent nose, tall to medium

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stature, light skin colour, well-developed chin, dark hair, dark brownish to dark, facial and body hair in plenty, and slender-built body. This type is found in Uttar Pradesh, Bombay, Bengal, Malabar and are represented by the Nambudri Brahmins of Cochin, the Brahmins of Allahabad, Maratha ladies of Indore and the Bengali Brahmins. The third sub-type is the Oriental of Fischer and they look like the Mediterranean sub-type but their nose is long and convex. They are found in the Punjab, Sind, Rajputana, with the Punjabi Kshatriyas and the Pathans.

The Western Brachycephaly are the fifth type described by B. S. Guha. They are also divided into three sub-types. The Alpenoid has a broad head, rounded occiput, prominent nose, medium stature, round face, light skin colour, abundant body and facial hair, and thickly set body. This is found among the Bania of Gujarat, the Kathi of Kathiawar, the Kayasthas of Bengal, etc. The Dinaric sub type has a broad head, rounded occiput, high vault, long and convex nose, tall stature, long face, receding forehead, darker skin colour, dark hair and eyes. They are found among the people of Bengal (like the Brahmins), Orissa, Coorg (Kanarese Brahmins of Mysore), etc. The Alpino-Dinaric type seems to have entered through Baluchistan, Sind, Gujarat, Maharashtra to Kannada and Ceylon, Tinnevelly and Hyderabad. The Armenoid sub-type is close to the Dinarics, though the marked occiput, prominent, narrow and aquiline nose set it apart. The Parsis of Bombay represent this group.

The Nordics have a long head, protruding occiput, arched forehead, tall stature, long face, strong jaw, fine, narrow and straight nose, fair complexion, bluish tinged eyes and powerfully built body. They are found scattered in different parts of Northern India in Punjab and Rajputana, especially among the Kho of Chitral, the Red Kaffirs, and the Khatash. They seem to have come from the north, from South-east Russia, South-west Siberia, to Central Asia and India.

It seems that while taking note of the Negritos in India as the autochthones, he put undue emphasis on the hair form and type as the marker which seems to have been unwarranted. He was also wrong in attributing such characteristics to the deformed Jewurgi skull described by Taylor. Also, the entire population should show such traits to some extent to account for such conclusions, which they unfortunately do not. There is also more evidence that shows the Australoids to be original to India.

He published only fifteen papers and books in all but he ensured that Anthropology survived and grew in India as a holistic discipline integrating all the various sub-disciplines and linking them to the various other scientific and social science fields. At the time of his death he had been working for the

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Ministry of Education, Government of India, reconstructing prehistoric skulls from North Western India. He died in 1961.

2.6 DEWAN BAHADUR L. K. ANANTHAKRISHNA AIYAR

L. K. A. Iyer was born in 1861. He was in an orthodox family in Lakshmi Narayana Puram village of Palghat district of what is now Kerala. Krishna Iyer, his father, a Sanskrit scholar, died early.

He came to anthropology in 1900. He came into ethnography in 1902 and remained in its forefront. He was also regarded as the founder of field studies in Indian anthropology.

In 1903, The Ethnographic Survey of Mysore was started under Dewan Bahadur Nanjundeyya as Superintendent of Ethnography. The Superintendent died in the middle of this work and thus Iyer was handed this work on 7 August 1924.

Between 1904 to 1906 twelve monographs were published from the Government Press, Ernakulum on a tribe or caste. These and others were then revised by him (after being requested by the then Diwan) from July 1907 to appear in a single volume with illustrations.

In 1914, Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee chaired as the President of the first Indian Science Congress which took place in the premises of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta. He was interested to include Anthropology as a part of the Indian Science Congress. In that session, Ananthakrishna Iyer was chosen as the President of the section on Ethnology, which later became the section on Anthropology and Archaeology. By this time, he was well known for being a very acute researcher in India. In that first session he had presented two papers. One was ‘Study of Marriage Customs of the Cochin State’ and the other was on the ‘Namboothiri Brahmins of Malabar.’ At that Science Congress, as L.K.A. Iyer was leaving for Ernakulum, he was told that he might be able to serve Calcutta University.

Another two studies of his read out at the Indian Science Congress in 1915 in Madras was entitled the ‘Prehistoric Monuments of the Cochin State’ and the ‘Vettuvans of North Malabar.’ In 1916, in the Science Congress at Lucknow he presented papers on ‘Malabar Magic’ and ‘The Thandapulayans.’ Also, in 1916, from February 14-19 and 21-23, L.K.A. Iyer gave a series of nine Readership lectures on the ethnology of India in the Madras Museum. He read

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out ‘Anthropological Notes on the Eurasians of Indo-Portuguese Descent in Cochin’ at the Indian Science Congress in Bangalore in 1917. In 1918, he read out ‘Serpent Shrines in Malabar, Cochin and Travancore’ at the Indian Science Congress, Lahore. He retired from the Cochin State Service in 1920. Iyer went on to become the President of the Indian Science Congress in the Anthropology and Archaeology section again in 1927 and then in 1937 (presenting a paper on ‘An Ethnographical Study of the Coorgs’), the only one to become the President thrice.

In 1924, the Maharaja of Travancore and Cochin assigned to him the responsibility of creating the State Museum, Zoological Gardens and Industrial Bureau. He was teaching in the Department of Anthropology at Calcutta all the year round, and in the vacations conducted his fieldwork studies. Much of his ethnography centred around life cycle rituals, seeing caste and tribe as isolated entities rather than seeing their linkages with neighbouring groups.

After his retirement in 1933, he visited Florence, Rome, Paris, Munich, Berlin, Cambridge, Vienna and other places in Europe, presenting a series of lectures on Indian Ethnology. In London, at the International Congress of Anthropology, he presented a paper on ‘Agricultural Basis of Religion in South India.’ At the Institute of Anthropology in Florence he presented a paper on ‘Primitive Culture of South India.’ Due to his legendary status, Anthropology in India was jokingly referred to as ‘Ananthropology.’ His house in Tollygunje was a library where students visited and were lectured on ethnography and race, with special references of C.G. Seligman. His son wrote An Account of the Tribes and Castes of Travancore. His grandson L.K. Bala Ratnam was also an anthropologist

He died on 25 February 1937 in Madras.

2.7 GOVIND SADASHIV GHURYE

G. S. Ghurye was born in 1893 and was a Sanskrit scholar, teaching it in Bombay, before he went on to become a Ph.D. scholar under the famed anthropologist W.H.R. Rivers and A.C. Haddon, at Cambridge University in England. He was an evolutionist and he used indological texts to work on caste and race in India, an interest that continued throughout his life. He was one of the pioneers of the use of indological texts in sociology. He was also known as the father of systematic teaching of Sociology in India.

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The work of G. S. Ghurye has been seen by many as having progressed anthropology greatly in its initial period. However, Ghurye’s work was multi- disciplinary in nature and he was as important for the scholars of sociology. He worked for over 70 years on classical texts, the study of comparative religion, survey methods, problems of urban women, bureaucracy, political processes and elites.

During his work there, he wrote Caste and Race in India, which came out in 1932 under the History and Civilisation series edited by C.K. Ogden. It soon became a basic text. He tried to give a comprehensive picture of castes, along with its origin, features, function, development, and so on. It was revised in 1950 and came out as Caste and Class in India. He had added the gently developing system of caste under the present milieu of political, economic and social change in India. He also wrote on the tribes of India and gave details of their administration. He was an assimilationist and wished to incorporate the tribals of India into the ‘mainstream’ of Indian culture. He also showed how the earlier British Administration had created problems in the administration of the tribes.

This led him to write The Aborigines – ‘so called’ and Their Future in 1943. He enumerated the problems of the aboriginal tribes of India in a truly anthropological manner. He was of the opinion that these tribes should neither be called ‘adivasis’ nor ‘aborigines’. They should not be a separate category but should be merged with castes and should be treated as backward classes.

Ghurye’s work was textually oriented and did not involve fieldwork. According to many, including M. N. Srinivas, he was conjectural, historical and indological. This did not mean that he was unaware of the current context of the castes on which his researches were based as this following statement shows:

“Various ambitious castes quickly perceived the chances of raising their status. They convened conferences of their members and formed councils to take steps to see that their status was recorded in the way they thought was honourable to them. Others could not but resent this ‘stealthy’ procedure to advance and equally eagerly began to controvert their claims. Thus, a campaign of mutual recrimination was set on foot. The leaders of all but the highest castes frankly looked upon the Census as an opportunity for pressing, and perhaps obtaining some recognition of social gains which were otherwise denied by persons of castes higher than their own.” (Ghurye; 1924: 169)

He died in 1983.

2.8 DHIRENDRA NATH MAJUMDAR Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 254

D. N. Majumdar, a student of Sarat Chandra Roy from Calcutta University, went to Cambridge to conduct his Ph.D. under Professor T. C. Hodson in 1933. For his fieldwork, he selected a tribe called the Ho in the Kolhan region of Chotanagpur. This study became a basis for the study of society by students in the future. The approach could be shortened to MARC, or Man, Area, Resource and Cooperation. The relationship between these four elements guided the existence of any society. Man, here refers to human beings having certain biological needs and physical properties. Area refers to the spaces which they occupy, the geographical referent which forms the basis of their existence. Resource signifies the materials available in the spaces that they occupy. Finally, cooperation indicates the relationships between the human beings studied. Harmony in all these four elements leads to a functional unity in society. This unity breaks down due to external pressures.

Using this model Majumdar claimed that the Hos were being influenced due to external pressures. He saw that primitive tribes were declining and this was for him a primary concern for anthropologists. An advanced culture impinging on a simple and passive society, according to him, caused such a decline. He did not agree that this could be stopped by creating reserves for tribals so that they may not be influenced, or by including them very closely within the Hindu fold as a backward form of Hinduism, but that they should be integrated into Indian society, a form that he called “creative or generative adaptation.” He believed that dominant groups should give respect to those communities that were backward or downtrodden. A social change, in his opinion, should not be disruptive but should be in continuity with existing cultural traditions. Thus, his work was on culture contact and acculturation among the Ho. His Ph.D. was awarded in 1935. During this period, he was invited to deliver a course of lectures at Cambridge and was elected a Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in 1936.

In spite of his specialization in Social Anthropology, he managed to keep up with trends in Physical Anthropology and Prehistory. He advanced in his training through his teachers Professor G. M. Morant and Gates, who taught him advanced techniques in the field. He also regarded Bronislaw Malinowski as his teacher and was greatly influenced by him.

He was involved in the decennial census operations of 1941, carrying out anthropological and serological surveys in the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh). P. C. Mahalonobis, the famous statistician, collaborated with him. Majumdar also went on to study polyandrous societies like the Khasa of Jaunsar-Bawar in the Himalayas, the Korwas and the Tharus as well as

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towns and castes in Uttar Pradesh. After Sarat Chandra Roy, he carried on the traditions of fieldwork in India. He extended his work from tribals to urban societies also.

In physical anthropology, he worked on blood groups, anthropometric surveys, health and disease also. Anthropometric and serological data was analysed statistically by him (known as biometrics). In Uttar Pradesh, he tried to find out the biometrical correlates of caste hierarchy. Though using racial factors in his analysis, he was opposed to the concept of race and was not fond of single factor explanations in caste studies. Using physical anthropology, he also studied the school children of Lucknow.

He was also known to be interested in prehistoric archaeology, keeping up with the latest on the topic and occasionally lecturing on it. He became more and more knowledgeable about the castes and tribes of the country and went on to promote a problem-oriented research work based on theory rather than mere ethnographical ones. He learnt more about the tribes and castes of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh (studying the Gonds of Bastar), Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat (studying the Bhils) and West Bengal. Another promoter of this approach was his peer Verrier Elwin.

In 1953 he collaborated with M. E. Opler of Cornell University in a research project on village studies.

By 1945-7, he laid the foundation of what became the thriving ‘Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society’ (EFCS) in Lucknow. The society wished to collect ethnographic data on the local cultures of rural Uttar Pradesh. Under this society, the Eastern Anthropologist started out as a premier journal in Anthropology. He contributed greatly to village studies in anthropology in India. He recommended the kinds of studies that were required for the future and also demarcated the social contours of an industrial city. He also incorporated an evaluation of administratively engineered social change. He was further involved in carrying out excavations of archaeological sites.

He wrote many important works like  Race Elements in Bengal (which he wrote with C. R. Rao),  Social Contours of an Industrial City (with N. S. Reddy and S. Bahadur),  A Village on the Fringe, Race and Cultures of India,  Fortunes of Primitive Tribes  A Tribe in Transition.  An Introduction to Social Anthropology with T. N. Madan.

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In 1960 -61, at the time of his death, he had promoted Anthropology all over the country in a number of universities and also inculcated anthropology among many generations of students. He had then been the Head of the Department and Dean, Faculty of Arts. He apparently died after a full day’s work on 31 May 1960 after a cerebral haemorrhage. Recently, a full year of celebratory seminars, conferences and lectures were held by EFCS to celebrate the centennial year of D. N. Majumdar’s birth.

2.9 NIRMAL KUMAR BOSE

Nirmal Kumar Bose was born on 22 January 1901 in Calcutta. He was taught by Prof. Haran Chandra Chakradhar, Prof. T. C. Das and Prof. Tarak Chandra Das, the latter of whom taught him the Functionalist Approach of Malinowski.

His involvement in the freedom struggle as well as his following of Gandhian principles drew him closer to Anthropology. Nationalistic events often interfered with his academic career. He left the Government College to participate in Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Movement. He participated in the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1922, the Civil Disobedience Movement in 1930-32 and the Quit India Movement in 1942. He went as Gandhi’s Private Secretary in his walking tour of Noakhali (now in Bangladesh), Bihar and Bengal between 1946-47.

He settled in Puri in Orissa. The Orissan temple architecture fascinated him and he met a temple architect called Ram Marasana from whom he learnt of Orissan temple architecture. He became a guide and gave lectures to visitors. During this time, he met Sri Ashutosh Mukherjee, the Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University, who persuaded him to join the University for a Masters degree in Anthropology.

He remained in contact with S. C. Roy throughout his life and kept going to his house in Ranchi. Though he was attracted by the works of the diffusionists and the functionalist Bronislaw Malinowski, he was influenced greatly by the works of M. K. Gandhi, Sigmund Freud and Karl Marx. He then saw himself as a ‘social historian,’ a school of thought of which he became the founder member.

He conducted his fieldwork among the Juangs of Orissa in 1927, where he was impressed by the simple life of the poor tribals. He wrote Selections from Gandhi in 1934 and Studies in Gandhism in 1946, while My Days with Gandhi written in 1953 described his experiences while he was the private Secretary of Mahatma Gandhi in 1946-47.

After his retirement, he was a special invitee of the Study Team for Hill Districts of Assam under Tarlok Singh in 1965. In 1965 he represented India in

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USA at the Annual Conference for the Association of Asian Studies in New York. He was also asked to look after the educational problems in NEFA in 1966. He was also the Advisor on Tribal Affairs to the Government of India. In 1964 he retired but continued to serve in various honorary positions. In 1969, he was appointed President of the Anthropology and Archaeology Section of the Indian Science Congress. He served as the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India from 1967 to 1970. He was a devoted social worker for many organizations.

He was granted the S. C. Roy medal and the Annandale Medal for his researches by the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1948). He became the President of the Anthropology and Archaeology Section of the Indian Science Congress in 1949. He was the President of the Asiatic Society and also the President of the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad when he died. He was a very prolific writer. He wrote about 40 books and over 700 articles in English and Bengali on temple architecture, art, prehistoric archaeology, human geography, urban sociology, geology as well as travelogues. Apart from his work in archaeology, spring festivals in India and the underlying basis of the caste system, he was also trying to develop an idea of the culture zones within India and a social survey of Calcutta. He claimed that instead of following the West, Indian anthropology should attempt to develop its own indigenous models and theories based on Indian data in order to create a uniquely Indian identity to anthropology.

Books  Cultural Anthropology in 1929  Canons of Orissan Architecture in 1932  Excavations in Mayurbhanj in 1949 with Dharani Sen  Peasant Life in India in 1961,  Calcutta: A Social Survey in 1964,  Culture and Society in India and Problems of National Integration in 1967,  Problems of Indian Nationalism in 1969,  Tribal Life in India in 1971  Anthropology and Some Indian Problems in 1972.

He was also an editor of Man in India from 1951 to 1972. He wrote profusely in Bengali and his Hindu Samajer Gadan of 1949, Nabin O Prachin and Paribrajaker Diary became very popular works. The first of these was later translated into English The Structure of Hindu Society by Andre Beteille and published. It is still in print. He died on 15 October 1972 (Mahashtami) after a long fight with cancer.

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2.10 IRAVATI KARVE

She was born in 1905 in Burma and educated in Pune. She had a B.A. in Philosophy and then she completed her M.A. in Sociology in 1928 from Bombay University. She then went to Berlin University in Germany where she was honoured with a D.Phil. for her outstanding research work in 1930. She had worked under the tutelage of Eugene Fischer at Berlin University. She was also knowledgeable in both social as well as in physical anthropology.

In 1939 when she came back to India she joined the Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute in Pune as Head of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology. In 1939 she was the President of the Archaeology and Anthropology section of the Indian Science Congress. By the 1940s she had worked with the famous H.D. Sankalia on prehistoric cultures and had published two papers with him. She concentrated on the racial composition of the Indian population, the kinship organization in India, the origins of caste and sociological studies of rural and urban communities.

She wrote many research papers in various journals in both English as well as in Marathi. She became famous and her work was read widely. She conducted anthropometric studies in Maharashtra with some financial aid from Emslie Horniman fund. These were published as a book in 1953, marking a new level of data collection in Indian caste studies.

She wrote Kinship Organisation in India in 1953 and Hindu Society: An Interpretation in 1961. In the former she divided India’s kinship pattern into four zones – North, South, Eastern and Central. To show the integration of Hindu society, she gave illustrative examples from various Hindu mythologies, trying to relate them with modern customs. She tried this again in her work Yuganta in 1967 (in Marathi). It became very popular and won the Sahitya Academy Award for that year. In this work she studied the cast of players in the Mahabharata, as well as its society in an anthropological manner. It seems that in her manner and attitude, trying to strive to create a new type of Department, she was disliked by some (Bhagwat; 1991).

She died in 1970 while she was still in service. She was seen to be one of the three stalwarts who created a name for Deccan College, the other two being H.D. Sankalia and S.M. Katre.

2.11 HASMUKH DHIRAJLAL SANKALIA

H. D. Sankalia was born on 10th December 1908. His parents were upper middle-class Gujarati and his father was a solicitor. He was of a very delicate Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 259

physique and many thoughts that he would be unsuited to a career in archaeology. He was well read in Indian history and traditions but a reading of Lokmanya Tilak’s The Arctic Home in the Vedas at about sixteen years of age inspired him to read Sanskrit and History in order to discover the antiquity and original home of the Aryans.

He learnt archaeology by going for excavations at Maiden Castle, a Roman castle being excavated by Mortimer Wheeler. He also learnt much from F. J. Richards, an I.C.S. officer. In 1935-36 he went to Sind to see the excavation of the Harappan site Chanhudaro conducted by Ernest Mackay. However, his greatest teachers were the two volumes on the prehistoric antiquities in India by Robert Bruce Foote, the father of Indian prehistory. He completed his Ph.D. under the supervision of Professor K. de B. Codrington on a general survey of archaeological remains of Gujarat, obtained his degree in 1936 and then returned in India in January 1937 to do research in the Prince of Wales Museum and the Asiatic Society in Bombay. He was also teaching at the Heras Institute of Indian History and Culture. He became a Professor of Proto-Indian and Indian History at Deccan College in 1939 at a salary of 150 Rupees.

 He found a reference in the District Gazetteer of a suburb of Poona having some megalithic structures at Bhosari and investigated them.

 He explored Gujarat in 1940, taking clues from Bruce Foote and located new Palaeolithic and Mesolithic sites in the Sabarmati valley of Mehsana district. He also jointly excavated Langhnaj, the famous Mesolithic site with Iravati Karve, finding microlithic and other tools as well as faunal remains and human burials.

 In 1943-44 he investigated the Godavari Valley and its tributaries in the Nasik district of Maharashtra and found a flake tool industry made of chert and jasper. This became part of the Middle Palaeolithic in India.

 In 1950-51, he excavated Jorwe on the Pravara river, Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra.

 In 1952 he found a basalt industry in Gangapur near Nasik in the Godavari sediments exposed while constructing a dam.

 In 1953-54 he excavated Maheshwar and Navdatoli on the northern and southern banks of the Narmada in Nimad district, Madhya Pradesh.

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Navdatoli is likely to be drowned by the rising height of the water caused by the Narmada dam by now.

 In 1954-55, at Nevasa in Ahmednagar district he dug a Chalcolithic mound and found a three-tier chronology in successive gravel deposits of the Pravara river (a tributary of the Godavari). He called them Series I (consisting of typical Acheulian industry of hand axes and cleavers made on basalt and associated with mammalian fossils), Series II (sandy-pebbly zone with small flake tools of chert and jasper associated with mammalian fossils which formed the Middle Palaeolithic assemblage) and Series III (blade tools made on chalcedony and being a part of the microlithic phase). This disproved the Bruce Foote idea that the basalt area did not have human habitations. This distinct Middle Palaeolithic phase was reported by him in the famous journal Science in 1964.

 In 1957-58 and 1958-59 he excavated Navdatoli. They found through this largest of all, excavations at that time a Chalcolithic village of second millennium BC. Links were found to Iran and he thought that it must have contained an Indo-Aryan speaking people.

 In 1954-56 and 1959-61 he excavated Nevasa in Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra. He found remains of a Chalcolithic site here and after a gap the later historical periods. This region, then, as a whole, had sites from the Lower Palaeolithic to the present.

 In the 1960s he explored Saurashtra and found more sites. He excavated Sangankallu, a Mesolithic and pre-Mesolithic site in Bellary district, Karnataka.

 In 1961-62 he excavated the Chalcolithic site of Ahar near Udaipur in Rajasthan. It was a large settlement from the late third millennium BC to the mid-second millennium BC.

 In 1969 -70 he explored the Liddar River at Pahalgam in Kashmir and found a few early Palaeolithic tools there. He also excavated Inamgaon, in Pune district, Maharashtra, later carried out by his students, for twelve years in an elaborate manner. It was dated from 1600 BC to 700 BC and contained over two hundred human skeletons.

 He had also excavated Tripuri near Jabalpur in 1966 (Chalcolithic habitation) and Tekkalakota (Bellary district, Karnataka).

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 He also excavated Dwarka in Gujarat but was unable to find anything beyond the Christian era.

It is his impress upon archaeology, prehistory, protohistory and inscriptional ethnography that has enabled Indian archaeology to rise to its present status in the world. He developed from scratch Archaeology at Deccan College, turning it into an area of excellence with a number of multi-disciplinary laboratories and trained personnel. It is the only such University Department in India even today. Unlike others, he was devoted not only to teaching and research but was also involved in putting archaeology across to the people at large, writing popular articles in English, Hindi, Gujarati and Marathi. In 1963 he wrote a monumental Prehistory and Protohistory in India and Pakistan. The second edition came out in 1974.

He used all kinds of data to construct a timeline for the region which was fairly successful and which he had learnt from his teacher F.J. Richards. He supervised about 47 Ph.D. s in his lifetime, and their names are like a roll call of contemporary issues and names in Indian Archaeology.

He retired from Deccan College in 1973. However, he continued to find sites in and around Pune, and many articles written by him attest to this. His house was on an earlier bed of the Mula-Mutha river and was called Sat-Chit-Anand. He excavated the land on which his house was built and found more tools. He then invited the Prime Minister of India in 1987 to see the site and the finds. A rare archaeologist, he published a stream of detailed reports on all that he excavated and also summarized the findings, creating texts for students as a remarkable synthesis of all the data available.

He died on 28th January 1989 in Pune.

2.12 MYSORE NARASIMHACHAR SRINIVAS

One of the most well-known individuals in the history of sociology and social anthropology of India would remain M. N. Srinivas. He was born on 16 November 1916 in Mysore and was educated initially in Karnataka. In his own house he was close to Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Marathi, as well as a colony of urban shepherds or Kurubas. He felt that his field area seemed to exist almost in his backyard in Mysore.

Based on the fieldwork among the Coorgs, he introduced the concept of ‘Brahminisation’ as a mode of caste mobility for the first time in his Ph.D. work among them. Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 262

He was trained by G. S. Ghurye, with whom he often disagreed. He used indological work in an occasional way, to highlight some of his other work. He was also very much a field-oriented social anthropologist and was a promoter of the structural -functional approach. He was also adamant in claiming that while the book view of society gives an overall view of society through its ritual writings (read indological scripts), a field view showed that there were many variations in the interpretations of the book view which needed to be understood better (read fieldwork-oriented social anthropological ideas). He was strongly influenced by the fieldwork of both A.R. Radcliffe-Brown and Bronislaw Malinowski. This interest enabled him to conduct his first fieldwork among the Coorgs of South India. This led to the publication of Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India in 1952.

He worked closely with the anthropologists A.R. Radcliffe-Brown and Evans- Pritchard. To some extent, he had also been influenced by Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, Raymond Firth, Talcott Parsons, Robert Merton and Bottomore, among others. More concepts were introduced in his work, which included the terms ‘Sanskritization’ traits and the idea of a spread within Hinduism.

For Srinivas, Sanskritization (a term he introduced in 1962) was a more inclusive term than Brahminization. It involved the taking up by the lower castes and other tribes of the rituals of the upper castes, especially the twice- born castes like the Brahmins. Hinduism was also seen to involve an All-Indian form, a Peninsular form, a Regional form and other local forms. He also differentiated between the concepts of Varna and Jati and popularized the use of local terms to understand Indian society better. His studies of village life in India remain unparalleled. Through these concepts he tried to understand the issue of social change in Indian society.

Srinivas’ major fieldwork was conducted in Rampura in Mysore. He exposed the two kinds of statuses found in such societies – calling them ritual and secular statuses. To accommodate the two kinds of status the concept of a ‘dominant caste’ was found to be very useful. Important political processes could be understood through the use of this concept since it involved the advantages of being the first to be introduced to Western education, a high ritual status, numerical preponderance, and economic and political power at the centre. He introduced the term Westernization in 1966. Contemporary ground realities in Indian society could be understood from his 1959 paper on Dominant Caste in Rampura in American Anthropologist.

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In 1959, he founded the Department of Sociology at Delhi University, through the cooperation of the Vice-Chancellor V.K.R.V. Rao.

Works

 Marriage and Family in Mysore (1942)  Religion and Society Among the Coorgs of South India (1952)  Caste in Modern India in 1962,  Social Change in Modern India in 1966  India’s Villages in 1955.  The Remembered Village (1976)  Indian Society through Personal Writings (1998)  Village, Caste, Gender and Method (1998)  Social Change in Modern India  The Dominant Caste and Other Essays (ed.)  Dimensions of Social Change in India

His works and ideas regarding fieldwork are reproduced in The Fieldworker and the Field written in 1979 with A.M. Shah and E.A. Ramaswamy. Many of his other writings have been published in Indian Society Through Personal Writings in 1996. Most of these are still used as texts in Departments of Anthropology and Sociology. He had written more than a hundred research papers.

In recent years he has studied issues relating to national integration, dowry, bride wealth, the effect of industrialization on villages, urban communities, hospitals, gender issues, etc. His fieldwork in Coorg was for a year (1940 -42), in Tamil Nadu for three months in 1943, in Andhra Pradesh for three months in 1944, and Rampura in Mysore for thirteen months (1948 and 1952).

M. N. Srinivas died on 30 November 1999 in Bangalore.

2.13 SHYAMA CHARAN DUBE

S. C. Dube, born on 25 July 1922 in Seoni in Madhya Pradesh, initially finished a degree in Political Science before he decided to join Anthropology. The course in Political Science had a special paper in Social Anthropology. He then conducted a study of the Kamars of Raipur in order to do a doctoral dissertation in Sociology. They were considered to be an extremely backward community and before S.C. Dube went to study them, not much was known about them.

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Dube studied their society holistically using traditional anthropological methods.

Dube went on to go to England as a Lecturer in Anthropology. In the early 1950s, like all the American scholars of Anthropology who came to India, he became interested in village studies, especially of those villages which had a multi-caste social structure. He came back to India to study a village in Hyderabad called Shamirpet. He studied the interrelationships of Hindus and Muslims in the framework of jati relationships. He was able to show through his data that communalism was not a major problem in Indian villages. He showed that a distance was kept between different castes and different religions in the same village. Both Hindus as well as Muslims followed many folk customs. These customs united the people into a whole and thus communal feelings were kept in abeyance. He also worked in West Orissa.

After these studies, Dube became interested in studying the impact of community development planning on villages. This formed a very important part of this period of his research interests, where he contributed both to Sociology as well as to Social Anthropology.

Books

 Indian Village in 1955  India’s Changing Villages: Human Factors in Community Development in 1958  Power and Conflict in Village India.

He also wrote several research papers. He also worked on redtapism in Indian bureaucracy and was in favour of the development of an indigenous anthropology. By 1978, he told his colleagues that it was very important for them to begin studying the problems of the Third World as a part of indigenous anthropology. Since the problems encountered by them were very different from those encountered by the developed countries. A central problem of such Third World countries was exploitation, inequality and injustice.

He wrote on Social Science in Changing Society where he advocated an inherently dynamic social science that was responsive to the changes occurring in society. To fulfill this, he himself put together Contemporary India and Its Modernization in 1973, Explanation and Management of Change in 1971 and Modernization and Development: The Search for Alternative Paradigms in 1988.

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Like M. N. Srinivas, Andre Beteille and a few others, Dube contributed both to Sociology as well as to Social Anthropology equally. He taught Political Science at Lucknow University and Sociology/Social Anthropology at Nagpur and Osmania. He served for some time at in the Anthropological Survey of India and also at the National Institute of Community Development (1961-64). He became the Head of the Department of a joint Department at Saugor, Madhya Pradesh, staying there till 1972, and was the Chairman of the Madhya Pradesh University Grants Commission. He also taught at London and Cornell Universities.

He conducted fieldwork in Chhattisgarh, Telangana in Andhra Pradesh, West Orissa and north Madhya Pradesh.

He died in 1996.

2.14 SURAJIT CHANDRA SINHA

Surajit Chandra Sinha was born on 1st August, 1926. He wrote a thesis on The Acculturation of the Bhumij: A Study in Inter-Ethnic Integration and Stratification. Thus, he specialized in cultural anthropology.

 In his researches Surajit Sinha worked on tribal transformation in India, working on the integration of the Bhumij tribals within the Hindu caste system. He worked extensively former south Manbhum, Ranchi, Singhbhum, and Mayurbhanj districts within West Bengal, Bihar (undivided) and Orissa.  He conducted researches on an anthropological study of Indian civilization and of cultural evolution.  He conducted an All-India survey of the weaker sections of the Indian population.  He studied the organization of the ascetics of Kashi.  He did an anthropological appraisal of Rabindranath Tagore’s ideas on the nature of Indian civilization.  He also worked on the social and cultural transformation of the Rarh region of West Bengal.

He died on 27 February 2002.

2.15 LALITA PRASAD VIDYARTHI

L. P. Vidyarthi was born in 1931 in a multi-caste village near Patna.

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He worked under the very famous anthropologists Sol Tax, Robert Redfield at Chicago, Julian Steward, Milton Singer, Fred Eggan, Victor Turner, etc.

He initially conducted a detailed study of what he called a ‘sacred complex’ in the famous Hindu religious pilgrimage spot of Bihar called Gaya. This work provided an idea of the structure of all such sacred complexes that emerge in religion-based areas or towns or temples. This resulted in Sacred Complex of Hindu Gaya in 1961. He extended it to the study of tribal and primitive areas by studying the Maler of Rajmahal Hills, where he called it the Nature-Man-Spirit complex. To structure the features of such complexes he introduced the terms ‘sacred geography’, ‘sacred performance’ and ‘sacred specialist.’

He questioned the terms used by Robert Redfield and others like Great Tradition and Little Tradition. The traditions followed by the majority were Great Tradition, while those followed by small portions of it were Little Traditions. McKim Marriott extended this issue to claim that sometimes, Great Traditions peter out and become Little Traditions while in some cases Little Traditions become very popular and eventually become part of the Great Tradition. L. P. Vidyarthi claimed that simple societies and tribes were isolated from the mainstream of civilization. Here, the Great Tradition had never been a part of their lives. In order to study such communities, he proposed the Nature-Man- Spirit complex. He found this complex to be of great value not only to study the Maler but also in understanding the issues relating to Applied Anthropology. A total or holistic understanding of the tribal world through these methods would be of great assistance to understand their needs and thus development programmes could be utilized to fulfill these needs in a more effective manner. He showed through the effects of resettlements due to industrialization and urbanization that tribals had never been understood properly by planners and administrators and that is why they had failed in their objectives to resettle them well. This resulted in The Maler: Nature-Man-Spirit Complex in Hill Tribes of Bihar in 1963.

L. P. Vidyarthi worked on issues relating to Applied Anthropology and Action Anthropology till his death. In 1967, a task force was appointed under him to study the effect on the tribals of various kinds of planning. He was thus able to formulate plans for tribals that suited them.

This came through in his work Applied Anthropology in India in 1968. In 1968, he wrote on the effect of industrialization among tribal societies.

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He was instrumental in putting Indian Anthropology on the world map in a big way. He popularized it among bureaucrats, administrators and other academicians and systematically conducted works that were mentioned abroad. He was instrumental in ensuring that major journals in International Anthropology incorporated Indians and their journals as abstracts, contents or as a showcase for their comments regarding major issues in Anthropology. He was also responsible for putting Ranchi on the world anthropological map.

He has written extensively on the tribals of the Bihar and Chotanagpur region, and also propounded theoretical ideas that are still popular today as hallmarks of Indian Anthropology as well as research problems for new scholars. He was also interested in folklore research, scheduled castes, fieldwork, leadership studies and anthropological theories.

He also studied the Cultural Contours of Tribal Bihar in 1964 as well as the problem of student protest in the region, among other things. He wrote, at this time, Conflict and Tension of Social Trend in India in 1968. He had also written the two-volume Rise of Anthropology in India in 1978, and Trends in World Anthropology in 1979. His work on Tribal Cultures of India which he wrote with Rai in 1977 is still a popular textbook today. He had also started the Journal of Social Research from the Department of Anthropology and initiated the Centre for Advanced Study in Anthropology there as well as an Action Research Unit.

He was appointed by the Planning Commission to head the Task Force for the Development of the Backward Areas. The concept of the Tribal Sub Plan was a result of this Task Force.

L. P. Vidyarthi died in 1985.

At present, his anthropological collection is housed in Ranchi in the Ranchi Club building where students may become members and consult the works kept there. It is managed by his son Pankaj Vidyarthi.

2.16 ANDRE BETEILLE

Prof. Andre Beteille was born on 30 September 1934. In 1957 he completed his Masters in Anthropology from Calcutta University. In 1964 he completed his Ph.D. from the Department of Sociology, University of Delhi, on Caste, Class and Power: Changing Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore Village. Thus, he specialized in social stratification, inequality, social change and political

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sociology. He has been engaged all his life in teaching and research. Later, he took up a project on agrarian class relations. He started his studies as a student of physics but halfway switched to anthropology, inspired in part by N.K. Bose, who later became his first intellectual mentor. He did honours in anthropology at University of Calcutta and had also completed M.Sc. from the same university. After a brief stint at the Indian Statistical Institute as a research fellow, he started teaching degree courses and shortly after the Department of Sociology opened in Delhi and was emerging as a premier department so Beteille moved there as a lecturer in sociology and began research for Ph.D. under M.N. Srinivas who was then heading the department. Beteille began his career as a specialist in social stratification and questions of equality and universality. From 1990, he has started taking deep interest in liberal philosophy and issues arising from poverty and social injustice. He is the first Indian sociologist who saw the relevance of the theories of John Rawls and creatively applied his thought to sort out the tangle that policies on positive discrimination. However, all this is still in the realm of social stratification. Beteille was influenced by N.K. Bose. He has memories of Srinivas who stressed on the importance of fieldwork. The important work of Bose on ‘The Structure of Hindu Society’ foreshadows much of the work of Dumont and Pocock; he was a great fieldworker and lived with tribal people and showed the value of ethnographic observation combined with classical texts. Beteille also spotted differences between Bose and Srinivas. Among British anthropologists, Beteille was most influenced by Evans- Pritchard through his writings and his influence on M.N. Srinivas and Max Gluckman. During the Simon Fellowship at Manchester he had an impact of Gluckman’s contributions to anthropology and John Barne’s idea of social networks. He has also memories of Meyer Fortes and his influence on Srinivas (a craftsman) and Edmund Leach and his writing on ‘Political Systems of Highland Burma’ which shook British anthropology out of its complacency but avoided the role of a guru. Beteille had natural inclination to compare ways of life because of his own mixed background and prompted orientation towards anthropology. He had first intended to work with Tamil speakers in Delhi. Srinivas insisted him to work in an area very different from the one in which he had grown up and which was unusual for social studies in India. Theoretical Perspective: Beteille’s critical contribution has been contextualizing local concepts and understandings, such as caste and class, hierarchy and equality, and in more

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universal and generalized theories of inequality, stratification and justice. His works draw upon universal categories and concepts. He always places them in the context of empirical ground realities. Beteille closeness to Weber naturally also signalled his distance from Marx – a scholar whom he respected but from afar. He is the best-known scholar in India on liberal theory and its application in social policy. Aware as he is, of the difficulties and limitations of the comparative method, he still manages to use it effectively. Beteille uses Weberian categories and mode of analysis. Thus, he refines the conceptualization of ‘ideas and interests’, and analyses the similarities and interdependence of tribe and caste through intermediary category of the ‘peasant’. He uses gender and its implication for ‘blood’ and hereditary to make an incisive comparison of race and caste.

Writings of Andre Beteille: Andre Beteille is one of India’s leading sociologists and writers. He is particularly known for his studies of the caste system in South India. He has authored many books. In the words of historian Ramchandra Guha, Beteille has written insightfully about all the major questions of the day: India’s encounters with the West, the contest between religion and secularism, the relationship between caste and class, the links between poverty and inequality, the nurturing of public institutions, the role and responsibilities of the intellectual, etc. He also worked on backward classes and their position in Indian society based on Smut’s lectures given in Cambridge in 1985. His publications include:  Caste, Class and Power: Changing Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore Village (1965)  Castes: Old and New, Essays in Social Structure and Social Stratification (1969)  Inequality and Social Change (1972)  Studies in Agrarian Social Structure (1974)  Six Essays in Comparative Sociology (1974)  Inequality among Men (1977)  The Idea of Natural Inequality and Other Essays (1983)  Society and Politics in India: Essays in a Comparative Perspective (1991)  The Backward Classes in Contemporary India (1992)  Antinomies of Society: Essays on Ideologies and Institutions (2000)  Sociology: Essays on Approach and Method (2002)  Chronicles of Our Time (2000)  Equality and Universality: Essays in Social and Political Theory (2002)  Ideology and Social Science (2006)  Marxism and Class Analysis (2007)

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Besides the above books, Beteille also wrote a number of essays mainly on Secularism Re-examined, Race and Caste, Teaching and Research, Government and NGOs, The Indian Middle Class, etc.

Chapter 3- Growth of tribal studies in India

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According to L.P. Vidyarthi (1966,1978) the growth of anthropology in India with reference to tribal studies can be briefly summarised as follows:

The Formative Period:

The Asiatic Society of Bengal was founded by William Jones who was also its president in 1744 to study nature man in India. Since then several British Administrators, missionaries, travellers and anthropologists studied of Asiatic Society of Bengal (1784), Indian Antiquary (1872), Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society (1915), and Man in India (1921). Further, several accounts of Indian tribes were also published in a series of District Gazetteers, Hand Books and monographs. During the 1931 and 1941 Census operations, data were collected on the tribal population scholarly administrators such as Risley, Dalton, O’ Malley, Russel, Thurston and Crooks made significant contributions in this direction. General books on Indian ethnology were published by scholars such as Campbell, Latham and Risley. These were followed by detailed accounts of specific tribes by Briggs, Shakespeare, Gurden, Mills, Parry and Grigson in the following mentioned books:

Anthropologist Study R.G. Latham Ethnography of India H.H. Risley Tribes and Castes of Bengal G.W. Briggs The Chamars J. Shakespear The Lushai Kuki Clans P.R.T. Gurden The Khasi J.P. Mills The Lota Naga The Rengma Naga N.E. Parry The Lakhers W.V. Grigson The Maria Gonds Of Bastar

Some missionaries like P.O. Bodding and J. Hoffmann also made important ethnographic and linguistic studies. W.H.R. Rivers, Seligman and A.R. Radcliffe-Brown produced excellent monographs such as the following:

Anthropologist Study W.H.R. Rivers The Todas B.G. Seligman & G. Seligman The Veddas of Ceylon A.R. Radcliffe Brown The Andaman Islanders

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The Constructive Period:

Social Anthropology in India received its real impetus after the inclusion of Social Anthropology in the curriculum of Bombay University in Sociology in the year 1919. In 1921, the Department of Anthropology was started at Calcutta University. These Department were centers of hectic academic activity and significant researches. Ghurye, Chattopadhyay, Srinivas, Majumdar, Karve, L.K.A. Iyer, T.C. Das and Aiyappan contributed to studies on social organisation among tribals in the north, east, west and south India. These were the scholars who by conducting field-work, analysing them and publishing them boosted the development of Anthropology. More importantly, they started training students in social anthropology as well.

The Joint Session of the Indian Sciences Congress association and the British Association, on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee of the former body was the turning point in the growth of Indian Anthropology. The session reviewed the progress of Anthropology in India, and several eminent anthropologists from foreign universities deliberated with Indian Anthropologists and discussed plans for future anthropological researches in India. It was during this period, that significant theoretical insights were made in Social Anthropology. Notable among them are Majumdar’s work on the Changing Hos of Singhbhum, Srinivas work, on Marriage and Family in Mysore (Bombay: 1942), and N.K. Bose’s Publication, Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption (1941).

The next significant step was the entry of Verrier Elwin into the field of tribal India. He published several works based on filed-work on the tribes of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa like the Baiga, Agaria, Maria, Muria, Savara focusing on their problem as well. Some refined monographs on Indian tribes published by Von Furer-Haimendorf on the tribes of Hyderabad like the Chenchus and the Reddis of the Bison Hills boosted the image of Social Anthropology.

It must be noted that studies of this period were heavily influenced by British Orientation and focused mainly on kinship and social organisation. Ethnographic and monographic studies were the order of the day.

Analytical Period:

The analytical period started after the Second World War and after India’s Independence when contacts with American anthropologists began and strengthened. American anthropologists like Morris Opler from Cornell University, Oscar Lewis From Illinois University, David Mandelbaum from

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California University, came with their students, stayed in India and conducted several researches. They infused the methods of systematic scientific endeavours through the formulations of hypotheses, refining existing methodological frameworks and assisting Community Development Programmes in Indian Villages. Indian Anthropologists who took the cue and worked on these lines were those like of Srinivas, Karve, Dube and Majumdar among others.

This period laid the foundation for the development of rural or peasant studies in Indian Anthropology. Thus, a giant step forward was taken from tribal studies to peasant studies.

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Chapter 4- Growth of peasant studies in India

Formative Stage (1774-1919):

The first studies: According to L.P. Vidyarthi the beginning of anthropological studies in India corresponded with the establishment of Asiatic society of Bengal by Sr. William Jones in 1774. However, it was only after almost 90 years, the first studies of Indian villages have made their appearance. Sir Henry Maine (1861) initiated the studies when he examined the ancient law, land system and extended families in India. This was followed by the land tenure system in Indian village community by Baden Powel (1885).

The next studies: The next studies have examined the peasant life in a holistic way. Lal Bihari Dey studied Bengal peasant life, whereas George Grierson analysed the Bihar peasant life. Thus, ended the formative phase in peasant studies in the Indian sub-continent.

Constructive Stage (1920-1949)

The first empirical studies: The constructive phase was signalled by a number of empirical studied made by Indian and foreign scholars. Mann (1927) studies land and labour in Malabar. Slater examined South Indian Village (1928). Aiyappan examined village life in Kerala. Lucas, A.T. (1930) studied the life in Karimpur, a village in Punjab. The Viswa Bharati University (1946) conducted a survey of villages in Bengal.

Hindu Jajmani System: Some scholars conducted he village studies on Hindu Jajmani system. In this connection, Wiser (1989) portrayed the Jajmani system in a North Indian village.

Studies on various aspects of village life: There was a marked departure from the description to analysis. Several anthropologists undertook studies pertaining to specific aspects of village life in India. Srinivas studied (1942) marriage and family in a Mysore village. Madras university (1946) surveyed the socio-economic conditions of villages in South India. Numerous scholars studied one aspect or another of the village life in India.

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Iravati Karve (1946) studied Hindu Kinship and Social Organisation in the North and South India. Majumdar, D.N (1945) founded the Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society in 1945 and started the publication of the quarterly journal, the Eastern Anthropologist in 1947. The journals provided plenty of opportunities for the publication of results pertaining to the researches on the village life in India.

In his book “Peasant Life in India: A study in Indian Unity and Diversity, Bose (1946) proposes a pyramidal imagery of the unity of Indian civilization. According to him, if the regionalisation is in evidence to a certain extent in relation to the material arts of life, it is apparent already that the degree of differentiation is less in respect of the country’s social organisation. What is more reassuring being that if one rises to higher reaches of life confined to ideals, or faith or arts, the differences which one noticed at the material level of life gradually became feebler and feebler? They are eventually replaced by a unity of beliefs and aspirations, which gives to Indian civilization, a character of its own. The structure of Indian unity can be compared to a pyramid. There is more differentiation at the material base of life and progressively less as one mounts higher and higher.

Analytical Phase (1949 onwards):

Interaction between Indian and American Anthropologists: The analytical phase started with the beginning of interaction between Indian and American anthropologists. This interaction generated an interest in the study of villages and castes of India with the help of systematic field studies.

The field data were not only collected and described but they were also analysed to develop earliest theories. Morris Opler, Oscar Lewis, David G. Mandelbaum, Harold Gould and many of their students in a team came to India and enacted an atmosphere of village study with certain hypotheses and methodological framework and to assist the community development programmes in India. Indian anthropologists like D.N. Majumdar, M.N. Srinivas, S.C. Dube, and some others also devoted their attention to the study of Indian villages. As a result, there appeared a number of village studies.

Model study for village studies: Among these studies, the first to appear are the “Indian Village” written by Dube, (1955) “Village India” edited by McKim Marriott (1935) and “India’s Villages” edited by Srinivas (1955). Dube’s Indian Village, an outcome of the study of Shamirpet near Hyderabad, is the first complete village study. It served as a model for future studies.

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Model concepts for the study of Indian villages: Marriott’s “Village India” and Srinivas’ “Indian’s Villages”, introduced several concepts for the first time to describe and analyse the village life in India’s Complex Civilization. In this context, Opler’s concept of “Unity and Extension” was meant for analysing the features that constitute the unity and inter-linkage of Indian villages. Oscar Lewis’ concept of “rural cosmopolitanism” provides a framework for analysing the extended relationship in Indian village system. McKim Marriott contributed two concepts “Universalisation and Parochialisation” to analyse the continuity in socio-religious system of Indian villages. Srinivas propounded the concept of “Sanskritization” to study the processes of social change taking place in Indian villages, the concept of “dominant caste” to analyse the leadership as a feature of rural life in many part of India; the concepts of “vertical unity” and “horizontal unity” to analyse the solidarity of caste system in village India. Thus, each one of these concepts is thus helpful to apply a holistic analysis to the village in India.

New concepts for village studies in India: After the fifties there appeared a plethora of studies on villages in India. They too introduced some new concepts for studying the villages in India. Majumdar’s “Caste and Communication” in an (1958) Indian village, an extend of the study of Mohana village in UP, highlights the inter-caste relations, leadership, factionalism, economy, religion, recreation and other aspects and shows how a village is “a concept and a way of life”

Bailey’s (1957) study of Bisipara, a village in Orissa, appears in the form of “Caste and the Economic Frontier”. It analyses the changes that have taken place in the internal organization of the village as a result of the extension of its economic and administrative frontiers. It studies the changes in peasant economy, which has come into prolonged contact with traders, frontiers, which is caused by caste system, government policies and other extended factions. He shows how a low untouchable caste in spite of acquiring wealth could not become sanskritised.

Gould (1962) studied the Jajmani system in a village Sherpur in Western Uttar Pradesh and suggested that Indian village is “centripetal” because peasantry is self-contained and autonomous and “centrifugal” because the village depends on urban centres and on the numerous processes of national culture.

Mayer (1960) studied Ramkheri, a village located near Dewas on the plateau of Malwa and showed in his “Caste and Kinship in Central India,” how

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sub-caste is really endogamous and the caste has no mechanism in settling disputes for adjusting the status of members. He also made the analysis of the distinguished between “internal and external aspects of caste” to show the “vertical ties within a village settlement and horizontal ties between villages.” He shows how a “village is a unit though it cannot be studied” as a system on its own” for a village has its links with a region, hence a larger canvas.

Diversity of themes of village studies: After the plethora of village studies providing conceptual framework for analysing the village life in India, numerous anthropologists have initiated studies on a number of themes concerned with the village in India. These may be divided into several categories.

I. Socio-psychological studies. II. Power structure and leadership. III. Religion and society. IV. Socio-linguistics. V. Jajmani system. VI. Culture change. VII. Development and change.

I. Socio-psychological studies: American anthropologists, studied the culture and society of peasants in India. In Gujarat, Gital P. Steed (1955) studied a village Kasandra in Ahmedabad District with the help of four American and three Indian collaborators. The study formulated an approach to the study of personality formation in a Hindu village.

In Rajasthan, Carstairs (1955) undertook fieldwork in a village Deoli, near Udaipur in 1951-52. He attempted to formulate the personality patterns on the basis of historical, psychological, and ideological elements. His book “The Twice Born A Study of High Caste Hindus” shows that the upper castes are imbued with traditional rather than modern values, that they are convinced of their inherent superiority; and that their main concern is the fostering of traditional values such as enforcement of discipline and deferential behaviour among youngsters, upholding of joint family norms, maintenance of caste distance from others to avoid impurity.

John T. Hitchcock (1960) studied Khalapur of Rajputs in Saharanpur District in UP and his findings reveal that the 2000 Rajputs of Khalapur have their descent from illustrious ancestors and hence believe in their innate capacity as warriors and rulers.

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Uma Choudhary and P.C. Roy (1963) studied the racial differences ad personality in some of the villages of West Bengal.

II. Socio-political studies: Oscar Lewis (1954) studied “Group Dynamics in a North Indian Village” namely Rampura in Delhi and showed how internal features of factions of a Jat village with 12 caste groups work.

Ralph h. Retztaff (1962), in his book Village Government in India described the traditional Panchayat of various types and traced their extension in and around the village Khalapur. He also studied the functioning of statutory Gram Panchayat, which came into existence from July 1949.

In Karnataka, Dhillon (1955) studied Haripura, a village in Mandya District. The results published under the title “Leadership and Groups of a Mysore Village attempts to delineate factions and leadership patterns in the village.

Allen. R. Beals (1956) studied the village Namhali and Gopalpur in Karnataka and depicted leadership patterns, political institutions culture change and social conflicts in the two villages.

III. Socio-linguistic studies: Gumperz (1956) studied the socio- linguistics of the village Khalapur in Uttar Pradesh. He identified social stratification in terms of linguistic differentiation. He also devoted his attention to the study of mass communication and media of cultural transmission.

IV. Jajmani system: E.B. Harper, an American scholar, studied the village Totagadal in Karnataka and showed how the Jajmani system there involves two types of economic transactions: the Jajmani system of traditional nature and Malnad system, which occurs between the Jajmanis and artisans characterised by each payment. He says that the Jajmani system is disintegrating into the Malnad type of economic relations in Indian villages.

K. Eswaran (1962) studied Shivapura in Karnataka and published his book, “Tradition and Economy in Village India.” He explores the exchange system of the village as Aya. According to him, the Aya is the unmeasured and unconditional gifts and reflects the motive of sharing one’s possessions with others. In the legal sphere, traditional Aya system recognizes rights of individuals, groups and of the community in the sphere of politics. The Jajmani, whether of street, village, or community, get leadership and headship automatically. He finds a close correspondence of ‘Aya’ system with the

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potlatch institution of Kwakiutl Red Indians and Kula exchange of Trobriand Islanders.

V. Religion in Indian villages: Kolenda (1963) studied village Khalapur with special reference to sweepers to test the concept of Karma and Punarjanma. She found that the sweeper caste of Khalapur village observes simple, localized and parochialized form of religion. They believe that God and fate are not absolute, and supernatural events exist independent of them.

K.S. Mathur (1964) conducted field work in a village called Potlad in Malwa and published his results in the form of “Caste and Ritual in a Malwa Village”. In the light of Potlad materials, Mathur established the fundamental feature of the Hindu social organization i.e. the caste and observes the entire caste system bound up with the notion of purity and pollution in the intra-caste and inter-caste relationship.

Srinivas (1953) in his study of the “Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India” showed how social mobility in village occurs in terms of Sanskritization. On the other hand, L.P. Vidyarthi (1956), (1963) showed how the concept of sacred complex and nature-man-spirit complex can be successfully utilized in the study of religious aspects of Indian villages.

Yogesh Atal (1961) studied Bheru cult in a Mewar village with reference to their specialised function and mode of worship. He showed that since Bheru cult has both Brahmin and non-Brahmin attributes of rituals, it is difficult to apprehend whether Bhairan of great tradition is universalised version of Bheru or parochialized version of Bheru. He considered it as a parochially universalised form and modes of worship one more significant than the universalised tribals.

VI. Socio-cultural change in villages: William Rowe (1960) and M.S. Luschinsky (1958) studied problems of culture change in an Indian village namely Senapur in UP.

P.M. Mahar (1956) studied inter-group relationships with special reference to Harijans in Khalapur in UP. She brought out the dominant nature of Rajput and pointed out changes in caste relationship, which have recurred due to internal factors of stress and strain and extended factors of modernization such as education, political parties and government institutions.

Scarlett Epstein (1962), a British economist as well as social anthropologist, studied economic development and social change in South India

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on the basis of field enquiry in two Karnataka villages namely Wangala, an irrigated village and Darnala, in unirrigated village.

Henry Orenstein (1965) made a study of a village called Gaon in Poona District in Maharashtra and showed how the Dhangar, a shepherd caste claimed the status of Kshatriya and how, in general, the nature of caste system is undergoing change in India and particular castes and their customs are changing due to processes of Sanskritization, westernisation and secularisation.

Rudolph and Rudolph (1962) studied caste in a Maharashtrian city and showed how it retained its identity even though it under went some changes in the context of urban living.

Hardgrave (1972) studied the Nadars in the villages of Tamilnadu and showed how this toddy-tapper caste underwent Sanskritization process in the past one century or earlier.

Brenda Beck (1975) examined the Sanskritization of left hand and right- hand castes in Tamilnadu and revealed how the two castes imitated the culture of Brahmin and Vellalar to sanskritize their ways of life.

VII. Development and change in villages: S.C. Dube (1958) studied two villages of Western UP: One is of Rajputs and the other of Tyagi, Muslim group. The study appeared under the title, India’s Changing Villages: Human Factors in community Development. The study attempts to discover the cultural change experienced by a technologically underdeveloped Indian village under the influence of externally induced community development programme. This has become a model study for the researchers in India.

Following this model, numerous anthropologists studied the dynamics in terms of development, democratic decentralization, adult education, family planning, mass communication, growth and nutrition, and public health in Indian villages. Anthropology in India today shows deep concern for the social and cultural problems of peasant societies in India.

VIII. Introduction of new concepts for studying the various aspects of Indian village life: a. Structuralist- functionalist approach: Bailey and Epstein introduced structural-functional approach, to the study of social change in India. Both authors studied social change in villages. Both look at the structural change. Bailey looks at the caste system in a village in Orissa, under new economy. The new frontiers are economic, political and administrative.

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Transfer of land from the ex-land owners is a significant fact which makes land a market commodity and other occupations which were tried with landholding also became part of the situation.

Epstein’s study emphasises social change. Epstein followed by and large Bailey’s line of research. The main argument is that a structural innovation (irrigation) consolidates village economy, but it restricts social change, namely, migration, contacts, education, and politicisation. Conversely a lack of such an innovation results into widespread social change without corresponding economic development. The study thus focused on the changes in the traditional social situations and hierarchy in the village community.

b. Structuralist approach: Louis Dumont applied Levi-Strauss structuralist principle of complementary or logical principle of opposition as a fundamental feature of human mind to the hierarchy and marriage alliances in Indian villages. Pure and impure, consanguinity and affinity are examples of their logical dualism.

Marxist approach: Yogendra Singh, Bose, Sinha and Klass studied differentiation, evolution change in caste and class over a period of time. They study agrarian stratification, and mode of products in agriculture vis-à-vis rural class structure. Further they analyse once again the origin and evolution of caste system in India. They say that continuation of caste system has been possible mainly due to the support of economic features and internalisation of the hierarchical norms among people. Some look at caste as an institution based on exploitation of the lower castes by the upper castes. Many sees a caste as form of class. Many studies the conflict between castes in Indian villages. Gough says that the castes and classes are found in a mix in terms of state class, state servants, commodity produces, merchants, peasants, herders, fishermen and attached village servants, agricultural and mental slaves. The last can be called Dalit labourers. The first four classes are seen as equivalent of four Varnas and the fifth are ex-untouchables.

QUESTIONS

1. S.C. Roy's contributions to anthropology (2001) 2. Critically examine the contributions of some of the British scholar administrators to Indian anthropology. 60 (2002)

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3. Give an account of the contributions of Indian scholars in the growth and development of Anthropology in India in early 20th century. 60 (2005) 4. N. K. Bose's contributions to Indian Anthropology (2006) 5. Initial period of Tribal Studies in India (2006) 6. Briefly discuss the contribution of Indian anthropologists during 20th century. 60 (2006) 7. Write a brief note on the contributions of Prof. L. P. Vidyarthi in the field of anthropology. (2009) 8. Discuss the contributions of S.C. Dube towards the understanding of the Indian village. (2010) 9. Assess the contributions of M.N.Srinivas towards Indian Anthropology in general. Add a note on his understanding in the context of studying social mobility in India. (2010) 10. Evaluate the contribution of American anthropologists to Indian anthropology. (2011) 11. Assess the contribution of Verrier Elwin to Indian anthropology. (2011) 12. Trace the trajectory of encyclopaedic works on tribes and castes of South India with special reference to Ananthakrishna Iyer's contribution. (2012) 13. Colonial Ethnography (2012) 14. Discuss how Louis Dumont explained caste system. (2013) 15. Discuss the contributions of H.D. Sankalia to prehistoric anthropology in India. (2013) 16. Assess the contributions of earth 20th century ethnographic tradition to Indian anthropology. (2013) 17. Contribution of H. H. Risley to the 'Aryan' debate (2014) 18. Discuss the contributions of S. C. Roy to understanding the tribes of India. (2014) 19. Discuss the contribution of M.N.Srinivas to the study of Indian society. Examine the influence of British social anthropologists on his ideas. (2015) 20. Write about the contribution made by Christopher von Furer Haimendorf to tribal anthropology in India. (2016) 21. Discuss the contribution of Nirmal Kumar Bose to the understanding of Indian society. (2017)

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Unit-VI Varna and jati in India

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Chapter 1- Varna

1.1 Introduction

Indologists like Max Muller, Kane, Keith and several others studied the sacred texts like the Rig-Veda, the epics namely Mahabharata and Ramayana and the Philosophical texts like Bhagavad-Gita and extracted the theories pertaining to the formation of Varnas in India.

According to their analysis there are mainly four theories namely:

(i). Divine theory (Rig Veda) (ii). Triguna theory (Bhagavad-Gita) (iii). Karma theory (Mahabharata, Manu Smriti) (iv). Transplantation theory (Risley) (v). Composite theory (Kane)

Divine Theory

According to this theory, the Varna System is of divine origin and has existed from time immemorial. Its beginning can be traced to the Purusha Suktha of the Rig Veda: in this context the hymn (sloka) reads:

“Brahmanas mukhamaaseet Baahoo raajasyakritah Uroo tadatvaisyah Padbhaagyam soodro ajayitah”

The four orders of society are believed to have originated from the self- sacrifice of Purusha – the creator, the primeval Being. Purusha is said to have destroyed himself so that an appropriate social order could emerge. The Brahman is said to have been born from the head or mouth, the Kshatriya from the arms, the Vaishya from the thighs, and the Shudra from the feet. This is, at best, a symbolic representation of the rank and functions of the four Varnas. In the cultural body-image the head, the arms, the thighs, and the feet are ranked in descending order. So are the traditional functions. Acquiring and disseminating knowledge and performing sacrifices – the functions of the Brahman – enjoyed the highest position. Next in rank were defence and war, administration and government – the functions assigned to the Kshatriya. Third in rank were trade and commerce and agriculture, the work of the Vaishya. Finally, serving others through crafts and labour – the work of the Shudra – ranked the lowest.

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Triguna Theory

According to this theory, the Varna system has come into being because of the inherent qualities (gunas) in human beings. Bhagavad-Gita says: “Chaturvarnam mayasrishtya, Gunakarma vibhagasah”. That means the four Varnas are the divine creation on the basis of inherent qualities (gunas Karma) and apportioning the work (Karma) according to those qualities. The philosophic speculation of ancient India identified three gunas – inherent qualities – in human beings, animate and inanimate objects, and in human actions: “sattva, rajas, and tamas”. Sattva consisted of noble thoughts and deeds, goodness and virtue, truth and wisdom. Rajas, on the other hand, was characterized by high-living and luxury, passion and some indulgence, pride, and valour. At the bottom was tamas, with the attributes of coarseness and dullness, over – indulgence without taste, the capacity to carry out heavy work without much imagination. Those with sattvic qualities were classified as Brahman, those with rajasic as Kshatriya and Vaishya, and those with tamasic qualities as Shudra. One may read these qualities in the four Varnas, but it is difficult to visualize how an entire population could be subjected to the massive operation of such a classification.

Karma Theory

According to this theory, the Varna system has come into existence because of specific professions (Karma),

In the Santi parva of Mahabharata, there is a conversation between sage Bhrigu and sage Bharadvaja which tells that all people were originally Brahmins but later by profession they all became different Varnas. On the other hand, according to Manu smriti all people were originally Sudras but later by profession all of them formed into four different Varnas namely Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra.

Transplantation Theory

According to this theory proposed by Herbert Hope Risley the Aryans who migrated to India from Persia or Iran already had a Varna – like structure. In Iran, where the Aryans lived before their invasion to India, the society was divided into four sections: Atharvana, Rathestars, Vastria – Fshouyants and Hiuti, corresponding to the four Varnas in India: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Sudras. The Aryans simply transplanted their social divisions into India.

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Composite Theory

P.V.Kane proposed this theory. It takes into account of admixture, culture contact, and functional specialization. All the three components together singly explain the origin of the Varnas in the following manner:

a) That in the earliest times about which we have literary records there were only two Varnas, the Aryans and their opponents the Dasas (or the Dasyus); that the difference between the two was based on difference of colour and culture and was thus more or less racial and cultural;

b) That centuries before the Samhita period closed, the Dasas had been conquered and were given a position subservient to the Aryans

c) That the Sudras were the Dasas so subjugated and made subservient;

d) That the spirit of exclusiveness and pride of superiority existing among the Aryans with reference to the Dasas soon extended to groups among the Aryans themselves; e) That by the time of the Brahmana literature, the Brahmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas had become separated into groups more or less dependent on birth and that the Brahman had come to be regarded as superior to the Kshatriya by the fact of birth;

f) That even such low castes as Chandalas and paulkasas had been evolved long before the end of the Vedic period;

g) That owing to cultural advance, division of labour arose and numerous arts and crafts had been developed and they were in the process of contributing to the complexity of the system by creating numerous sub- castes based upon occupations;

h) That besides the four Varnas, intermediate castes like the Pathakara had been evolved;

i) That there were certain non-Aryan tribes which were supposed to have been originally Kshatriyas but fallen later on.

1.2 Conclusions

Varna is a class system. It contributed greatly to the preservation of Hindu culture for the last so many centuries. The Hindus believe that it was originated

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by God himself on the basis of a scheme of values, of a scheme of inherent qualities, of professional skills and apportionment of corresponding duties and of ethnic mixture, culture contact and functional specialization.

1.3 CHARACTERISTICS OF VARNA

1.3.1 Introduction

The Varna system is rooted the Hindu way of life. After the culmination of the Indus Valley civilization, and the subsequent invasion of the Aryans; two categories of people, namely, the autochthonous Dasas as they were called, and the immigrant Aryans co – existed, intermingled and interacted to produce the distinctively Indian way of life which corresponds to the Hindu way of life as well.

Originally, the system was based on colour and therefore it was known as “Varna” system. It was intended to distinguish the fair – skinned Aryans from the dark skinned Dasyas. According to Prof. Rapson, originally the Indian society was divided into two parts, the Aryans and non – Aryans. Later, there came to be three Varnas only i.e., Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya. Finally, the non – Aryans were termed as Sudras and allotted physical labour.

The Varna system was not rigid during the Vedic period. The author of one of the Rig Vedic hymns says: “I am a composer of hymns; my father is a physician; my mother grinds corn on a stone; we are all engaged in different occupations.” In the Vedic times the Varna system was not hereditary. During the Sutra period (700 B.C to 200 B.C) the Varna system turned hereditary and therefore rigid.

Universality

One of the characteristics of Varna is universality. Each Varna exists all over India. From Kashmir to Kanyakumari and from Rajasthan to Assam each Varna pervades the territory. As it occurs everywhere in India save the tribal belts, it is called universal.

Stratification

Another characteristic of Varna is stratification. As Varna is a system of stratification, it divides Hindu society into four layers or strata, each stratum representing a Varna. Of the four layers of Hindu society the Brahmins form the

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topmost layer, the Kshatriya the second layer, the Vaisya the third layer and the Sudra the bottom layer.

Ekaja and Dwija divisions

The third characteristic of Varna is the division of the four Varnas into Ekaja (once born) and Dwija (twice-born). The first three Varnas Viz., the Brahmins, the Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas are called Dwijas, meaning twice – born in the sense that they have two births, the natural birth and the spiritual rebirth. The spiritual rebirth comes into being when that were initiated and invested with the sacred thread during the upanayana ceremony. The Sudras are called Ekajas because they have only natural birth; they cannot wear sacred thread indicating the spiritual rebirth. The Dwijas are considered superior to the Ekajas.

According to Stephen. A. Tyler ancient Indian society was divided first into Aryan and non – Aryan components. Aryans were divided into those who were twice – born and those who were not twice – born. Earlier sacred literature insists on a fundamental distinction between Aryan and non – Aryan. The chief criterion of Aryanness was adherence to Aryan sacraments. Those who did not follow Aryan ritual practices were Dasas or Dasyas, meaning demons.

Uniform hierarchy

Throughout India, the Varnas are arranged in a uniform hierarchy. Every where each Varna occupies the same position in social hierarchy: Brahmins occupy the top – most ladder of Varna hierarchy. Below the Brahmins are the Kshatriyas. Lower than Kshatriyas are the Vaisyas. The Sudras occupy the lowest rung of the ladder.

The Brahmins are placed at the top because they are regarded as an embodiment of intellect and protectors of religion. A Brahmin is privileged to possess and enjoy everything in the world and the king is supposed to protect the Brahmins. The Kshatriyas are considered as the symbols of strength of society and protectors of nation’s wealth and integrity. The Vaisyas are supposed to be responsible for providing all social welfare facilities and such other economic facilities, which are considered essential for the existence of society. Sudras are supposed to toil and serve the other Varnas thus there is correspondence between the Varnas and their duties and professions to be performed to the society.

Limited choice of occupation

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Choice of occupation is a distinct characteristic of Varna, but this choice is limited. Brahmins have to follow their traditional occupation but if they cannot, they can follow the occupation of a Kshatriya. If a Kshatriya cannot follow the assigned occupation, he can adopt that of the Vaisyas. If the Vaisyas cannot follow the expected occupation, they can take up an occupation of Sudras. Thus in the event of non – availability of expected occupation, the Upper Varnas can follow that of the Varna below it, thereby exercising limited choice of occupation:

Hypergamy and Hypogamy

Hypergamy (anuloma) and Hypogamy (pratiloma) are characteristic of Varna system. In hypergamy men of higher Varnas wed women of lower Varnas as shown below:

Brahmin Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra Kshatriya Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra Vaisya Vaisya and Sudra Sudra Sudra

There is ample evidence in Indian epics and other literature to show the prevalence of hypergamous marriages. In 160 B.C King Agnimitra of the Shung family (Brahmin) wedded a Kshatriya princess Malavika.

Yagnyavalkya permits the Brahmin or Kshatriya to marry a Kshatriya or Vaisya girl but he does not permit them to marry a Sudra girl. But nevertheless Manu and Yagnavalkya have written on the inheritance of sons born to a Brahmin by a Sudra wife. From this it is evident that such marriages did take place.

In hypogamy (pratiloma), a man of lower caste marries women of superior castes. Many commentators accepted it. A Brahmin king named Kakustha Varma gave his daughters in marriage to Gupta kings.

Open class character

The Varna system is a flexible and changing open system. There are many examples of change in Varna, and inter – Varna marriages, during and even after

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the Vedic period. The Kshatriya Vishvamitra became a Brahmin on the basis of his penance. Parashurama was Brahmin by birth but Kshatriya by action. The same thing happened to Indra. In the Mahabharata, there is a mention of Devapi, Sindhudip and Vaitahavya becoming Brahmans. Kshatriya king Yayathi married the Brahmin girl Devayani while Dushyanta married Sankuntala. Although Shantanu was a Kshatriya, he married a lowborn Satyavati. There are similar instances in Bhagavata Purana and Padmapurna. In the Padmapurana there is a mention of low born Vyasa and Vaishya Vaishta becoming Brahmins. Thus the Varna system permitted social mobility from one system to another system.

Cosmological homologies

An important characteristic of Varna system is homologisation of functional interdependence of Varnas in terms of sacrifice, colour, point of the compass, time period (yuga) and divinities. Thus:

(i). The Brahmin performed the sacrifice, but he performed it for the king. The components of the sacrifice were provided by the Vaisyas, and the Sudras were necessary for performing certain impure acts associated with the sacrifice. Theoretically, each Varna had a prescribed role in the sacrifice, and the sacrifice signified the ritual interdependence of the Varnas.

(ii). Corresponding to these ritual roles, each Varna was assigned a colour with the basic contrast between light and dark. The Brahmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas were associated with light colours, Brahmans with white, Kshatriyas with red, Vaisyas with yellow. The Sudras were associated with blue or black.

(iii). Similarly, each Varna was assigned a point of the compass: Brahmans to the north; Kshatriyas to the east (toward the rising sun, symbolizing the victory gods of light over the powers of darkness); Vaisyas to the south; and Sudras to the west (toward the setting sun, symbolizing the powers of darkness and death).

(iv). Thirdly, each Varna was assigned a Yuga or a period of time. The age of the Brahmans was the Kita Yuga or the golden age with Dharma at its fullest power. In each subsequent age the power of Dharma declines and morality, strength, happiness, and longevity progressively diminish until the cycle begins again with a new golden age. Thus the period of time allotted to the Kshatriya was the Dvapara Yuga, the

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period allotted to the Vaisyas was the Treta Yuga, and the period of the Sudras was the Kali Yuga.

(v). Finally, further series of cosmic homologies symbolized Varna interdependence. The early Brahman was associated with the divine priest Brhaspati, and in his role as intermediary between gods and men, he was identified with Agni, the messenger of the gods. The Kshatriya, as the Varna from which the king was selected, corresponded to Indra, lord of the gods, or to Varuna, lord of law, guardian of order and punisher of evildoers. Vaisyas were homologised to classes of lesser deities such as the Maruts, who were assistants of the high gods. The Sudras were associated with the demons, the powers of darkness. Thus the twice – born Varnas were assigned to the gods of light, the Sudras to powers of darkness. The twice – born were differentiated from one another by assigning each to deities of different rank and function. In short, the organization of human society was a replica of divine society, and central to both human and divine societies. the concept of a cosmic order was maintained through the sacrificial interdependence of men and gods. This series of homologies is represented in the following diagram:

COSMOLOGICAL HOMOLOGIES OF THE VARNA CATEGORIES S. A. TYLER

LIGHT DARK Supernatural Devas (Gods) Asuras Class (Demons) Social Class Twice – born (Dwija) Non-twice- (Varnas) born Brahman Kshatriya Vaisya Sudra Sacrificial Role Sacrificient Sacrificer Provider Performance of of unclean acts sacrificial associated with goods the sacrifice Colour White Red Yellow Black Direction North East South West Time Krta Yuga Dvapara Treta Kali Yuga Yuga Yuga

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1.3.2 Conclusion:

There are different theories explaining the origins of Varna system. Thus, theories attribute the formation of Varnas to the divine designs. Another one highlights the role of natural qualities in people as favouring the emergence of Varna system. One theory even goes to the extent of telling that the Varna system is nothing but transplantation of pre – migration Aryan social system. Finally, the composite theory proves very satisfactory. It can, however, be safely presumed that the whole system is an evolution contributed by several factors.

1.4 DUTIES OF VARNA

1.4.1 Introduction

The origin of the word “Varna” can be traced to “Vri” which means choice. Thus Varna means choice of a person about his work according to his nature. From Hindu religious accounts it is clear that to begin with the aim of the Varna system was to permit a person to choose a profession of his liking. In this way, Varna was in no way based on birth and it was not at all hereditary. Varna, therefore, provided division of labour, which was very essential in those days for growth and development of our social organisation. Under the system, work was divided into four categories namely:

a) Teacher class, b) Governing class, c) Business class, and d) Physical labour class

To the first category belonged to the Brahmins, Kshatriyas to the second, and Vaisyas to the third, and Sudras to the last.

1.4.2 Duties of Brahmans

a) Pravachana or teaching; b) Yajana or conducting sacrifice; c) Pratigraha or receiving gifts.

Duties of Kshatriyas

a) Protection of all creatures or Sarva-bhuta-rakshanam; b) Righteous administration or Nyaya-dandatvam;

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c) Support of learned Brahmans or Srotriyas; d) Support of non-Brahman in distress; e) Support of non-Brahmana ascetics or akara; f) Support of those who directly serve the public (or upakurvanah) like physicians; g) Preparedness for war or yogaschavijaya; h) March through the country (charya=rashatrasya sarvato ataman) with his army (rathadhanurbhyam); i) Firm stand to death in battle without retreating there from or Samgrame samsthanamanivrittischa; j) Collection of proscribed taxes for defence of the realm or tadrakshana dharmitvat.

Duties of Vaisya

a) Krishi or agriculture; b) Vanijya or trade; c) Pasupalya or cattle-rearing; d) Kusida or banking.

Duties of Sudras

a) Practice of truthfulness, humility and purity; Bath without achamana mantra; b) Sradhakarma or funeral rites; c) Bhritya – charanam or support of dependents, not allowed to slaves; d) Svadaravritti or marrying in the same caste or always remaining in the householder’s state; e) Service of higher castes or paricharya on wages (vritti); f) Practice of independent crafts (silpavritti) like those of barber, washerman, painter, carpenter, or blacksmith.

The occupations assigned to the four Varnas were as follows

1. Brahmans Priests and Teachers. 2. Kshatriyas Kings and Warriors. 3. Vaisyas Merchants and Cultivators. 4. Sudras Artisans and Servants.

Ascending Order of Duties

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(i). In the above mentioned four-fold division of society, according to Dharmasastras, there was an ascending order of responsibilities while Brahmin was given the highest position he was also entrusted with maximum responsibilities so much so that in penal system he was given maximum punishment for lapses. The Brahmin had to study and achieve scholarship and guide the other Varnas in the society. Therefore, the entire task of preserving Dharma was mainly the responsibility of the Brahmin.

(ii). The next social status in Varna hierarchy was given to the Kshatriya. It was he who had the responsibility of defending the nation in times of war and administrating law and order in the society. He provided social justice with the help of the scholar Brahmin. Thus the power of the mind and the soul united with the power of arms to maintain Dharma in society. This responsibility of the Brahmin and the Kshatriya was sacrosanct. It has been prescribed as the absolute unconditional responsibility of the Varnas.

(iii). Ascending Order of Privileges

(i) There is also an ascending order of privileges and rights they privileges raise the Brahmans to the highest pinnacle of reverence. The privileges also make the Kshatriyas fill that they are not all-in-all in all but have to look up to some other classes as superiors to themselves.

(i). The Brahmana was to be guru, object or reverence to all Varnas by the mere fact of birth.

(ii). The Brahman was to expound the duties of all other classes, to indicate to them proper conduct and their means of livelihood and they were to abide by his directions and the King was to rule in accordance with such directions.

(iii). The king was the ruler of all, except Brahmans.

(iv). The king should exonerate the Brahmana in the six matters, viz. a Brahman should not be beaten or whipped, he should not have fetters put on him, he should not be loaded in fines of money, he should not be driven out of the village or country, he should not be censured and he should not be abandoned.

(v). Most Smritis lay down that a Srotriya, a Brahman, learned in the Veda, was to be free from taxes.

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(vi). In the matter of treasure trove the Brahmana was more favourably treated than members of other classes.

(vii). The general rule about the property of one dying heirless is that it eschews to the king, but there was an exception in the case of heirless Brahman.

(viii). The rule of the road was in favour of Brahman even as against the king.

(ix). The person of Brahman was regarded as very sacred from ancient times and so Brahmahatya or killing a Brahman was looked upon as the greatest sin.

(x). Even threatening a Brahman with assault, or striking him or drawing blood from his body drew the severest condemnation from very ancient times.

(xi). For certain offences a Brahman received lesser punishment than members of other classes.

(xii). A Brahman could not be cited as a witness by a litigant who was not a Brahman and the king would not summon him, provided he, the Brahaman, was not an attesting witness on a document.

(xiii). Only certain Brahmans were to be invited for dinner in Sraddhas and in rites for gods.

(xiv). Certain sacrifices could be performed only by Brahmans.

(xv). The periods of mourning were less in the case of Brahmans.

It is clear that the Hindu Dharmasastras provided highest social status to the Brahmin. But, at the same time, were entrusted with the highest social responsibilities. Conversely, the Sudras was given the lowest social status alongwith minimum privileges but at the same time his responsibilities were also minimum. Both in the matter of privileges and responsibilities he was the lowest in the social order. This will be clear by a survey of the disabilities and the corresponding absence of responsibilities of the Sudras.

(1) He was not allowed to study the Veda.

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(2) The Sudras were not to consecrate sacred fires and to perform the solemn Vedic scarifies.

(3) As to Samskaras, there is some apparent conflict among the authorities. Allowing him the freedom form many restrictions in the absence of high samskaras, Manu said, “The Sudras incurs no sin by eating forbidden articles like onions and garlic, he is not fit Samskaras, he has no adhikara or authority to perform dharma, nor is he forbidden from performing Dharmas.

(4) Liability to highest punishment for certain offences.

(5) In the matter of the period for impurity on death or birth the Sudra was held to be impure for a month, while a Brahmin had observer ten days period only.

(6) A Sudra could not be a judge or propound what Dharma was. Katyayana says that when a Brahmin is not available as a judge the king may appoint as judge a Kshatriyas or Vaisya who is proflcient in Dharmasastra, but he should carefully avoid appointing a Sudra as judge.

(7) A Brahmin was not allowed to receive gifts from a Sudra except under restrictions.

(8) A Brahmin could not take food from a Sudra except when the Sudra was his own cowhord or tilled his filed or was hereditary friend of the family, or his own barber of his dasa.

(9) The Sudra gradually came to be so much looked down upon that he could not touch a Brahmin though at the time he could be a cook in a Brahmin household and a Brahmana could eat food houses.

(10) As the Sudra could not be initiated into Vedic study, the only Ashrama, out of the four, that he was entitled to, was that to the household.

(11) The life of a Sudra was esteemed rather low.

As we have already pointed out, the Varna social order connected privileges with responsibilities. Now, since the disabilities of Sudra were the greatest he was exonerated so many social responsibilities. He was free from the round of countless daily rites. He was free from all Samskaras except marriage.

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In the absence of Samskaras, he could indulge in any kind of food or drink such as wine. As disallowed from the study of Vedas, he had to undergo no penance for lapses from the rules of the rules Sastras. Similarity while the Dwija Varnas had to follow so many restrictions, the Sudras was free from all restrictions he was equally free. He could follow almost any profession except the few particularly reserved for Brahmin and Kshatriyas. It may be noted here that these special professions were linked with heavy responsibilities, high moral character and great physical and mental abilities. Therefore P.V. and has rightly pointed out, “If the Sudra laboured under certain grave disabilities, he had certain compensating advantage.

1.4.3 Interdependence of Varnas

The four-fold division of society, according to the Varna system, was based upon the scientific idea of division of labour. It laid the greatest emphasis upon the duties of the Varnas rather than upon their rights and privileges. Therefore, all the Varnas were interdependent. The entire social order depended upon a close co-operation between the Brahmin and the Kshatriya. This co – operation was firstly, in the matters concerning Dharma. The purohits of a Kshatriya occupied a very high position, nay, the purohit was indispensable to even the Vaisya. The purohits were Brahmins. Therefore, it has been the said that, “a Brahmana may remain without a King but a king should not be without a Brahmana.” Again, “the purohita is half the soul of the Kshatriya.” Similarly, for indeed the gods do not eat the food of a king who has no purohita: therefore a king when about to offer a sacrifice should have a Brahmana as his purohita with the idea “may the gods eat my food.” Therefore, it was concluded that the combination of the Brahmanas and the Kshatriya (rajanya) is the most desirable and conducive to the eminence of both.

This interdependence of the different Varnas was not only limited to the field of religious duties but extended to the field of vocations and professions, education, marriage and statecraft. There was a constant upward and downward social mobility between the different Varanas, atleast in theory. Yajnavalkya speaks of two kinds of such mobility. When a lower Varna changed into a higher Varna, it was known as Jatyukaras or uplift of the group. On the other hand, if a person belonging to a higher Varna gradually descended into a lower Varna, it was known as Jatyapakarsa or the degeneration of the group. Provisions for both these processes of social mobility in stratification were laid by different Dharmasastras as with minor distinctions about the conditions. It was particularly based upon the conditions firstly, upon the following of the vocation of some other Varna for five to six generations and secondly, marrying into different Varnas for as much period. Dharmasastras did prescribe change of

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Varnas by means of interactions between the Varnas both upwards and downwards.

Another important source of interaction was marriage. Since love between man and woman knows no rules and transcends all bounds, it was natural that males and females belonging to different Varnas met and even married against social conventions. Such marriage were known by the names of anuloma and pratiloma marriages. Thus, it is clear that there was a close interaction between different Varnas in the field of marriage.

Similary, in the field of education there was interdependence among the Varnas. Normally, Brahmana was the educator, and, the other Varnas depended upon him for education. Again, in the matter of gifts (dana) the Varnas were independent. The bachelors of the first three Varnas used to depend upon the householders of these Varnas for their physical needs. The best recipient of gifts was, of course, Brahmana and that too because of his character and responsibility, but there was more emphasis on the criteria of the qualities of the recipient rather than the Varnas. The gifts were given generally to the Brahmins since they were forbidden to earn such money or gather wealth. Thus, by the institutions of gifts or dana the other three Varnas kept the Brahmana, the teacher and the priests free from the worries of earning his bread so that he may devote all his time in spiritual pursuit. As a certain section of society has to develop moral and spiritual values, the other sections must helped in this effort since ultimately it is in the collective good. Such was the practice in India due to the prescriptions of Dharmasastras.

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Chapter 2- Ashrama

Asrama or ashrama literally means a hermitage, a shelter, hut or a dwelling place for the ascetics. It also means a refuge or a resting ground. In the Vedic tradition asrama means a stage in the life of a human being. Hindu tradition recognizes four stages or asramas in human life, namely brahmacarya, grihasta, vanaprastha and sanysa. Of these people had the option to enter into all the four or the first three. Not all people entered into the fourth stage. And among those who entered into it, a few resorted to it directly from the stage of brahmacarya without the intervening two stages. If life is a learning and evolving experience for the beings upon earth, the four stages become the four stages of a being's learning and advancing process. From rebirth perspective, human life is the most precious because in a human body the beings are endowed with intelligence which enables them to discern truth and make wise decisions which may eventually lead to their liberation. Among all the species in the universe, only human beings have the ability to attain Brahman and enter into His immortal world. The asramas provide a great opportunity to prepare them in stages to reach that exalted status. In terms of duties and responsibilities, the four stages are not equal. If life is a sacrifice, the four stages are the four parts of a great sacrifice. If the lifespan of a human being is compared to a day, the first three stages constitute the day and the last one the night. The first three constitute the morning, the mid-day and evening sacrifices in which the worshippers make offerings to the sun and the fourth the night when one withdraws from all activity and prepares for rest. The symbolism and significance of the four asramas in human life, based upon my study and understanding, is illustrated below.

Asrama Age Presiding Deities Aspects of Knowledge Brahman Brahmacarya Childhood Brahma and Sarasvathi Viraj Lower Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 300

knowledge Grihasta Young age Vishnu and Lakshmi Hiranyagarbha Worldly knowledge Vanaprastha Middle age Siva and Parvathi Isvara Higher knowledge Sanyasa Old age Isvara Brahman Self- knowledge

Asrama Type of Sacrifice Gain Purushartha Brahmacarya Morning Sacrifice Knowledge Dharma Grihasta Mid-day sacrifice Wealth and progeny Artha and Kama Vanaprastha Evening Sacrifice Wisdom Moksha Sanyasa Internal Sacrifice Liberation Moksha

Asrama Resting place Main Duty Supporting Parts of Vedas organ Brahmacarya Gurukula Study Mind and Samhitas senses Grihasta Svagriha Sacrifice Intelligence Brahmanas Vanaprastha Forest dwelling Contemplation Breath Aranyakas Sanyasa The world Renunciation Self Upanishads

A person is expected to perform different types of duties (shramas) during the four stages in order to attain moksha, the fourth and the highest aim of human life. Assuming that the life of an individual upon earth is about 100 years for each birth, each ashrama covers roughly a span of 20-30 years. In terms of time spent the four stages are neither equal nor the same for all individuals. The time spent in learning their respective professions varied from caste to caste and also in meeting their obligations as householders. Some castes were not required to enter into all the four stages. According to some even the Kshatriyas had the option to enter into only the first three. The Asrama dharma was not applicable to certain castes and women. According to the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, when Yajnavalkya decided to renounce worldly life, he entrusted the family matters to his two wives and went to the forests alone. Women undertook some responsibilities in the households and assisted their husbands in performing their duties, but they were not expected to enter into all the four stages as the men did.

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Brahmacarya The period falls approximately from the initiation ceremony (Upanayana) until the end of the studentship. In olden days, it usually began with the departure of the student to the house of his teacher following the upanayanam ceremony, which marked his birth as dwija or twice born. During this period young children were expected to enter a gurukula, live there under the care of a guru or learned master and become educated in the Vedas and other scriptures. The students had a responsibility not to abandon their education under any circumstances. Only death should separate them from their masters. They were not to stay anywhere else other than in the house of their teachers whom they had to obey all the time except in certain cases like actions (of the teachers) that led to the loss of their caste. They were also expected to observe austerities like not taking bath with hot water, not using perfumes or ornaments, in addition to practicing complete celibacy or brahmacarya. This was also the time during which a student became conversant with the academic aspects of dharma, the first aim (purushartha) of human life according to Hinduism. Some of these rules prescribed for the students in the gurukulas varied depending upon to which caste they belonged. If the teacher was a Ksatriya, the Brahmana students under him had some liberties. They were not expected to serve their master directly as the other students, such as fetching him drinking water or arranging for his bath or perform menial services in his household.

Grihasta Ashrama Once a student returned to his home from the gurukula after completing his education, having developed his body and mind fully and became adept in the Vedic knowledge, he was entitled to get married and lead the life of a householder. The Hindu law books prescribed that as a householder a person should take the wife an equal caste who was not married before, who did not belong to the same gotra and who was younger than him. He should work in order to increase the wealth of his family and pay the religious debts he owed to his father, ancestors, rishis and other beings. He should take care of his parents and grand parents, children and wife by performing necessary duties of a householder towards his family in addition to performing his social duties such as preservation of dharma and varna, honoring the guests who came to the house and helping the poor and the needy. He should perform religious ceremonies and

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make sacrificial offerings as prescribed by the scriptures. He should also recite the Vedas, avoid the food of outcastes, approach his wife in proper season, wear the sacrificial thread, observe austerities as prescribed and feed the animals and the hungry. A householder pursued artha (second purushartha) and kama (third purushartha) in the prescribed manner during this period based on the knowledge of dharma (first purushartha) he gained during his studentship and prepared himself ready for the moksha the fourth aim of human life. Vanaprastha Ashrama This period began when one's skin began wrinkling and one became a grand father. During this period a person was expected to move away from worldly matters and get himself ready for his spiritual journey to attain moksha (the fourth purushartha). He was to do this by delegating his duties to his children, leaving his family and possession behind and moving into a secluded place such as a hermitage or the forest . There he should live like an ascetic and spend his time practicing austerities, offering oblations, reciting the Vedas and the metaphysical treatises, and in the acquisition of the knowledge of the self. He should wear a garment made of cloth, skin or bark to cover his nakedness, wear his hair in braids, remain chaste, restrain his speech, actions and senses, subsist on wild growing roots, fruit and vegetables, honor the guests who visited his hermitage, give gifts but not receive any, bathe three times a day, promise safety to all beings and animals, sleep on the ground and so on. These observations were aimed at controlling ones mind, overcoming passions and developing detachment from the sense objects and preparing oneself for a more rigorous life as an ascetic (sanyasi). During this period a person might take his wife along with him only if the latter agreed to accompany him.

Sanyasa Ashrama This is the final phase of human life during which a person should devote his life and activities in the pursuit of moksha (the fourth purushartha) or final liberation. Regarding the ascetic life, the following verses are quoted from the Vashista Sutras. The person has to wear a single garment or cover his body with a skin or with grass that has been nibbled at by a cow. He has to sleep on the bare ground. He has to stay at the extremity of the village, in a temple, or in an empty house, or at the root of a tree and frequently change his residence. He shall be an ascetic who lives constantly in the forest and constantly seek in his

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heart the knowledge of the universal soul. He has to live as a person, though not mad, appear like one out of his mind. He should subdue his organs of sensation and action, renounce all sensual gratification, fix mind in meditation on the Supreme Spirit, and be (wholly) indifferent (to pleasure and pain). He shall not wander about within sight of the village-cattle. He shall not wear any visible mark of his order nor follow any visible rule of conduct.

2.1 Significance of the Grihasta ashrama

According to P. H. Prabhu, “after the course of study is over in accordance with the Dharmas laid down for the Brahmachari, he takes a bath, symbolic of his completion of that Ashrama course; so he now becomes a Snataka. He now becomes fit to enter the next Ashrama, viz., the Grihastha Ashrama.” This ceremony is technically called Samavartana. This is considered to be the most important period of the life of an individual. It is believed that the future course of his life depends on this Ashrama. It is the test of his ability, wisdom, social morality and social adaptability. What he has learnt in theory is put into practice in the Ashrama.

2.1.1 Objectives

The objectives of Grihastha Ashrama highlight the excellence of Grihastha Ashrama. This is due to several reasons. First, as Gautama points out, the Grihastha Ashrama is the source of the other Ashramas “because the others do not produce offspring.” Second, Yajnavalkya correctly observes that this is only a stage in which all of the Purusarthas are jointly realized. Thirdly, it is the opinion of all the writers that the family is basic to the Varna system. It provides the regulatory machinery for the strict enforcement of Varna informing its members of their duties, and imbuing them with the Varna spirit. These are some of the reasons why the householder stage is given a central place, and why the ethical codes governing it are invested unequivocally with divine authority. Thus, after spending 25 years as a Brahmachari and finishing his education, a man marries and enters the Grihastha Ashrama. According to Manu Smriti, as all creatures live by receiving support from the air, so other Ashramas subsist by relying for support on the householder and that as men belonging to all the three other orders (Ashramas) are supported from day-to-day by the householder along with gifts of food and sacred knowledge,. The householder is, therefore, the most excellent Ashrama. Manu reiterates the same sentiments under a different figure “just as all big and small rivers find a resting place in the ocean, so men of all Ashramas find support in the householder and the householder is Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 304

declared to be the most good of all Ashramas by the precepts of the Veda and Smritis since he supports the other three. According to Mahabhartha, as all beings live on the support given by their mothers, so other Ashramas subsist on the support of the order of householder.

2.1.2 Types of Grihasthas

The Dharmasastras divide householders into several varieties such as “Salina” and “Yayavara”. The “Salina” is one who dwells in a house, is possessed of servants and cattle, has a fixed place and a fixed village and has grain and wealth and follows the life of worldly people. The “Yayavara” is one who subsists by the best of livelihood, viz., picking up grains that fall down when the corn that is reaped is taken to the house or threshing floor by the owner and who does not accumulate wealth or who does not earn his livelihood by officiating as priest, or by teaching or by accepting gifts.

(i). According to Manu the householders may be divided into four varieties viz., one who possesses enough to fill a granary or store filling a corn jar, one who collects as much as will satisfy his needs for three days, or one who makes no provision for the morrow.

(ii). According to Yajnavalkya Smriti Salina is of four varieties viz., one who maintains himself by officiating as a priest, teaching Veda, accepting gifts, agriculture, trade and breeding cattle, one who subsists by the first three out of the above six, one who subsists by officiating as a priest and by teaching, one who subsists by teaching alone.

(iii). Again Vaidika Dharma Sutra divides householders into four classes. The first class (called Vartavrtti) maintains itself by agriculture, cattle rearing and trade; the second (Salina) observes various Niyamas, offers Pakayajnas (sacrifices of cooked food), kindles the srauta fires, offers the Darsa and Purnamasa sacrifices each half month, offers caturmasyas, in each half year, offers an animal sacrifice and each year the Soma sacrifice; the third (yayavara) is engaged in the six actions viz., offering sacrifices, of havis and Soma, officiating as priest at such sacrifices, studying the Veda and teaching it, making gifts and receiving them, constantly attends his fires Srauta and Smarta, and gives food to guests that come to him; the fourth called Ghoracarika, one whose rules are awfully difficult to observe, is observant of Niyamas, offers sacrifices but does not officiate at others’ sacrifices, studies the Veda but does teach it, makes gifts but does not receive them, maintains himself on corn fallen in

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the fields etc., is absorbed in Narayana, performs Agnihotra in the morning and evening.

2.1.3 Daily duties

The Dharmasastras have prescribed three duties to the householders:

a) Nitya karma (the daily duties), b) Naimittika karma (the duties on purpose), c) Kamya karma (duties desired along with duties peculiar to one’s own Varna).

According to Dharmasastras, the Nitya karma (the daily duties) must take place every day. They divide daytime into eight parts and describe the duties that the householders have to perform in these eight parts of the day.

Yajnavalkya Smriti prescribes the following daily duties (Nitya karma) for the householder:

a) A householder should perform every day a Smriti rite (i.e., a domestic rite prescribed by the sacred law, Smriti) on the nuptial fire or on the fire brought in at the time of the partition of ancestral property.

b) He should perform a Vedic rite on the sacred fires.

c) Having attended to the bodily calls, having performed the purificatory rites, and after having first washed the teeth, a twice – born (Aryan) man should offer the Morning Prayer.

d) Having offered oblations to the sacred fire, becoming spiritually composed he should murmur the sacred verses addressed to the sun god.

e) He should also learn the meaning of the Veda and various sciences.

f) He should then go to his lord for securing the means of maintenance and progress.

g) Thereafter having bathed he should worship the gods and also offer libations of water to the manes.

h) He should study according to his capacity the three Vedas, the Atharva Veda, the Puranas, together with the Itihasas (legendary histories), as also

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the law relating to the knowledge of the self, with a view to accomplishing successfully the sacrifice of muttering prayers.

i) Offering of the food oblation offering with the proper utterance, performance of Vedic sacrifices study of the sacred texts, and honouring of guests, these constitute the five great daily sacrifices dedicated respectively to the spirits the manes, the gods, the Brahmans the men.

j) He should offer the food oblations to the spirits (by throwing it in the air) out of the remnant of the food offered to the gods.

k) He should also cast food on the ground for dogs, untouchables and crows.

l) Food, as also water, should be offered by the householder to the manes and men day after day.

m) He should continuously carry on his study. He should never cook for himself only.

n) Children, married daughters living in the father’s house, pregnant women, sick persons, girls as also guests and servants only after having fed these should the householder and his wife eat the food that has remained. o) Having risen before dawn the householder should ponder over what is good for the self.

p) He should not, as far as possible, neglect his duties in respect of the three ends of man, namely, virtue, material gain and pleasures, at their proper times.

q) Learning, religious performance, age, family relations and wealth, on account of these and in the order mentioned are men honourned in society.

The routine duties of the householder are thus mainly concerned with rituals, procreation, conjugal functions and social duties.

2.1.4 Purposive and Desired duties

The purposive and desired duties of a bachelor are concerned with his ethical awareness, values, knowledge, and social purpose.

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a) The mention of the five daily sacrifices shows a broadening of ethical awareness. The institution of gifts (dana) and the warm reception to the guest shows that the main virtue of the householder was social. His values are concerned with three cardinal aims: Dharma, Artha, and Kama. While Manu Smriti overlooks Kama, Yajnavalkya Smriti gives it equal value along with Dharma and Artha. Thus it presents a more integral outlook. Among the values which added to the respect of the householder, Learning, including both intellectual and ethical knowledge, stood first. It was followed by performance of religious duties, age, family relations and wealth. It may be noted here, that several Dharmasastras proclaimed Artha as the highest value for the householder, while some other give place to learning. It may be agreed that of these two views, the latter was more devalued. Even Dharma at every stage required Artha, at least for social purpose. Dharma involving spiritual values was given the highest position. It was the most necessary requirement for acquiring high social status.

b) Yajnavalkya Smriti has given a detailed description of the householder’s duties of his wife. He must be solely devoted to her, having become one through sacramental bonds; he must satisfy her sensuous yearning, only refraining from sexual intercourse on inauspicious days. Care of the wife is essential because through her the householder begets sons whereby the family is continued both in time and in eternity.

c) The purposive and desired duties include social duties also. Thus the Dharmasastras prescribe to the householder, the actions to be done on getting from bed till going to bed. Rules are prescribed about answering calls of nature, Sauca or cleanliness of body and mind. Acamana or sipping water, Dantadhavana or brushing the teeth, Snan or bath or general cleanliness of the bath, Tarpana, clothes to be worn on different occasions, making marks on the forehead after bathing, Samdhya, Homa, Japa, etc. Among Mahayajnas are included Nryajna or Mausya Yajna meaning honouring of guests. Thus Yajan has a humanistic meaning. Universal kindliness is the general attitude towards the guest. Another significant prescription is concerning Dana or gifts. It is a special feature of Grihastha Ashrama. The Dharmasastras give a detailed description about the typed of gifts, differences between Dana, Yag and Homa. Persons fit and unfit to be donees, types of donations etc. gifts of land is not favoured. Gifts of horses is ensured in some words. All can make gifts including women and Sudras. Gifts can be of three kinds: Nitya or daily gifts, Naimittika or purposive gifts and Kamya or desired gifts. Making gifts in secret is eulogised. Certain gifts are forbidden. Proper times for

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making gifts are specified. Generally gifts are not made at night. Gifts at time of eclipses, Sankranti, on Ayana days are specially recommended, proper places for gifts are specified. Various articles of gifts were connected with different presiding deities. The general procedure of making gifts to Brahmanas. Spending money for marriages of Brahmanas and settling them in house is highly eulogised. Themples and Brahmanas are particularly recommended for gifts. Sixteen Mahadanas are prescribed. Gifts of cow was highly extolled, books, hospitals, etc. kinds of invalid gifts were specified along with explanations for accepting such gifts. On some occasions gifts become irrevocable. Detailed rules are given about founding of temples and dedication of wells and other charitable work. Charity is considered more meritorious than sacrifices.

The Dharmasastras prescribe detailed rules about food and meals concerning their kinds, Occasions, preliminaries, postures, procedures, types etc. Besides equally detailed rules are prescribed about sleeping, sexual intercourse, period of menstruation and the duties of the kings in 24 hours. Thus it is clear that the Dharmasastras have prescribed rules for the householder in great details.

2.1.5 Conclusion

In the Hindu social organisation, Grihastha Ashrama has been considered as a turning point in the life of an individual. One finds that Shanti Parva of Mahabhartha discusses the significance of this Ashrama, when Yudhisthra decided to become a Sanyasi in disgust against the worldly life. It is believed that it is in this Ashrama that that Dharma, Artha and Kama exist together and these can be used of Moksha. Similar praises about Grihastha Ashrama are found in Smriti literature as well. It is this Ashrama, which lends support to other three Ashramas. Since Grihastha Ashrama combined Dharma, Artha and Kama, therefore, it can be used as a stage for Moksha, even if there is no opportunity for passing through other stage. He says, “Thus it is said that in the Grihastha Ashrama alone can the three Purusharthas be practiced together, and the three debts rinas can all be discharged satisfactorily.” This Ashrama is also important because a person could learn to live in adjustment with the others. He is also to learn to sacrifice, selflessness, live life of pity and also that of sympathy.

Then another cause of importance is that the Brahmachari, the Vanaprashti and Sanyasi all knock at the door of Grihastha for alms and charity and for promoting all religious and social activities.

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Chapter 3- Purusharthas

3.1 Introduction

Hindus believe that Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksha combined together form Purusharthas. In it Dharma is the highest and arbitrator in the dispute between Artha and Kama.

Dharma

Dharma stands for right action or righteousness. It is law of every being and as such every living society has its own Dharma. No society can live and work without Dharma. It regulates human life and determines as to what is right and what is wrong. Dharma is the determining factor about future conduct and course of all human beings. According to Dr. S. Radhakrishnan. “It stands both for the Satya or the truth of things as well as the Dharma or the law of evolution.”

Artha

Artha is another Purushartha which stands to express human prosperity. It implies that a person should earn wealth for the maintenance of his family as also for giving that in charity. Yajna and sacrifices can also be possible only with the help of wealth. Upanishads make it clear, that those who only care for the other world and do not care for this world or for earning the wealth are in absolute darkness. Wealth is also needed for attaining knowledge and immortality. Artha is thus needed for the maintenance of life as well as happy life. What, however, in Hindu philosophy is stressed is, that wealth should be earned by righteous and reasonable means. Wealth earned by illegal or unconstitutional means is not allowed under Hindu social system. It is always

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believed that good means should be adopted for earning wealth. Wealth earned by deceit has all along been condemned.

Kama

Hindu social thinkers have always fully appreciated the place of Kama in human life. According to them Kama is the urge for human life and it must be satisfied. They believe that it is essential both for the production of children and for continuity and perpetualness of the race. They believe that urge for sex is unavoidable and must be satisfied.

Moksha

It is ultimate aim of every human being to get salvation. Perfection and spiritual attainments are not only desirable but the end of human life. Some of the thinkers believe that it is the most important Purushartha and the remaining three are only means while this Purushartha is end of all these means. Leaving that apart, all our sages and saints have always aimed at achieving Moksha.

Trivargas

Trivargas are: Dharma, Artha, and Kama. Where as Moksha is considered to be the end of life and ultimate goal of every human activity in Hindu society, the other three Purusharthas namely Dharma, Artha and Kama combined together are called Trivargas. The Trivargas discuss the three main aspects of human life namely, material, moral and biological. The Kama discusses about biological, Artha material and Dharma moral aspect of the life of a Hindu. Since Hindu society is by and large a religion dominated society, in the Trivarga, Dharma plays a more vital and important part than the other two components namely, Kama and Artha. It is moral aspect. i.e., Dharma of life which regulates two other aspects namely, Artha and Kama or what can be said as material and moral aspects of life. All the three components of human life, i.e., Dharma, Kama and Artha are supposed to work in close cooperation with each other for achieving the ultimate objectives of life namely Moksha the arbitrator shall be the Dharma because that is supposed to provide right guidance. According to P. H. Prabhu, “…as has been pointed out by Manu, the management and conduct of life should be coordination, or the proportionate aggregate of these three (Trivarga) classes of life needs, or the urges or the principal motives.”

3.2 Conclusion

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Dharma, Artha and Kama comprise Trivarga. Dharma stands for right action. It is the law of every living being. Artha stands for human prosperity. Earning or wealth by right and legitimate means is Artha. Kama is he urge for human life and it must be satisfied. Dharma, Artha and Kama are essential for perpetuating the society. Moksha is essential for liberating an individual from the cycle of births and deaths. Without properly observing the Trivargas one cannot achieve Moksha. Dharma reveals fulfilment of moral needs. Artha highlights fulfilment of material and economic needs. Kama requires fulfilment of instinctive of intellectual, ethical and spiritual needs. The Trivarga constitute the biological basis of human beings. Unless there is harmonious coordination among the Trivargas society and culture cannot be perpetuated, and Moksha the essence of culture, the spiritual goal cannot be achieved. Therefore, there is close relationship between Trivargas and Moksha. Dharma stands at the highest level. It appears as an arbitrator between Artha and Kama in the event of clash and maintains a balance between them. To be precise, the Trivargas fulfil the needs of the individual and group, and help the society and culture perpetuate to liberate the soul from the cycle of births and deaths.

3.3 RINAS

3.3.1 Introduction

According to Dharmasastras, the obligations or debts that every Hindu has towards gods, towards parents, towards seers and towards fellow human beings are called Rinas.

Hindu social system believes that after coming into this world each and every individual undertakes certain obligations. These begin with parents who bring up the children from their childhood, after facing all the difficulties. Then the obligation is towards the teachers and saints, etc., who guide the course of life of a child for the future. Thereafter come the gods and goddesses, who are supposed to have given birth to the child and who will receive him after his death. These obligations are technically called Rinas.

3.3.2 Kinds of Rinas

These Rinas in Hindu philosophy are known as:

(i). Pitri Rina (obligations towards parents), (ii). Rishi Rina (obligations towards the teachers and saints) (iii). Deva Rina (obligations towards the gods and goddesses)

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(iv). Manusha Rina (obligations towards guests)

It is enjoined upon all the Hindus that throughout their life they should try to discharge these obligations and while doing something they should try to forget these duties. The obligations can best be discharged by studying Vedas, by begetting children in accordance with the provisions of Dharma and also by performing duties as a Grihastha, i.e., by remaining in the Grihastha Ashrama.

Pitri Rina

Pitri Rina can be discharged by way of having children because they alone will continue the race otherwise the race or family will come to an end. It is also in the discharge of Pitri Rina that it is enjoined upon all the Hindus that they should treat the children very nicely and extend their guidance, love and affection to them. The children are equally expected not to forget that the parents suffer for them when they are not capable of holding themselves.

Rishi Rina

Similarly, each and every individual is required to always remember of his teachers and saints are makers and unmakers of his life and can mould future course of his action in the way they like. It is, therefore, very essential that all respect should be shown to Rishis and Teachers.

Deva Rina

Similarly, respect should be shown to gods and goddesses who will receive them at the end of his life. It is suggested that if Vedas are studied properly. Dev Rina can be discharged by having performing and giving sacrifices as provided in the Dharma.

3.3.3 Conclusion

According to P. H. Prabhu, “It is opined that the man who fails to carry out any of these obligations due in him during the first three Ashramas is not entitled even to try to attain Moksha, and Manu says that he who seeks Moksha without fulfilling his duties in the first three Ashramas will sink low………..”

3.4 KARMA - THEORY

3.4.1 Introduction

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The doctrine of Karma is the ethical background of Indian social organisation. This doctrine was propounded for the first time under the Upanishads. It has become the meeting point of the Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism.

The word Karma has been derived from its Sanskrit root “Kra” which implies all kinds of actions which can be classified into three categories: “physical”, “mental” and “Verbal”. This is the general sense of the word Karma. When Karma is performed, according to the rules (Dharma), it becomes “duty”.

3.4.2 Elements of Karma

According to the Upanishads and Bhagavad-Gita, Karma has five elements: (i). Adistana (the basis or centre from which one works; the Manas and the circumstance in which Karma works).

(ii). Kartha (doer; one who does Karma through his activity).

(iii). Karma (instrumentation of the doer).

(iv). Cheshta (effort; produces inspiration for Karma).

(v). Daiva (fate; this is the power of powers).

3.4.3 Kinds of Karma

Different sages and scholars have classified Karma into several types. Yajnavalkya classified Karma into good action (dharma) and bad action adharma). Manu classified Karma in three ways:

a) Papa karma (sinful action) and Punya Karma (meritorious action),

b) Pravritti Karma (actions done with a view to achieve some results) and Nivritti Karma (actions done with prejudice to achieve some results), and

c) Satvic Karma (that action which is prescribed by scriptures and which is done without the sense of doership, without passion or prejudice and without seeking fruits of results), Rajasic Karma (that action which involves much strains and is done by own who seeks enjoyment and is prompted by egoism), and Tamasic Karma (that action which is

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undertaken through ignorance, without considering the result, loss to oneself and injury to others and one’s own capacity).

Patanjali classified Karma into four kinds: Asarasi Karma (giving too much importance to self), Raga Karma (inclination towards enjoyment of worldly things), Didhesha (hateful renunciation of painful things) and Abhinivesa (love of life and fear of death).

1. Yajnavalkya ‘s classification:

Karma Dharma Adharma Karma Karma

2. Manu’s classification

Karma Pravritti Nivritti Papa Punya Satvic Rajasic Tamasic Karma Karma Karma Karma karma karma Karma

3. Patanjali’s classification

Karma Asarasi Karma Raga Karma Didhesha Karma Abhinivasa Karma

According to Karma Vipak (the results of the action), there are three kinds of Karma:

(i). Sanchita Karma (accumulated Karma) comprise the actions performed introduction eh earlier life. Such actions accumulated over the previous birth become Karma and are also called “Adrashta”.

(ii). Prarabdha Karma (destined Karma) the accumulated actions can be either good or bad. Hence, the results of the actions, which the man has to face, comprise destined Karma.

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(iii). Aagama Karma (accumulating Karma) the actions, which are being performed in the present and those actions, which are to be performed in future are called accumulating actions.

3.4.4 Rewards of karma

The rewards of Karma have four major elements:

(i). Karmaphal (results of action): The concept “karmaphal” is closely related to the concept of Karma. It indicates the results of action or the action produced by Karma. According to the Upanishads Karma generates a definite result and that is why each man is a builder of his own fate. He gets the results according to his own actions. That is to say, as we sow, so we reap. The present life of man is the result of Karmaphal of his earlier life. Similarly his future life is based on the Karmaphal of the present life. In other words, man is born alone, dies alone and has himself to undergo the results of his bad and good actions, as the case may be.

Thus, every human activity entails results which may trace any of the following actions: physical, mental, verbal and ethical. It affects the person’s nature, character and tendencies. Man reaps the harvest of past life.

(ii). Punarjanma (rebirth). Karma necessitates rebirth because man cannot reap the reward of his actions in one life. The tenets of Punarjanma are based on the theory of survival of the soul (atma) upon the death of the body. Soul (atma) is immortal and indestructible. When the body perishes, it enters another body. This is the same as transmigration of soul. The soul during the evolution of birth and rebirth accumulates Karma. Thus “It earns for all its pain, and enormous and ever increasing credit and debt accounts in the Karma bank and goes on operating upon it. Action, good or bad, brings on its trial, reward and punishment and there is no escape from it”. Thus soul is inevitably tied to the wheel of Samsara and helplessly turns over successive rebirths, reaping in fruits of past Karma and perpetually sowing more seeds of Karma and thus perpetuating itself. This is same as “Sansara” or the “cycle of births”. Thus Karma and Punarjanma are inextricably interwoven with each other.

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(iii). Poorvajanamphala (results of the action of previous births) the diversities i.e., poor or rich, happy or sorrowful, intelligent or foolish etc., are all results of the actions of previous births.

(iv). Atmanitya (immortality of the soul): The doctrine of Karma in its pure philosophical form preaches Purusharthas and morality. Its tenet that man’s present state is due to past action and his future depends upon good actions, reveals its message to the people in terms of improving their lives by making use of natural laws or the laws of Dharma.

3.4.5 Ways to escape from Karma

According to Upanishads and Bhagavad-Gita:

1) Realization of immortality of the soul: According to the Bhagavad-Gita, the soul never dies, nor does it exist on coming into being. Therefore, knowing this as such every one shows performs his duty in accordance with Dharma. It thus inspires man towards disinterested action (selfless action).

2) Right to action: According to Gita your right is to work only but never to the fruit therefore, let not the fruit of action be your object, nor let your attachment to be inaction. Hence man should perform his duties, being indifferent to success or failure. Those people are poor and wretched who crave for fruit of action while those who renounce the fruit of action, attain the blissful of supreme stock.

3) Detachment and disinterested action: According to Gita, man does not attain freedom from action without entering upon actions; nor does he reach perfection mere by renunciation of action. It is because none can remain inactive even for a moment, every one is driven to action by nature born qualities. Means cannot maintain his body without action. He is bound by shackles of Karma. Hence man should effectively perform his duty for the sake of sacrifice alone and is contended in the self has not duty. Duty in fact implies detachment and disinterested action.

4) Karma and the four orders of society: The four orders of society have their own occupations, duties and qualities. A man devoting himself to his own duty attains the highest perfection. His own duty is better though devoid of merit than the duty of other well executed. Hence, he who performs the duty enjoyed by his own nature, does not incur sin (Papa Karma).

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5) Karma and Knowledge: There are different kinds of knowledge: Satvika Jnana, Rajasika Jnana and Tamasika Jnana. The knowledge that one possesses depends upon the results of Karma in previous births and the nature of Karma in the present. A man who devotes himself to the duty according to Jnana acquires merit. But Satvika Jnana is the best knowledge. Such a knowledge alone frees oneself from Karma, even though he does Karma, through good actions alone one gets slowly across a number of Jannas (births) Satvit Jnana.

3.4.6 Importance of doctrine of Karma

From the social point of view, the doctrine of Karma is most important. This doctrine is most useful to the society, which faces the good and bad effects of different types of actions:

(ii). Inspiration for good actions: Karma inspires every person to perform good actions to achieve good life conditions. It also teaches man not to become inactive. (iii). Inspiration to attain moral life: The doctrine of Karma given great significance to religion. What is moral from the social point of view is the religion of the persons concerned. Therefore, the disregard or violations of religion is strictly prohibited according to this doctrine. Thus, while on the one hand, the doctrine preaches man not to become inactive, it also inspires him to attain moral life by presenting before him the fear of Karmaphal or results of actions.

(iv). Preaching self-control: The doctrine of Karma preaches man to endeavour to achieve self-control and to remove illiteracy. The doctrine says that the root cause of all bad actions is illiteracy or lack of wisdom. Where there is lack of wisdom, bad actions are bound to ensure. Where there is wisdom, there are bound to be good actions. Hence, this doctrine encourages man to understood his own self as when he acquires knowledge. For to acquire true knowledge, disinterestedness is essential. A man can be disinterested when he has control over his own self or senses.

(v). Inspiration for welfare works: This doctrine emphasises the disinterested aspect. Disinterestedness means selfless action. In other words, actions which are performed by man according to religion without hoping for results are the disinterested actions. This conception of the doctrine of Karma inspires to renounce selfish action and to

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perform selfless actions. A person who performs actions disinterested and without hoping for its results is a Karma Yogi. Works of welfare for others are, in fact, performed by Karma Yogis.

3.4.7 Criticism

A. B. Keith holds that the doctrine of Karma encourages fatalism and hinders moral progress. However, critics of Keith say that Keith has distorted the doctrine and misinterpreted it

Mac Donell says that this doctrine minimizes the important of the present life which is determined from the point of view of social progress.

According to many western scholars, this doctrine limits the efficiency and aptitude of individuals. On one hand higher castes establish their authority in the social organization; on the other hand, it inspires inactivity and cowardice among the lower castes. This doctrine supports the maintenance of social discrimination and adopts the basis of the feeling of religion for its justification.

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Chapter 4- Caste

4.1 Origin of caste

It is very difficult to say in precise terms the exact way in which the caste system originated. Researches held in this regard have not been able to establish the facts relating to the origin of the caste system beyond doubts. Discussions and debates are still going on at the level of the scholars regarding this issue Dr. D.N. Majumdar pointed out at the inability of the scholars to arrive at a consensus on this issue when he says “…..it is evident from the fact that after a century of painstaking and meticulous research in the history and function of the social system, we do not possess yet a valid explanation of the circumstances that might have contributed to the formation and development of this unique system.” In spite of the controversies prevailing over the issue of the origin of the caste system, some of the scholars have established their own theories regarding it.

1. Traditional or Indological Theory

Ancient literature of India provides the main source for this theory. The traditional or indological theory believes that the caste system has been established by the divine ordinance or atleast with the divine approval. The main sources for this is to be found in the Purushasukta of the Rig-Veda. According to the Purushasukta, the four Varnas or the Supreme Being. According to this theory, the Brahmins had emerged from the mouth of the Supreme Being the Kshatriyas form the arms, the Vaishyas from the thighs, and the Shudras form the feet. These four varnas or social divisions have different functions according to the places of their origin. Mouth is the seat of speech or knowledge. Hence the task of the Brahmins is to serve society as teachers, as counsellors or advisors, as priests and as thinkers and conservers of cultural heritage. The arms or shoulders stand as a warrior, as a protector and as a benefactor. The Vaishya have emerged form the thighs of the Creator. The thighs of the principal repository organs nearer the stomach. Hence the primary duty of the Vaishya is to provide food for the members of society and look after its economic well- being. The Shudras have emerged from the feet of Creator and hence their duty is to serve others just as the feet serve the other parts or organs of the body.

Smritikara Manu too has supported this theory. He has given a classical interpretation to the origin of the Varna. In Bhagavad-Gita also we find a similar interpretation pertaining to the origin of the Varnas. In Chapter XIV sloka 13 of

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Bhagavad-Gita, Lord Krishna himself says that he only created the four Varnas on the basis of Guna and Karma. Traditional explanations relating to the origin of the Varnas are also found in the Shatapatha Brahman and also in the Taittiria Brahmans. Apart from the Vedic texts, various legends and puranas also give such explanations relating to the origin of the Varna.

Criticism

The traditional theory of the origin of the Varnas has been criticised on various grounds. Firstly, the theory is criticised as unscientific because biologically it is impossible for anyone to give rise to the birth of a child through the mouth, shoulders, thighs or feet. Secondly, the theory considers four Varnas as four castes. If this is accepted, it would mean that Varna and not caste is the unit of the caste system. The real unit of the caste system is not the varna but Jati, which is a very small endogamous group. Thirdly, M.N. Srinivas considers this theory of the caste, which highlights the idea of castes as the four-fold division of the society, represents a gross oversimplification of facts. Fourthly, divergent explanations offered regarding the origin of the Varna quoting various religious, literacy and other sources are also contradictory.

But in spite of these controversies and criticisms, this has its own practical importance in the words of D.r D.N. Majumdar, “if however we take divine origin of the Varnas as allegorical explanation of the functional division of society, the theory assumes practical significance.”

2. Racial Theory

Herbert Riseley, a British ICS officer and former census commissioner believed that the origin of caste system was due to racial differences, particularly skin colour between the invading fair skinned Aryans and the indigenous dark skinned people whom they conquered. The Aryans believed in their own purity and did not give their women in marriage to the ‘dasas” but took women from the latter as wives. The children of such inter-marriage formed the lowest divisions and were called “Chandalas”

Risley also put forth his reasons for the later proliferation of castes. According to him (a) changes in hereditary occupations,(b) migration,(c) change in customs and adoption of new ones by a section existing caste, (d) prevention of old customs by another section, (e) prevention into Hinduism by tribe or a section of a tribe and (f) the tendency on the part of the followers of certain religious leaders like the Kabir Panthis to regard themselves as a caste and so on

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accounted for the process of development of the castes system in ancient and medieval India.

G.S. Ghurye, and Westermarck also support the theory of racial origin of caste. Dr. Ghurye says that the early vedic Indians or Indo-Aryans who were migrants from central Asia referred to themselves as ‘Aryan’ (Gentlemen) and the dark coloured, natives as Dasa (which means enemy in Iranian language). However Ghurye belives that the Aryans were very tolerant and accommodated various indigenous faiths and practices. The caste system was the means or modus operandi of such adjustments.

D.N. Majumdar though that term Varna meant both colour or complexion and class. He asserted that there were three varnas- The Aryans, and the otheer two formed with the intermixture of (a) Aryans and proto-Mediterranean (the racial category that lived in the Indus valley) and (b) The Aryans and pre- Dravidians. According to Majumdar, these three Varnas or classes that came up first in early ancient India forced a hierarchical division of labour to maintain their superiority. In this system, the position of each such group depended upon the purity of blood (through endogamy) and the extent of isolation maintained by each group.

The significance of the racial theory lies in the fact that it points out the contact between two cultures, the Aryans and the indigenous, as the main force in shaping the caste system. Sometimes this view is referred to as the theory or culture contact. Some scholars, maintain that the Aryans immigrants themselves were subdivided into four-Varnas-Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra, grouped into ‘Dwijati’ or twice born consisting of the first three who were entitled to wear a sacred thread would begin a second birth and therefore the varnas wearing it were called ‘dwija’ or twice born) and ‘ekjati’ consisting of the last varna, that is the Sudra who were not entitled to don the sacred thread.

The indigenous people or the Non-Aryans were the Dasas who formed the fifth category as panchama. The later foreigners who came to India also were clubbed as non-Aryans and put in the fifth category as Mlechha. The ranking of these varnas was made on the basis of (a) right to wear the sacred thread, (b) performance of priestly function and (c)Aryans origin.

Criticism

The racial Theory has also been criticised. Firstly, according to Hutton, three is no consistency between the racial interpretation of this theory and the available facts. Secondly, the theory fails to give a proper explanation for the

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practice of untouchablilty. Thirdly, Hutton has sought rise to the caste system in India but not in other countries. Fourthly, Hutton has also tried to show that the Brahmanical influence which is believed to have played a vital role in the genesis of caste system is not uniformly found in all the places. Further, it was very much dominant in few areas while it was virtually absent in a few other areas. Finally, it is argued that the racial theory is a major weakness in the sense that it highlights the importance of purely racial factors and conveniently forgets the efficacy of other equally important factors.

3. Racial and Functional Theory

A theory of the origin of castes put forward by P.F. Slater, combines both the racial and functional origins. Slater opines that the caste system was created in order to safeguard the professional and occupational secrets. The fact that the caste system is actually stronger in Southern than in Northern India suggest that caste arose in India before the Aryan invasion. The Aryan invasion further intensified and developed the caste structure. As a result of occupations becoming hereditary and marriage being arranged by parents within the group practising the same craft, trade secrets were preserved. As a result or ritual, religious and magical ceremonies also, exclusive occupational groups were built up, marriage outside which became prejudicial and contrary to practice. The Aryan invasion had the effect of strengthening a tendency to associate difference of caste with a difference of colour and of strengthening also a tendency for castes to be placed in a scale of social precedence.

4. Occupational or Functional Theory.

“The Occupational Theory of Caste” was established by Nesfield. This theory tries to establish connection between the castes on the one hand, and the occupations on the other. The theory assumes that castes originated in different occupations. According to this theory, if a particular group follow a hereditary occupation it evolves into a caste in course of time.

This theory also makes a distinction between different occupations depending upon the associated idea of relative purity and impurity. Those who performed pure or better and respectable tasks or jobs came to be distinguished from the other who purposed inferior or low-grade occupations. Those who followed the so called “pure” occupations were regarded as superior. Those who were engaged in dirty or low-grade occupations were looked down upon were considered inferior. As per the logic of this theory, the hierarchy, castes is associated with the hierarchy of occupations. In this hierarchy of the superior

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castes follow “pure” occupations whereas inferior castes follow” impure” occupations.

Nesfield, thus, made it clear that the different of occupation was responsible for difference of caste. He emphatically concluded that occupation and occupation alone is responsible for the origin of the caste system. To quote his words “Function and function alone is responsible for the origin of caste system.”

Criticism

This theory of Nesfield is also criticised. Firstly, this theory fails to explain the difference in the social status of various castes which practise the same occupation. Secondly, it is wrong to consider the occupational factors alone as the cause of the birth of caste system. Hutton in this regard comment that “occupation is not a cause but only a factor in the evolution of caste”. Thirdly, this theory does not take into account the racial and religious factors which played their role in the formation of the caste system. Majumdar in this context states that “there may not be much racial difference between the higher castes as such, there may not be great variations of physical features in groups occupying a particular geographic region or part of it but some racial difference between high and low do exist and is apparent to one who knows the country and its people. Fourthly, D.N. .Majumdar has also criticised Nesfield’s idea of the hierarchy of castes in terms of the superiority or the inferiority of the occupations. He is of the opinion that “the status of castes depends not on the superiority or the inferiority of occupations but upon the degree of purity of blood and the extent of isolation by the groups.”

5. Guild Theory

Denzil Ibbetson put forth the guild theory. According to him, castes are the modified forms of guilds. In his opinion, the caste system is the product of the interaction of three forces viz., (i) Tribes, (ii) Guilds, (iii) Religion. The tribes adopted certain fixed professions, and in due course assumed the form of guilds. In ancient India, priests had greater prestige. They were a hereditary and endogamous group. Following their precedent, other guilds also adopted the endogamous and other practices and in due course became castes.

6. Religious Theory

Hocart and Senart are two advocates of the religious theory. According to Hocart, social stratification in India originated on account of religious principle and customs. In ancient India, religion had a prominent place. The king was

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considered to be image of God. These kings accorded different positions to different functional groups, at the top of which were the priests who propitiated God. Senart has tried to explain the origin of the caste system on the basis of prohibitions regarding sacramental food. He holds that on account of different types of duties there grew up certain prohibitions regarding sacramental food. The followers of one particular deity considered themselves descendants of the same ancestor and offered a particular kind of food as offering to their deity. Those who believed in other deities. Each group worshipping a particular deity gradually assumed caste status.

7. Political Theory

Abbe Dubois, an European monk who lived in Mysore in the first half of the 19th century and a keen observer of Indian society was of the view that the caste system was developed and maintained by the Brahmins to maintain their ritual status. It was their handiwork. The numerous sacrifices, elaborate rituals and Sanskrit sacred tests were all devised to assert and maintain their high status. G.S. Ghurye also agrees with the view of Abbe Dubois. He says that the restrictions on marriage, regulations on accepting food and water, emphasis on purity were all laid down by Brahmins, at first to maintain their own predominance but later these spread to other groups or castes as well and became the features of the caste system.

8. Mana Theory

J.H. Hutton, a British administrator in India and author of the well-known book “Caste in India” suggested that the primitive belief in ‘Mana’ accounted for the origin of caste system. The term is Polynesian in origin. It denotes a belief in supernatural powers vested in animate or inanimate beings. Belief in mana is common amongs tribes. More often, it is associated with magical and harmful powers. Therefore, the tribes evolved elaborate taboos or restrictions to protect themselves from other tribes’ mana. Restrictions on accepting food other water from others, restrictions on marriages and other forms of interaction were all for the purpose of protecting their fellow tribals. Hutton found belief in Mana among many Indian tribes he observed.

9. Mutiple Factor Theory

Sociologists hold that a complex phenomenon like caste cannot be satisfactorily explained by any one single factor. We have to look at a host of factors operating together. S C Roy, R K Mukerjee, D N Majumdar, Ram Ahuja and others have listed a number of factors, which account for the emergence and

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development of castes system in the Indian sub- continent. We may summarise these below.

 Beliefs in the racial superiority on the part of Aryans  Geographical isolation of the various communities in large tracts of India.  Metaphysical concepts like Karma &Dharma  Beliefs in mana and taboos connected with it  Desire to maintain ritual purity and purity of blood, through endogamy and restrictions on interactions  Manipulation by Brahmins to maintain their priestly monopoly  Occupational guilds which provided a sense of economic security in a Pre- agricultural economy  The policy of live and let live and least interference on the part of the rulers in the custom and life styles of people.  Tolerance of the diversity of social and religious beliefs and practices.  Ideas of pollution and purity.  Religious sanctions  Economic exploitation and forced division of labour.

10. Louis Dumont’s Perspective on Caste System

In 1970s, French sociologist Louis Dumont in his seminal work ‘Homo Hierarchicus: Caste System and Its Implication, 1966’ synthesized macro perspective of Ghurye with micro perspective of empirical studies, thus, combining ‘text’ with ‘context’. His theory of caste hierarchy locates its basis in ‘pollution and purity’ distinction and it is a special type of inequality according to him.

I. He borrowed theoretical framework from Levis Strauss which calls for identification of binary opposites and applied it in Indian context as caste being opposition of pure and impure.

II. He was also deeply influenced by Bougle’s cultural explanation of caste and his ideas that division of labor in caste system is not on economic basis, but cultural basis and hence not exploitative. Bougle further argues that position of every other caste is relative to Brahmins and they evaluate themselves taking position of Brahmins as reference and every caste is concerned with its boundary maintenance. He condensed the 3 core features of Bougle into one all encompassing principle of caste as an ‘ideology’ of separation of pure and impure.

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Thus, he sees caste from an ‘ideological perspective’ and not just an empirical realty. Louis Dumont constructed a textually-informed image of caste which according to him is a combination of Indological and structuralist approach with dual focus on ideology as well as structure. According to him, caste plays an integrative role in Indian society and is distinctive of India and he sees caste system in terms of ‘ideas and values’ i.e. caste system is an ideology. Ideology of Indian society is in binary opposition with Western ideology – modern against tradition, holism against individualism, hierarchy against equality, purity against pollution and status against power. Dumont emphasized on ideology as it is reflected through ancient texts. According to Dumont, caste hierarchy is a peculiar feature of Indian society and there cannot be any cross cultural comparisons of caste system. He further says that hierarchy is of status and hence is independent of power. According to him even kings were subordinate to priests. This hierarchy, and hence separation of pure and impure, is evident in other fields of Hindu life as well. Jajmani as an economic system is also dominated by hierarchy and not principles of economics. Similarly, aspects of civil life such as marriage, eating, socialization are governed by hierarchy. Louis Dumont in his – ‘Homo Hierarchicus – The Caste System and Its Implication, 1966’ conceptualized caste as ‘opposition of pure and impure’. Three elements are central to his analysis – I. Division of labor on basis of pure and impure II. Superiority of pure over impure III. The separation of the two

These unique core principles of caste-hierarchy, according to Dumont, are observed in scriptural formulation as well as the every-day life of all Hindus. He identified a number of pure and impure practices which are attached with notions of purity and impurity. Endogamy, cleanliness, vegetarianism are considered pure and superior. Accordingly, those who are engaged in impure occupations are separated from the class of sacred/pure occupations. Pure and impure are attached to not only occupation, but to the entire structure of ideas.

The interactional approach to caste (as used by Beteille) draws attention to the structural aspect as opposed to attributional/ritual/cultural one. However, for an institution like caste the 'ideology' supporting it is of critical importance for proper understanding of caste and the identity politics of today. According to him, caste is a set of relationships of economic, political and kinship systems sustained by certain values which are mostly religious in nature.

In the Indian context Dumont has made an incisive statement against the use of stratification model for caste in his ‘Homo Hierarchicus’ has forced attention to

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the ideological approach once again. According to him, ‘caste is not a form of stratification, but a special form of inequality and hierarchy is the central tenet of this system’. According to him, in Indian context, opposition of equality is hierarchy. Dumont defines hierarchy ‘as the principle by which the elements of a whole are ranked in relation to the whole.’ His concept of ‘Homo-Hierarchicus’ has built up a model of Indian civilization based on non-competitive ritual hierarchical system. In urging the relevance of the principle of hierarchy, Dumont notes how alien it is to the modern mentality. Modern man's ideology is decidedly egalitarian and individualistic, diametrically opposite to a hierarchical and collectivist one. According to him, principle of purity and pollution is universal irrespective of region and class. He thus rejects Srinivas’ idea that caste hierarchy has both ritual and secular streams. Ritual hierarchy always dominates secular status. Division of labor is culturally defined and not by economic needs. He also analyzed caste in changing times and according to him, overall framework has not changed. ‘There is change in society and not of society’. One significant change that has taken place is that traditional interdependence has been replaced by competing interests which he termed as ‘substantialisation of caste’. However, critics question his approach for being too textual. Andre Beteille says his views are much on what caste ought to be and not what caste today is. Superiority of Brahmins claimed by him is also questioned by others who see power concentrated in hands of kings. Beteille blames Dumont in particular for encouraging a ‘caste-view’ of Indian society. Gerald Berreman rejects his idea of impurity or pollution and cites example of foothills of Himalaya, where people never considered themselves impure in terms of mannerism, food habits etc. According to him caste is a product of domination and sub-domination. Dumont has almost tried to represent caste as a static concept and Indian society a stagnated society. Gerald Berreman also criticized Dumont’s notion that power and economic factors are distinct from caste. Similarly, Dipankar Gupta’s study of Jats in North India indicates that Jat consider Brahmins as idle, lazy and greedy contrary to Dumont’s understanding of Brahmins as pure, sacred and high placed. His critics compare him to ‘new Manu’ and his idea of Homo- hierachicus as ‘new Manusmriti’. Yogendra Singh accuses him of obsessed with integrational aspects of caste. According to Hira Singh in his ‘Recasting Caste, 2014’, Dumont’s approach is overburdened with religion and it also fails to see that caste was never a rigid fixed entity even in ancient India. Despite criticism, his approach to caste study is unique and thought provoking. In words of T N Madan, ‘Indian sociology must have been poorer to a great extent without contribution of Dumont’.

11. Andre Beteille’s Perspective on Caste System

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Understanding of Beteille is diffusive and he adopts an interactional approach rather than uni-dimensional approach to describe caste. He started his analysis of caste from the empirical study of caste in village of Sripuram in Tanjore district of Tamil Nadu (Sripuram: A Village in Tanjore District, 1962) which he also explained in his book ‘Case, Class and Power: Changing Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore Village,1965’. He also wrote many other essays and books like – ‘Social and Cultural Reproduction of Caste, Kinship and Occupation in India’, ‘Inequalities among Men, 1977’, ‘The Backward Classes in Contemporary India, 1992’ etc.

While Ghurye and Dumont focused only on ideological/ritual aspect of caste only, Beteille casts his net wider to understand Indian society and adopts a trinitarian approach of Weber. According to him, along with caste, one should also study kinship, class and power as well. So, according to him structural aspects of caste – mainly economic and political dimensions have remained underestimated by these thinkers. So, he advocates studying of relations between upper caste and lower caste, between landowning and land landless caste, between Jajman and Kamin etc should be studied from structural perspective also by using universal stratification as a general phenomenon. His analysis is also useful in showing that empirical reality of caste is remarkably different from the cultural ideal type of caste.

His multi-dimensional view affords us a better view of society as a whole and caste in relation to other social dimensions. For example, according to his study, he concluded that Kinships also play an important role as individuals often chose the occupation of their parents. This influence of kin is evident in Industry, cinema and politics as well. So, his focus is not on hierarchy of caste alone, but stratification in general. His understanding of caste is reflexive and it doesn’t take a stereotypical approach.

In Sripuram, it was not only Brahmins that maintained distance from other castes, but Adi-Dravidians (so called depressed classes) also avoided mixing with Brahmins as they saw doing so will attract misfortune. Thus, it rejects view of Ghurye, Dumont and others which saw caste as a uniform phenomenon with implicit superiority of Brahmins. Further, lower castes were equally concerned about boundary maintenance and less keen on Sanskritization. He also noticed that sub-castes among even Brahmins have unequal relations. For example – Iyenger Brahmins deem themselves ritually purest.

He observes that, education becomes open and Dravidians too are able to place themselves in white collar jobs. Within village also, land had come into

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market and Brahmins have also sold their land in many instances and Adi- Dravidians bought in other. As land comes in open market, the productive organization of village tended to be free from the structure of caste. Thus, due to these factors, power structure in villages also changes. Caste alone is now not the only determinant of status and power.

According to Beteille, shift from traditional occupation also impact social standing of caste groups. Most Brahmins are now either in government jobs or in agriculture. This has also impacted relations of Brahmins with other castes. Further, according to him inter-relation between caste, class and power is not as harmonious as it was before which is attributed to factors like – growth of education, secularization of society and occupations, migration, politics and democracy etc. Further, dilution of values, decline of Jajmani system have contributed to hierarchical gradation of caste in India. © Nitin Sangwan www.meandupsc.blogspot.in

However, caste dimension still remains and India has gone for only ‘selective modernization’ and not complete modernization as explained by Yogendra Singh neither has it remained totally traditional as Dumont has put it. Andre Beteille observes that power has shifted from one dominant caste to another and it is shifted from the caste structure itself and come to be located in more differentiated structures such as panchayats and political parties. He is sometimes criticized for being obsessed with only understanding the dynamism of caste through three hierarchies only and also accused of narrow empiricism for generalization from the study of a single village of Southern India.

DUMONT BETEILLE Work Homo hierachicus – Caste, Class and Power – Caste System and Its Changing patterns of Implications – 1966 stratification in a Tanjore village, 1965 Perspective Structural Indological Weberian Trinitarian; Multidimensional view Methods Book View Direct Observation; Ethnographic studies Key idea Purity-Impurity Caste, Class and Power Nexus

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Features a. Hierarchy is core of a. Ritual Status is not the caste system only determinant of b. Indian society is based structural relations on hierarchy – Homo b. Power and Class also Hierarchichus and play important role Western Society is based c. Villages are integrated on equality – Homo with wider society – Aquealis Systemic view c. Hierarchy is d. Structural shifts are understood in terms of happening – Landed elite purity and impurity from upper caste no d. In distinction of purity longer call the shots and impurity, implicit is notion of superiority and inferiority e. ‘Ritual Status’ and ‘Power’ are distinct in caste system. This also implies that there is no parallel of Indian caste system

Future of caste a. Ritual Status to remain a. Becomes more significant complex – Caste, Class b. Substantialisation of and Power Nexus Caste going on b. Caste no longer basis c. Change ‘in’ society of occupations will happen and not change ‘of’ society

Criticism a. Berrmen criticize him a. Narrow Empiricism – for looking at power and A single village study status in dichotomous cannot be generalized for terms as more often than whole India not they are two sides of same coin b. Too much of Indology, sweeping inferences drawn from Sanskritic

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Classical texts which contradict with today’s ground reality

Is Caste Confined Only to India?

Sociologists hold divergent views on whether caste system is peculiar to and confined to the Indian subcontinent or is an universal phenomenon some scholars like M N Srinivas, Louis Dumont, Sanarat and Edmund Leach, etc. maintain that the system with all its elaborate restrictions, religious sanctions and ideology of pollution and purity is distinctly Indian or Hindu. Harold Gould says that caste in its fullest sense is an exclusively Indian phenomenon. Others like Dr G.S Ghurye studied the Egyptian, West Asian, Chinese and Roman Societies, amongst other, and concluded that closed status groups, restrictions on marriage, inequality and privileges linked to birth- all features associated with caste system were found in these societies too. However, even in these societies the form of stratification was not marked by the pervasive nature of religious sanctions, and ideas of pollution and purity and the extreme rigidity that were characteristic of the Indian caste system. There are few others who would like to apply the term caste to any form of stratification marked by extreme rigidity.

4.2 4CHARACTERISTICS OF CASTE

4.2.1 Introduction

The caste system is highly complex in nature. As Dr.G.S. Ghurye says, any attempt to define caste is bound to fail because of the complexity of the phenomenon. ‘He describes six main characteristics of caste in his work “Caste and Race in india.” The following are the main traditional features of the caste system.

Caste has a name

In the first place, castes are named there is no caste which is unnamed. Members of a caste consider themselves kinsmen, although, often it may hot be possible to trace genealogical ties. The name is of great help in maintaing identity and boundaries. Castes often take the names from occupations, and

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ancestral region or places. Each caste has its own identification makes like dress, decoration, sectarian marks and others.

Caste membership is by ascription

Another feature of caste is its ascriptive membership. Caste membership in by birth and is inherited and permanent. A caste is a closed unit in that recruitment is ascribed, and a person’s membership does not undergo any change even if change in one’s status, occupation, education, wealth etc., take place. Thus caste membership is hereditary and compulsory and not a matter of choice. However, there are no purely closed castes. Mobility has been possible to a certain extent

Caste-As a Segmental Division of Society

The Hindu society is a caste-ridden society. It is divided into a number of segments called ‘castes’. It is not a homogenous society. Castes are groups with a well-defined boundary of their own. The status of an individual is determined by his birth and not by selection nor by accomplishments. No amount of power, prestige and pelf can change the position of man. The membership of the caste is hence unchangeable, unacquirable, unattainable and nontransferable. Further, each caste, has its own way of life. Each caste has its customs, traditions, practices and ritual. It has its own informal rules, regulations and procedures. There were caste councils or “caste panchayats” to regulate the conduct of members also. The caste used to help its members when they were found in distress indeed, ‘the caste was its own ruler.’

Caste –As Hierarchical Division of Society

The Hindu society is a gradational one. It is divided into several small groups called castes and sub-castes. A sense of ‘highness’ and lowness’ or ‘superiority’ is associated with this gradation or ranking. The Brahmins are placed at the top of the hierarchy and are regarded as ‘pure’, supreme or superior. The degraded castes or the so-called “untouchables”-[Harijans] have occupied the other end of the hierarchy. All over India neither the supremacy of the Brahmins nor the degraded position of the Harijans or ‘outcastes’ has questioned. It has been taken for granted. But regarding the exact position of the other intermediary castes, there have been disputes on the part of the members.

Restrictions on Marriage

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The caste system imposes restrictions on marriage also. Caste is an endogamous group, Endogamy is a rule of marriage according to which an individual has to marry within his or her group. Each caste is sub-divided into several sub-castes, which are again endogamous. For example, Iyers, Iyengars, Smarathas, Madhvas, Havik Brahmins, Kota, Shivalli, Kandavara Brahmins, etc., are all Brahmin sub-castes which are endogamous. Similarity, the Vokkaliga caste consists of Morasu, Hallikar, Nonaba, Gangadigar and other sub-castes. According to the Iyengar girl, and soon. Inter-caste marriages were strictly forbidden then. Even at present, inter-caste marriages have not become popular. Violation of the rule of endogamy was strictly death with during the early days. This rule of endogamy has resulted in close in-breeding. Some writers like Hutton regards endogamy as the very essence of the caste system. Exception to this rule of endogamy is seen in places like Malabar and the hill parts of Punjab

The caste provides for some kind of exogamous marriage also. They are briefly examined here.

Sapinda and Sagotra Exogamy: Sapinda and sogotra marriage have been generally forbidden by the upper castes and Sapinda and Sagotra exogamous marriages have been insisted upon.

Sapinda Exogamy: In Hindu society marriage within the “Pinda” is prohibited. Pinda means common parentage. According to Brahaspathi, offsprings from five material generations and seven paternal generations constitute “Sapinda” and they cannot intermarry. This opinion, however, is not universally accepted. Though certain exceptions are there in South India, in North India, generally, Sapinda marriages do not take place. But Sapinda exogamy, that is, marrying outside one’s pinda is commonly.

Sagotra Exogamy: Sagotra exogamy, that is, marring outside one’s own ‘gotra’ is very much prevalent among the upper castes such as the Brahmins and Kshatriyas. Marriage within the gotra is prohibited. This restriction has been imposed since people of one gotra are Brahmins. Persons religious functions are believed to have similar blood. Similarly, Sapravara marriage are also forbidden especially for the Brahmins. Persons belonging to the same pravara. Cannot intermarry. People who utter the name of a common saint at and spiritual bond. Sapravar. Sapravar exogamy. That is, marrying outside one’s own Pravara, has been imposed as a rule for the upper castes, especially for the Brahmins.

It should be noted that the above characteristic as example by Prof. Ghurye, represent “the traditional characteristics” of caste. These characteristics

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were found to be associated with caste in their typical from before the system was exposed to the influence of modern values and ideologies such as democracy, social equality, social justice, fundamental rights, individual liberty, equality of sex etc. due to the influence of these values and impact of some processes such as industrialisation, urbanisation, secularisation, modernisation, westernisation, sanskritization, etc. the caste system has undergone some major changes.

Restrictions on Occupational Choice in the caste-ridden society there is a gradation of occupations also. Some occupations are considered to be superior and scared while certain others branded as degrading and inferior. For a long time, occupations were very much associated with the caste system. Each caste had its own specific occupation. The caste members were expected to continue the same occupations. Occupations were almost hereditary.

Weaving, shoe-making, oil grinding, scavenging, curing, hides, tanning, washing clothes, barbering, pottery etc., were considered to be somewhat “degrading”. Learning priesthood and teaching were the prestigious professions which mostly the Brahmins pursued. Individual talents, aptitudes, interests, enterprise, abilities and achievements were neglected. But agriculture, trade and labouring in the field were thrown open to all the castes. At the same time, no caste would allow its members to take up to any profession which was either degrading or impure.

Restrictions on Feeding and Social intercourse

Restrictions on Food Habits: The caste system has imposed certain restrictions on the food habits of the members. They differ from to caste. Who should accept what kind of food and from whom is often decided by the caste. For example, in North India, a Brahmin would accept “pakka” food [cooked in ghee] only from some castes lower than his own. But he would accept “kachacha” food[prepared with the use of water] at the hands of no other caste except of his own. As a matter of rule and practice, no individual would accept “Kachcha” food prepared by a man of an inferior caste. Generally, any kind of food that is prepared by the Brahmins dominated the hotel industry for a long time. Further, restrictions are also there still on the use of certain vegetables for certain castes. Even today some traditional Brahmins do not consume onion, garlic, cabbage, carrot, beatroot, etc. Eating beef is also not allowed.

Restrictions on Social Relations: The caste system puts restrictions on the range of social relations also. The idea of “pollution” makes this point clear. It means a touch of a lower caste man (particularly of an

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“Untouchable:/”Dalit”/”Harijan”) would pollute or define a man of higher caste. Even their shadow is considered to be enough to pollute a higher caste man. In Kerala for a long time, a Nayar could approach a Nambudari Brahmin but would not touch him. Further, a Tiyan was expected to keep himself at a distance of 36 steps from Brahmin and a pulaya [Harijan] a distance of 96 paces. In Tamilnadu, the Shanar today tapper was expected to keep a distance of 24 paces while approaching a Brahmin. This has resulted in the practise of untouchablilty. This practice has made the lower caste people to be segregated completely from higher castes.

Civil and Religious Disabilities and privileges of Different Sections

Social and Religious Disability of Certain Caste: In the traditional caste society, some lower caste people [particularly, the Harijans] suffered from certain civil or social and religious disabilities. Generally, the impure castes are made to live on the outskirts of the city or the village. In South india, certain parts of the towns or the village are not accessible to the “untouchables.” It is recorded that during the Peshwa rule in Maharashtra the Mahars and Mangs [two so called “untouchablilty’ caste] were not allowed within the main gates of Poona before 9-00 A.M and after 3-00 P.M. The reason was that during the time their bodies would caste too long shadows which, if were to fall on the Brahmins, would defile them.

Socially, “dalits” or the so called :untouchables” are separated from other members. Even today, in many places they are not allowed to draw water from public wells. During the early days, public places like hotels, public lecture halls, schools, temples and theatres were not kept open for the lower caste people particularly, the dalits. Entrance to temples and other places of religious importance was forbidden for them. Educational facilities, legal rights and political representation were denied to them for a long time. In South India, restrictions were imposed on the mode of constructing houses and on the pattern of ornamentation. The toddy-tappers of Malabar were not allowed to carry umbrellas, to wear shoes or golden ornaments and milk cows. They were forbidden to cover the upper part of their body.

Civil and Religious Privileges of Certain Castes: If the lower caste people suffer from certain disabilities, some higher caste people like the Brahmins enjoy certain privileges. Nowhere the Brahmins suffered from the disabilities cited above. They are given more liberty, because they are believed to be born “pure” and “superior”. The Brahmins never saluted others, but they always had the privilege of being saluted by others. They never even bowed to the idols of the lower caste people. Education and teaching were almost the monopoly of the

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higher caste people. Chanting the Vedic mantras was a great privilege of the Brahmins. The upper caste people in general, enjoyed social, political, legal and religious privileges.

4.2.2 Caste Panchayat and its Function

During the early days in every village every caste used to have its own Caste Panchayat. It considered of five chosen senior members who enjoyed much social privilege and respect. The caste panchayat used to perform a number of functions among which the following may be noted:

Caste Panchayat used to make the members comply with caste rules and regulations Setting caste disputes and giving its final verdict on the issues referred to it were also its functions.

It gave punishment to those who violated caste rules and obligation.

Matters such as-breaking the marriage promise, refusal on the part of the husband to take the wife to his house, cruelty to wife, adultery on other people etc., were dealth with by the panchayat. It used to give punishments such as arranging dinner party for the fellow caste-men, imposing fine, purification, pilgrimage, outcasting etc., for the offenders.

The caste and sub-castes together make up the Hindu social system. Still in some respects each caste is isolated from the other. It is in a way semi- sovereign. The castes are a “complete world” in themselves for their members. The members are expected to be loyal to the caste. Caste feeling is hence very string. It is very much stronger in rural areas than in the urban area. It is because of this the amount of community-felling is restricted.

4.3 WORKING OF CASTE SYSTEM

4.3.1 Introduction

Several scholars have tried to understand and explain the dynamic of the caste system in India. Of all these, we may say that Pauline Kolendas comprehensive enumeration is to the point, and easy to follow. Let us now see how Pauline Kolenda summarize the studies on the India caste system and what picture she presents about the working of the caste system:

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(i) Caste as a system operate within a limited area or locality. All the caste in India do not from a single totally and work a single unit. In facet, one caste living in one part of India may not be knowing the castes in other parts of India. For example, although there are Brahmins all over India, the Brahmins do not from a single caste (jati). Even within the same region, there may be a number if different Brahmin castes. There are more than 200 Brahmin castes in the states of Maharashtra and Gujarat. From the point of view of non-Brahminc, all these are just Brahmins. It is of no importance to a non-Brahmin that the Brahmins are sub-divided into various castes (jatis). Therefore several castes inhabiting a limited locality such as a village or a few linked villages work together and form into a system. In other words, caste at the national level does not operate as a system, rather caste at the limited locality level operate as a system.

(ii) A limited locality which may include a village or a group of linked villages is composed of a series of mutually exclusive castes. Such castes number anywhere between a handful and a score or more. ]

(iii) In each limited locality a particular caste, a particular family or a particular set of families has preponderant political and economic power over everyone else. Such a caste, family or set of families is called a dominant caste, dominant family, or dominant set of families. Dominance is rooted in monopolistic control set land in physical force.

(iv) In the limited locality, what is called the Jajmani system operate amongst the various castes. Castes are involved in custom fixed socio- economic interdependence. According to in customs, each caste has a fixed occupation, and one caste cannot take up the occupation of other caste. Therefore, one caste has to depend on other castes. This mutual dependence which has become established through custom fixes mutual responsibilities to continue from generation to generation. This system is called ‘Jajmani System’. ‘Jajmani System’ is non-Aryans exchange network among the caste groups in which an upper-caste family (the jajman or client) provides lower-caste families (Hindi: Kamin or Kamkarnevale; Telugu: panipatalvandlu) with again in return for such services as carpentry, hair-cutting, and washing. The system is hereditary, traditional and mandatory and serves the castes to bind together in a relationship of mutual obligation. It is a system by which members of different castes in India exchange goods and services with little exchange of money.

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(v) In every limited locality, castes tend to have a hierarchy according to their respective degrees of pollution in their ritual system.

(vi) Efforts to improve caste rank in this local caste hierarchy are made by middle and lower castes, especially by means of discarding polluting customs and by emulating the customs of the higher purer castes. This process refers to Sanskritization

(vii) Political power is monopolized by the dominant caste, family or families or occasionally by a pair of competing dominant caste. Non- dominant castes tend to support their patrons within the dominant caste, family or families. Such support may be important if here are factions contending for power within the dominant castes. Family, or families.

(viii) Disputes may be selected either by councils (panchayats) within a caste group, or by one or more elders of the dominant caste, family or families.

(ix) Every caste group within the limited locality is usually composed of kinsmen and functions as an endogamous descent group.

(x) Every caste group within the limited locality tends to live in its own quarters. The untouchables live in isolation from those of pure castes, either in a separate hamlet or on the outskirts of a village.

4.3.2 Conclusion

Thus, everywhere in India, caste operates as a system only locality. That means, the local caste system in one part of India shares the features of the local caste system in other parts of India. This does not mean that all local caste systems in different parts of India are bounded units; caste system operates as a multiplicity of bounded caste units within a village or set of neighbouring villages.

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4.4 RANKING OF CASTES

4.4.1 Introduction

Indologists like Bougle, Kane, Bhandarkar British administrators cum ethnographers J.H. Hutton and anthropologist as well as sociologist Ghurye, M.A. Srinivas, A.C. Mayer F.G. Bailey and Mekim Marriet.

They tried to study various dimensions of caste system in India. In this they proposed three approaches

1. Indological approach 2. Attributional approach 3. Interaction approach

Indological approach

The indological who propounded the indological approach explain the caste system in terms of origin, structure, organisation and functions. The indologists look to the Hindu sacred texts Scriptures to obtain the data and explain the caste system.

According to indological the origins of the caste system can be attributed to the works of creator (Purusha) to the virtuoso qualities (Gunas) to the occupational specialization (Hrithi) to the doctrine of action and to the multiple factors like colours class and special categories.

The indological theories also attempt to explain caste system as a system of stratification or as a system structural feature. They hilight the importance of religious sanctions in the moulding of caste system

The indological are able to identify caste system as an ascriptive system based on endogamy occupation, interdependence, purity and pollution and hierarchy.

Attributional approach

The attribution approach looks at caste in terms of its structural features are attributes the focus of attention is the structural elements and their articulation into a meaningful totality structure refers to the arrange mental parts.

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The parts of structure include segment each segment is a caste. The arrangement of the caste in relations to each other constitutes the totality.

Infact each caste is a stratum or social layer in other words the attributional approach tries to find out nature of all the segment the composition of each segment the exact position of each segment, the arrangement of all segment in relation to each other and the resultant hierarchy to be presise attribution approach studies the segments the arrangement of segments, stratification of segments in a meaningful way.

The important aspects covered in this content are the background, occupation, life style and any other characteristic useful for under standing the structural features of caste system. Anthropologists and sociologist identified the following as the attributes governing the caste system.

Principles Bongley Ghurye Hutton Srinivas Dumone 1. Segment divisions YES YES ______ascriptive groups.

2. Each segment has ___ YES YES YES YES Heriditary occupation or division of labour. 3.commensality or restrictions YES YES YES YES ___ on interaction among castes 4. Dress and ______YES ___ Speech. 5. Purity and pollution ___ YES YES YES separation /distance interms of pure and impure castes 6. Function and ______YES ______Fission

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7. Caste YES panchayat 8. Endogamy YES YES YES ___ YES

9. Hierarchy. ___ YES ___ YES YES

How do the castes ranks on the basis of principle?

The caste groups assign the rank on the basis of there associated with polluted substances. They also assign ranks based on ritual purity and occupation.

Brahmins Priest class works with god. Kshatriyas Statecraft, ruler. Vyshya Trade. Sudra Agriculture, barberries, pottery. Others Removal of dead cattle, removal of night soil

Ranking on the basis of food habits.

Diet Group Degree of purity

Vegetarianism Brahmin Vegetables pure Non-Veg Kshatriya Meat impure Veg Vaishya Veg pure. Non-Veg Sudra Meat impure. Non- Veg Others Beet highly impure.

Principles:

Principle Brahmin Kshatriya Vyshya Sudra S.C Sacred Yes Yes Yes ______thread

Veil Yes Yes Yes ______

Window ______Some Yes remarry castes. Preference Yes Yes Yes Yes X

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for a son Drinking ___ Yes ___ Yes Yes liquor

Interactional approach

The interactional approach deals with the behaviour patterns that takes place amongst various caste in the local and region context to understand the system. It examines the operation of the system in the actual social anthropologists M.N. Srinivas, S.C. Dube, Bailey A.C. Mayer, Mekin mariet, Kathleen gongh studied the working of caste system at village level. However Gould, Kolenda and Srinivas had examined the working of caste systems at regional and national levels. Bairey examined the called Bisipara A.C. Mayer studied the working of caste in Ramkheri (M.P) Katheleen gough analysed the interaction among the castes in Kumbapetai (T.N) M.C Kim Mariat analysed the network of inter caste relations in Kishan ghari and Ram nagla in U.P

According to their studies the two principles or basis of interact ional rank are  Commensality Commensality refers to the rules that gorened who my dine with whom.

 Proximity Proximity refers to the physical distance or social separations bet persons or groups.

Commensality

On the basis of commensality higher caste groups do not usually accept food from lower caste. However, there are some exception, a Brahmin can accept raw food material from a lower caste material also he has no hesitation to accept food cooked in ghee, from a lower caste person who belongs to Sudra category.

People of the same caste sit in a single row and dine together however people of different castes sit in separate rows with some distance bet them and eat food. Castes of principal distance usually sit closer than those otherwise stated.

Proximity

Castes of the same rank have no any objection to interdine.

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Guests are seated in separate row according to status synthesis and food is several separately whenever higher caste people are to be fed the lower caste people engage a Brahmin to cooked food and serve the same which is accepted to all.

Usually higher caste people sit the head side of the cot. Low caste people act in a humble and self-effacing manner in the presence of higher caste people to higher caste man and a service caste member may come into contact with each other for en a barber while serving a higher caste person is in contact with him there by conveying pollution. A ritual bath taken by higher caste person will remove the pollution. This is in tune with the tradition by all.

Apart from this physical distance is taken as a safe measure for observing purity in Kerala a nambudri Brahmin will stand about 197 feet away from an untouchable in the morning time, in order to avoid the shadow of S.C person.

4.5 JAJMANI SYSTEM

4.5.1 Introduction

The Jajmani system was a very importanct economic institution in traditional rural India. It provided a degree of economic security to various hereditary occupational groups in a relatively closed and non-monetised economy. In fact, some traces of Jajmani system are found even today in the countryside. It consists of exchange of services or goods with or without money. For example, exchange of goods or services exists between the village landlords and the castes or person, which render services or supply goods or services, Earlier the term Jajman was used for the person/s who patronised a Brahmin’s services but later it acquired a wider meaning to include all recipients of goods or services in the Jajmani system. The Kamin is also referred to as purajan or pardhan in some parts of country. In Karnataka Jajmani system is called “barabahti system” in Karnataka it is known as “aya system” and in Andhra Pradesh it is called “mera pardhati”.

4.5.2 Studies

Sociologist Field study D. N Majumdar Lucknow, U.P Kathlene Cough Tanjore, T.N Wiser Karimpur S C Dube Hyderabad

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Pauline Kolenda Kohlapur Oscar Lewis Study of Jajmani system in North Indian Villages Opler& Singh Investigations of Jajmani System in India Thomas Beidelman A Comparative Analysis of the Jajmani System

4.5.3Definition of Jajmani

According to Harold Gould, Jajmani system is: An inter- familial inter- caste relationship pertaining to the patterning of super ordinate- subordinate relations between patrons and suppliers of services.

Yogendra Singh says that a system governed by relationship based on reciprocity in inter-caste relations in villages is Jajmani system.

Pauline Kolenda defines that Jajmani system as an institution or social system within Indian villages made up of a network of roles and of norms integrated into the roles and into the system as a whole legitimises and supported by general cultural values. Ram Ahuja says that the durable relation between a landowning family and the landless families that supply them with goods and services is called the Jajmani system.

4.5.4 Features

According to the researches of D.N. Majumdar, Iravati Karve, R. Ishwaran, Thomas Beidleman, Harold Gould, Pauline Kolenda, Henry Orenstein and William H. Wiser, the main features of Jajmani system are as follows.

Jajmani relations are between families not between individuals. For example, the land owing Thakur family in a village gets all its clothes washed from one particular Dhobi family, not from any Dhobi family. The obligation of the Dhobi towards his Thakur Jajman and those of the Thakur family to the dhobi family are passed on from one generation to another and sanctioned by tradition.

More often, the persons receiving services or goods belong to that land owning or higher castes while the Kamin supplying them belong to the lower or the so-called ‘unclean’ castes.

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Jajmani relations do not always involve economic considerations only. At times, particularly during festive occasions or life-cycle ritual in the Jajmani’s family, the serving castes or kamins provided specialised services as a matter of duty. D.N. Majumdar gives an interesting example of how in an UP village the lower castes render their services to the high caste Thakur family during the birthday celebrations in the latter’s household. He writes, “at the birth feast of a child, Brahmin presides over the ceremony of “Nam-Sanskran” (gives a name), Sunar (goldsmith) provides the gold ornament for the new-born, Dhobi (washer- man) washes dirty clothes, Nai (barber) carries messages, Khati (carpenter, provided a wooden stool (patta on which the child is kept for the ceremony, Lohar (black-smith) provides kara (iron bangles), Kumbar (potter) provides (jugs) kulhar for keeping cooked vegetables and drinking water, Pasi provides patal (leaf-plates) for taking food, and Bhangi(scavenger) cleans the place after the feast. All people who help receive gifts of food, money and clothes depending partly on custom, partly on Jajman’s affluence, and partly on the recipient’s entreaty”.

It is interesting to note that lower castes make their own jajman- like arrangements based on payments in cash or kind. These arrangements are not as elaborate as the Jajman relations they have with the upper castes.

Generally, as per tradition payments are made during harvesting time in the form of grains. In addition, the jajman may give clothes, gifts, cash, etc., at other times of the year and let the kamins use other facilities like grazing on his lands and free supply of cowdung for fuel. Harold Gould made a list of all such considerations, which a kamin gets, from his jajman. These are –free residence site, free food for family, free clothing, free food for animals, free timber, free dung, rent free land, credit facilities, opportunity for supplementary employment, free use of tools, implements and animals, free hides, aid in litigation, free funeral pyre lot and free use of raw materials. The Jajmani system operates in a normative context and is bound by duties, rights and privileges sanctioned by tradition. The dominant castes uphold its traditions.

4.5.5 Is the Jajmani System Exploitative?

There is no agreement among anthropologists as to the exploitative nature of Jajmani system. Some anthropologists like Thomas Beidleman, and Barnouw hold that the system is basically exploitative in as much as the rich land holding castes take servicing castes tend to get underpaid for the goods/ services supplied and are often forced into servicing the jajmans.

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However, some other anthropologists like Pauline Kolenda, Harold Gould and David Pockok disagree with the view that the Jajmani system is exploitative. Ram Ahuja in his book, ‘The Indian social system’ lists several arguments in support of the second view. These are, (a) there is an element of interdependence, not exploitation, in Jajmani system. For example, the Kamins render a range of services which the Jajmans help their Kamins on many social occuasions without necessarily receiving any service or goods, (b) the Kamins are not forced to sell their goods or services only to a single jajman or only to a particular group of upper caste families. They are free to offer their services to a wide range of clientele in the village. (c) Both the Jajman and Kamin bring any infringement on either side to the notice of caste councils which mediate and (d) Traditional norms and expectations bind the jajmans to be paternalistic and benevolent to their Kamins since the system does not operate exclusively in an economic context. It forms the cultural set up of rural India.

4.5.6 Decline of Jajmani System

The Jajmani system has been on the decline ever since the rural economy underwent changes introduced by the British. The process of transformation of the rural economy and its socio- cultural milieu is a continuous process. It has picked up momentum particularly after independence. We may list out the several factors responsible for the weakening of the Jajmani system. a) Monetisation of the economy, (b) Emergence of commercial attitude, (c) Established of banks, co-operative institutions in rural areas (d) Integration of rural markets through means of transportation and the market assistance programmes of governmental agencies. (e) Migration of occupational groups to urban centers in search of better economic opportunities, (f) Availability of factory made goods in the countryside, (g) Political awareness and organisation among backward classes and scheduled castes. (h) Weakening of the association between castes and occupations.

4.6 CASTE AND ECONOMY

4.6.1 Introduction

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Wiser (1939), Bailey (1960), Majumdar (1960), Gould, Bererman (1960), Paulin Kolenda (1979), and others studied the inter-relations of caste and economy in Pre-British India, British India and post independent India. In this regard:

a) Some studied how caste and economy interrelated b) Some examines how caste and why caste ahs changed its occupation over generations. c) Some analysed how land came into market and what, it brought out in caste and economy. d) A few discussed the change in the Jamani system. e) Some described the overall changes in caste and economy.

4.6.2 Caste and economy Pre-British period

According to anthropological researches, the inter-relation of caste and economy was very close during the Pre-British period. N.K. Bose suggests that during the Vedic times, members of the same family pursued a variety of occupations. However, instructions set in gradually and by the time of Dharmasastras, the tradition became rigid prescribing particular occupations to specific castes.

The ideological of caste prescribed specific occupations for specific castes. The Brahmins were priests. The Kshatriyas were rules. The Vaisyas were traders. The Vellals, Vokkalogas, Jats, patidans, Rhunihans, Reddys, Kammas, and so on were agriculturists. Caste superiority and occupational purity were compatible with each other. The status of service-rendering castes and their occupations were in perfect correspondence with each other. Thus caste occupation highlighted harmonious matching between caste and economy.

As centuries passed, different kingdoms came into being. The rules did not own the land of the whole kingdom. They had their own personal lands known as crown lands. They had the power to distribute their regime. Besides unclaimed land due to lack of heirs, confiscated land was distributed by the rules on the basis of their personal distribution. It is this fact which enabled certain castes such as Brahmins Rajputs and Kayasthers in the Northern Indians and Brahmins, Naird, Vellalas, Vokkaligas and Reddys in the SouthernIndia to become landowning castes. With their better resources, in course of time these castes acquired more and more land in the villages. The lower-ranking landless castes had to be contest with tenancy and possession of a mere subsistence. Thus caste and economy was closely interwoven during the Pre-British period.

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4.6.3 Caste and economy during British period

The relationship between caste and economy received a jolt during the British period when the British introduced new revenue systems, plantations, trade activities quick transport facilities, cash crops, irrigation projects, educational institutions and job opportunities. In this context, the British introduced permanent settlement in 1793. This land reform brought out new revenue systems namely Zamindari, Mahalwari, and Ryotwari. The Zamindari system created a class of permanent land owners in India. These land grantees became intermediaries between the British rules and the native peasants especially the families of castes who were traditional agriculturists in the united provinces, parts of eastern Punjab and Bengal presidency. The Zamindars were absentee landlords. The tenantry worked for the Zamindars who gave them a certain quantum of grain as payment of rent. Even in the Zamindari system caste and economy matched according to tradition.

The Ryotwari differed from Zamindari because the ryots paid the revenue directly to the government Ryotwari prevailed in Punjab, Bombay and Madras Presidencies. The ryots belonged to the castes of traditional agriculturists like Aheris, Jats, Vokkaligas, Lingayats, Vellalas, Mudaliars, Reddys, Kammas, Nairs and others acquired title deeds to the agricultural lands. Even in Ryot wan rylans caste and economy were in correspondence with each other. From 1800 onwards several changes occurred in the relationship between caste and land had become a commodity of commercial value. The ryots could purchase lands, sell away lands and exchange lands. On account of this development land changed lands. F.G.Bailey (1955:146) studied an Oriya village called Bisipara due to the coming of land into the market and extension of the economic frontier (the increasing impact of Outside influences that have reached the village as a result of market economy). Some castes who migrated to Bisipara established themselves as liquor extractors and sellers and became rich within years. They were able to purchase the lands from those agriculturists who were in dire need of money and put their hands for sale. What happened in the village was that as a result of market economy, the sources of income were not confined to land and agriculture alone. A person participated as an individual in commercial economy. The village witnessed a breakdown of the traditional division of labour and division of wealth according to caste changed. A single caste came to have several occupations. Also, single caste came to have ceased to be the monopoly of a single caste. Higher caste status and higher occupational status ceased to be perfect correlates. Caste and economy were not in correction with each other, as agriculture of trade became caste-free occupations.

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When the British introduced new economic forces political and educational changes in t he nineteenth century it was the already powerful, wealthy upper castes, such as the Brahmins, Rajputs, Vaishyas, Ahirs, Jats, Kayasthas, Bhumihars, Patidars, Nairs, Reddys, Kammas, Okkaligas, and Lingayats who benefited from political and administrative power (Kothari 1970:9). All these upper castes responded first to English education and therefore entered new professions, new jobs and services the same pattern was visible in the commercial sectors also. The great business houses like Birlas, Dalmias etc belonged to the traditional commercial castes in banking, the castes like the Chattiars of South established in the system of banking and service, which was an extension of their traditional occupation. Similarly, the establishment of irrigation projects, introduction of cash crops, plantations and industries benefited the upper castes. As a result, they prospered by agriculture; industrial they prospered by agriculture, industrial activity and administrative employment. Caste and economy, failed to have perfect association in the changed circumstances because agriculture, trader, and employment in government services because caste-free occupations.

Similar associations of caste and economy contributed in the twentieth century also. Kingsley Davis (1940) calculated that only 50% of male workers were engaged in occupations traditionally associated with their castes. The data clearly demonstrates that in more of the cases was there a close correlation between caste and traditional occupations.

The questions that need to be asked be and answered are the following: what were the occupations of the remaining persons belonging to these castes? were all persons engaged in these occupations drawn from these specific castes? If not, which castes supplied them? We are not in a position to answer these questions for want of data. But the nature of available data suggests several possibilities. Firstly, a particular caste may have several traditional occupations. Secondly, a particular occupation may be the traditional occupation of the a more castes. Thirdly, a set of castes may simultaneously follow a set occupation. That is the linkage between caste and occupation has contributed be a shifting one.

4.6.4 Caste and economy in the modern period

In the modern period, it is difficult to indicate that there is a close and rigid association between caste and economy. Recent trends in occupational mobility should hoe the land-owing groups drawn mainly from upper castes namely Brahmins, Rajputs, Bhuminhars, Nairs, Vellalas, Reddys, Kammas, Okkaligas, Lingayats, Jats and soon are forced to take up non-traditional

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occupations as they lost their land due to Zamindars or Jagindent abolition and implementation of land reforms. What type of non-traditional occupations they take depended on their resources such as education or skill a amount of capital. While some of them took to modern prestigious occupations such as top administration, medicine, engineering, information technology, entrepreneurship and experienced upward mobility, a substantial proportion among them is experiencing downward mobility. The castes which cultivated land as tenants, share-croppers and owner-cultivation like Jats, Ahirs, Kumis, Ezhavas found reinforcement of their traditional in the wake of Zamindari abolition or implementation of land reforms and extension of state subsidies for agriculture. Not only that their rights in land got legally entrenched due to the new legislations but their emergence as prosperous farmers leading to upwards mobility. The new generation of some of trade castes have taken to modern education and want to be in modern occupations. But lacking in social network and urban sophistication they find it difficult to complete with the upper castes and hence demand protection of their interests through the extension of the policy of reservations. The new generation of the remaining members of these castes have taken to cultivation because cultivation of land is still an honourable occupation in the villages. They tried to break down the stability of upper caste monopolies over land which was enforced by family inheritance. Ownership of land provided principles governing wealth and a yardstick by which the local prestige system was measured the low castes were this able to surmount the obstacles passed by tradition and began to participate in the economic process, for example, Ardre Beteille (1970)cites the cases of Sripuram ,a village in Tanjaore District of Tamil Nadu. In Siripuram these was breakdown of the traditional economic system and the emergence of lower caste groups in economic rivalry rather than co-operation, undermining the Brahmin dominance. This has been attributed to the changing village structure from a closed stationary system to that of a relatively open system.

The closed system was characteristic of feudal economy resulting in co- operation between ranked castes in ways oriented by religious ideas. An open system is one, which is governed by secular law under the influence of market economy.

Today, it is more difficult to indicate that these is a close and rigid association between caste and economy. Firstly, upper castes follow a set of occupations. The Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Nairsa, Vellals, Okkaligas, Lingayats, Jats, Reddys, Kammas, Patidars, Bhuminhars, and others each follow traditional and non-traditional occupations. Secondly, the service rending castes in the villages are also following multiple occupations. The Jajman asystem which was a hereditary patron-client relationship, with master, lost most of its

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insularity. Market economy, daily wages, and hired labour eroded steadily into the functioning of the traditional Jajmani system. Thirdly, the mobilisation by the other Backward Classes demanding representation in government jobs proportionate to their population indicate the status and occupational incongruence experienced by the other Backward Classes. Fourthly, the Scheduled castes contributed by agricultural labours or engaged in occupations such as shoe or rope making did not benefit land reforms. Most of them continue in traditional occupations when they shift from their earlier occupations. But thanks to the policy of reservation a small section belonging to the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes manage entry into modern white-collar occupations and prestigious profession thereby experiencing an upward mobility. Thus today, the linkage between caste and economy is a shifting one.

4.6.5 Conclusion

In the Pre-British period, the association between caste and economy was very close. The relationship between caste and economy received a jolt during the British period when the British introduced new revenue system, new farm techniques, trade activities, quick transport facilities, irrigation projects, educational institutions and job opportunities between 1793 and 1890. Land came into market. It was available to any who had money to purchase. Moreover, all castes acquired multiple occupations. The linkage between caste and economy because a shifting one. The same continued in modern period. Today also the association between caste and economy continues to be a shifting one.

4.7 CASTE AND POLITICS

4.7.1 Introduction

1. Social anthropologies and sociologists like Dube (1962), Srinivas (1967), Rajani. Kothari (1960), Rudolph and Rudolph, Herad grave, Anil Bhatt (1975), Harold Gould (1988), and several others studied the interrelation of castes and politics in India. In this regard they examine two questions:(i) How caste influenced the politics and (ii)Politics influenced the castes?

Recently some social (A) like B.M. Chapper (1989) and Ram Ahuja, (2003) and few others have summered the researches of the above-mentioned secutors and have given a picture of how caste affects politics and how politics affects the caste system.

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4.7.2 Caste affects the politics

Anil Bhatt (1975) studied the attitudes of caste in N and S towards politics in India. In this context Bhatt said:

High status castes have higher level, of political interest and lower castes have lower level, of political interest.

Higher caste people in contrast with low caste, have a higher level of awareness about political changes and issues in the country.

There is no relationship between caste and identification with political parties. That is a particular caste does not have control over any particular party.

There is no relation between caste status and political dominance. High caste status is not necessarily a basis for influences in village affairs.

4.7.3 Participation of caste in politics

According to Rajani Kothari, caste participated in politics may be analysed in two different stages (Kothari 1973:188). The first stage involved high castes like Reddi (in Andhra Pradesh) Pattidars (in Gujarat), Lingayats (in Karnataka), Rajputs and Jats (in Rajasthan) and Rayanthan (in Bihar) and intellectuals, while the second stage involved lower castes and masses. In the first stage, only three components of castes were involved the power structure of caste, distribution of economic benefits, and caste consciousness. But in the second stage, other components of castes also came to be involved, for example, patron client loyalties, caste associations, and so forth.

Further, three sub-stages may be pointed in the first stage. (a) In the first sub-stage the struggle for power and for benefits was at first limited to the entrenched castes, that is those that exercise preponderant influence economically and politically but not necessary numerically. Preponderant. In this sense, it is different from dominant caste. (b) In the second sub-stage, ascendant castes, that is, unsatisfied castes wanting higher roles, also started competing for power.(c) In the third sub-stage, there was not only competition between entrenched and ascendant castes but also within these castes. This may be described as the stage of caste fragmentation or factionalism.

In the first sub-stage, leader ship cleavages were created and their came into being multi-caste and multi-factional alignments. This also created the problem of rival leaders (from entrenched castes, ascendant castes and various

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caste factions) in politics. These leaders had perforce to appeal to wider identities. Thus, the involvement of masses into politics may be called the second sub-stage.

In the second sub-stage, there was necessity for change in the leadership. Earlier, the leader had to deal only with western and westernised administrators, but later on he had to deal with traditional masses also. With this happening, the Brahminic and administrative castes began to be outnumbered by men from commercial and peasant proprietor occupations that had always called for a pragmatic approach to problems. Thus, these were the new innovators of politics who were less modern than the elite they replaced, less educated, and more rural based. But even more important is the fact that the innovativeness with which these new leaders are credited came more from inherited characteristics and early socialization in prevailing life styles than from any conscious adoption of a new culture. This is the most important in analysing the course of political modernization in India. Indian politics, because of all this, achieved a new dimension and took on a character of its own.

Analysing the nature of relationship between caste and politics in the third sub-stage, it may be said that while in the first two sub-stages, the inter-caste and intra-caste competition and process of factionalism were very much caste- oriented, in the third sub-stage of development there was weakening if older identities. A more sophisticated system of social and political participation, which cross-cultural allegiances, a great awareness of individual self-interest and forms of involvement and alienation, overlie the structure of particularistic loyalties that are pre-eminently the products of modern education and modern system of social communications.

Thus, today (i) caste on the one side ceases to be exclusive political support base and on the other side lends itself to increasing political articulation (ii) by participating in the modern political system, caste is now exposed to divisive influences and a new form of integration resulting form a new scheme of universalist- particularist relationships;(iii) caste provides to politics on the one hand a structure of divisions and accommodations and on the other hand a cohesive element which adsorbs tensions and frustrations.

Three conclusions may thus drawn regarding the process of adjustment that we find today between caste and politics: (1) The first one refers to elite structure. In this connection, it may be said that there has emerged what can be called a dominant elite which is drawn from different castes but shares a common secular outlook and homogenous in terms of some of the values but is at the same divided into many special groups.

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(2) The second conclusion refers to new organizational forms of castes. In this context, it may be said that castes take on an openly secular form for new organizational purposes. There are several such forms such as (a) ‘associations’ of castes members ranging form simple hostels and recreational bodies to reform clubs; (b) caste ‘institutions’ or ‘conferences’ that are more broad –based and cover districts or even states; and (c) caste ‘federations’ composed of not one but several castes which may have some specific interest or political objective in common; for example, securing of economic benefits, jobs or special concessions, fighting ‘upper’ castes, bargaining with a political party or government, etc.

(3) The third conclusion refers to factional structure. In this connection, it may be said that there has developed a vertical structure of factions along which the elite groups have got politically organised. The system of factions along which is such that it divides not only political groups but also social groups. It thus facilitates the process of cross- cutting identifications.

4.7.4 Caste and Vote

Several scholars like Mayor,(1965), Varma(1967) Ramasray Roy (1970), studied the interrelationship of caste and voting behaviour in India. According to their analysis.

Castes were able to influence each other to bargain for power. (a)In this context, Rajani Kothari said that castes asserted their identify and contested for power (b) Rudolph and Rudolph said single caste associations have given castes a new vitality and democracy has enabled to play an important role in politics. (c) At the same time formations of caste federations also played a key role in influencing voting behaviour. For example,: In Haryana, Gujjars Jats, and Rajputs formed into a federation. They were like-minded in terms of political interest. No other party was able to face and the party supported by them own. (d) Political parties consider the caste as a vote bank. This enabled the lower castes to be politically influenced on the basis of numerical preponderance.

In selecting candidates for election, political parties often give consideration to the caste composition of the constituencies. This has enabled many lower castes to be politically influential on the basis of their numerical strength. Studies on election in India in 1960s and 1970s revealed that: (i) high castes tended to Vote for opposition parties to Congress, (ii) middle and low castes tended to vote for Congress, and (iii) the Scheduled castes tended to vote for Congress. But the elections in the end of 1980s and beginning of 1990s have

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discarded these theories. Kothari (19700 has also mentioned that castes is becoming less important in national polities along with many other variables. Harold Gould (1977) is also of the opinion that caste has ceased to be a determinant of polities in India. The actual factors today that influence a vote include infinitely complex and appear to arise from a vast number of conscious and unconscious forces and conditions. Some of these forces and conditions can he easily identified, while others are much more elusive.

“Caste thinking” is deeply rooted in political elites and political parties. Political leaders are surrounded by leaders from their own castes. Caste prevents political parties from coalescing around class and economic issues. However, it is incorrect to say that caste alone is the key factor in the Voting behaviour. Many a time, personal loyalty, ideolocal orientation, regional identification, etc also operate within the political parties. According to Gould (1988) caste still plays a factor in voting behaviour. However loyalty is primarily to persons and not to castes ideas or issues. Ram Ahuja (1993) says that in Bihar caste played a prominent role in voting and formation of ministries. Leaders were able to create a coalition of factions on caste basis and procure votes. So was the case in Karnataka, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh. The mobilization of caste votes by caste leaders in all these states was common. Thus the mobilization of Jats by a Jat Minister, of Kurmis by a Kurmi Agriculture Minster, of Reddys by a Reddy Chief Minister and Scheduled Caste members by a Scheduled Caste leader illustrates the way in which caste organises its own members to vote in favour of leaders supported by itself.

4.7.5 Influence of Politics on Caste

Several castes have used politics in their attempt to better their conditions or to achieve their goals. Use of politics or political means, according to Eleanor Zelliot, covers securing governmental benefits and representation on legislative and political bodies. Some example which may be given in this connection are: Mahars or Maharashtra, Kshatriyas of Gujarat, Nadars of Tamil Nadu, and Reddys and Kammas in Andhra Pradesh.

The Mahars of Maharashtra constituted about ten per cent of the population of the state of Maharashtra. Initially they operated under conditions of social degradation but ultimately used politics for ameliorating their social conditions. Ambedkar organised them into a political force and formed a Scheduled Caste federation, which was ultimately used as a political means towards the goal of social equality. The traditional place of a Mahar in the village community was of a village servant who served the village as a

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watchman or village guide or a messenger to government servants, calling landowners to pay land revenue at the village hall, sweeping the roads, carrying death notices and messages to the village hall, sweeping the roads, carrying death notices and message to other villages, and so on. The Mahars were regarded as untouchables, because of the nature of their duties. Temples, schools, village-wells were all closed to them. Some restrictions in clothing use ornaments, metal housed hold wares and the observance or ceremonies were also enforced on them. However, in spite of there being untouchables, they remained in close association with caste. Hindus and government officials with new methods of communication justice and government, their earlier position lost significance. The post-office, the courts and the police replaced the Mahars as massagers and watchmen. They, therefore, started working in textile mills, railways, docks, government ammunition factories, etc. form 1860s onwards. They also pushed for education and improved social status. Even those Maharas remaining in the village began to discard both duties and caste practices that where associated with their low status. While the new economic opportunities presented to the Mahars undoubtedly encouraged a movement up from their inferior position, another factor that contributed both to their economic and social progress and to their castes spirit was military service. Thought their record of military service dated to the Pre-British period but it was their entry into the British Army, which proved significant for the subsequent history of the Mahr movement. The movement comprised not in any automatic elevation in the social hierarchy through military. Service but in the fact that military service at such an early date exposed them to British instructions much before the dissemination of western culture took place on a large scale. Such an exposure socialized them sufficiently early to the new political order. In 1893,with the abolition of the old presidency armies, the Mahars of Poona sent a memorandum to the governor of Bombay and in 1910 to the secretary of state for India for permission to the join in the police and army during World War I. In the World War II, a Mahar Regiment was also raised. Many Mahars were converted into Christianity too. Many of the military Mahars joined the Kabir and Ramadi panths (sects), which stressed equality. The Mahars thus started efforts to relate to Hinduism on higher level than village status allowed. They also adopted higher caste ritual practices (what Srinivas has called the process of ‘sanskritization’). From 1927 onwards, they made several temple-entrée attempts also which unified and organised them. But in 1936, the Mahars as a caste announce their decision, under the leadership of Ambedkar, to leave Hinduism. The temple-entry attempt thus turned to political movement, rejecting Hinduism altogether. At the time of 1937 elections for the provincial legislatures, Ambedkar established independent Labour party, which gave majority of the tickets to Mahars. Since then, through the Republican Party as well as 1946,1951 and 1956 elections, the Mahars have established themselves

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as an important political force in Maharashtra politics. In recent years, however, the leadership issue has cut the Mahar political unity.

Some middle and lower castes of Gujarat also achieved their goal(s) by using politics. Rajni Kotari and Rushikesh Maru (1973:70-101) have discussed as to how a number of economically depressed communities of cultivators of Gujarat federated together in late 1940s and 1950s into a common organization for achieving political power. Various caste groups ranging from high caste landless and destitute Rajputs to intermediate caste Kolis to tribal Bhils formed the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha, spresd the Kshatriya label, mobilized the mass political support and pressed their demands for bargaining with a more powerful age old rival group of Patidars. They then achieved their goal of upgrading the position of the lower castes and winning elections against Congress through a Patidar-Kshatriyas alliance. The process was one of mobilization of the group support whereby many castes were ‘accepted’ into the Kshatriya fold. Political worked as a cementing force. Instead of individuals competing for power, one big group (federation of castes) asserted itself and consolidated its position.

Robert Hardgrave Jr.(1973: 102-126) examined the solidarity and cohesion among Nadars (a caste in Tamil Nadu) and its integrated political culture. He upholds that the breakdown of economic dependence on other castes and the extension of caste ties over a wide geographic area give the castes a new solidarity. The integrated culture of the caste gives rise to the emergence of association for the social, economic and political uplift of community. The same thing was found in the case of degraded and defiled caste of Nadars or Tamil Nadu. The Nadars were forbidden entry into Hindu temples up to the middle of the nineteenth century. They were also not permitted to use public wells, wear shoes and gold ornaments, milk cows, carry umbrellas, and wells, wear in certain streets. Their women were forbidden to cover upper portion of their bodies. But in the middle of the nineteenth century, a mass movement brought majority of rural Nadars in of the southern regions into the Christian fold. The Nadars thus sought escape from the hierarchy of ritual purity in Christianity. Many Nadars secured small landholdings and improved their economic position. A good number went for the higher education and got good jobs. As the wealth of the community grew, the common funds, called mahimai, were used for the welfare of the community as a whole. The newly advantage Nadars claimed the high Kshatriyas status. New books and articles were written creating a historical myth as to the origin and greatness of the Nadar community. The Nadar leaders challenged the ban on temple entry. This led to the conflict among Nadars and other communities. Jealous of the rise of Nadars to great wealth and outraged at their pretentions to high status, the high caste Hindus nursed a bitterness. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam was formed in 1917 for promoting the welfare of the

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Nadars. In 1921 Census, all Nadars declared themselves as ‘Nadar Kshatriyas’. In 1935 and again in 1940 and in 1952, the Nadar community requested the government to list it a among the ‘backwards classes’. Since a sizeable portion of the community was among the most the most advantage community educationally and economically in Tamil Nadu, the backward classes commission (1952) designated only Shanars as backward class. Today, the Nadars have become one of the most economically and politically successful communities in the south.

4.7.6 Conclusion

It may now be concluded that in the present times, not only caste affects politics but also by achieving the political power and caste solidarity, a caste succeeds in achieving a high social, economic and political position in the society. On the one hand, the involvement of caste organizations brings changes in the political system and on the other hand, the castes- even low in status-are enabled in pursuing their collective interests.

4.8 VARNA AND JATI

4.8.1 Introduction

The Sanskrit word ‘varna’ means colours but from the Vedic age itself the term has been applied to the four – fold division of the Hindu society based on birth into Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra. It is likely that from the very inception the term Varna did refer to a system of stratification based on skin colour as the immigrant Aryans were of fair skin colour as compared to the dark skinned natives whom the former termed as ‘dasyus’. But over the centuries due to a variety of factors such as migration into peninsular India, intermarriages, etc., the reference to skin colour has lost its significance and today only as a model of the caste system.

4.8.2 Varna model of caste system

The Varna model of the caste system evolved during the Vedic age. Purusha Sukta, a hymn of Rig Veda contains the first reference to the Varna system (it says that the Brahmins originated from the mouth of the Supreme being, Kshatriyas from the shoulder blade, the Vaishyas from the thighs and the Sudras from the feet). In fact, the divine theory of the origin of the Varna system is traced to Purusha Sukta. Ever since, writers have accepted it as giving a roughly appropriate description of the caste system. The first three Varnas

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were regarded as ‘Dwijas’ or twice – born due to the fact that they wear a sacred thread or ‘Upanayana’ and the ceremony or Upanayana heralds them into a second more sanctified existence. The Sudras were not allowed to wear the sacred thread. According to G. S. Ghurye, around the post – Vedic age that is between 600 B.C to 300 A.D, the concept of Varna – dharma or code of conduct of different Varnas was consolidated and elaborated. During the post – Vedic age, the practice of untouchablilty also took deep roots, being associated with people carrying on menial occupations, which involved handling animal and human waste, animal hides, dead bodies and other ‘polluting professions’. These people were the lowest of the lower groups and the term Panchama or Antyaja was applied to them. They were considered to be outside the purview of the Varna system. However, in reality they formed an integral part of the Varna system. Therefore, the Chaturvarna (four Varnas) model itself had gone changed by addition of one more hereditary occupational group and strictly speaking became ‘Panchama Varna’.

The term Varna is no doubt a useful concept in understanding the system of stratification based on birth that is somewhat unique to India. However, it does not help a student of Indian society in understanding the dynamic and varied features of the caste system. In fact, the English word caste does not exactly mean Varna. Anthropology say that the term caste is closer to the term ‘ Jati’ in meaning.

“Jat is evolved form a Sanskrit root “Jaha meaning to be born. Thus caste means birth on the other hand Varna means to select are choose in this way caste is determined at birth were as Varna is acquired a person according to his nature Difference between Varna and Jati

We must distinguish between the two terms ‘Varna’ and ‘jati’ clearly for a good understanding of the caste system. The two terms may be used interchangeably in common language but a student of Indian society must appreciate the differences between the terms, which are presented below.

VARNA JATI 1. The four or five Varnas represent 1. Jati refers to the collection of only broad all – India divisions endogamous families inhabiting a region. For examples, Vokkaliga, Kurubas are found only in Karnataka. Bumihars and Thakurs are generally found in Bihar and UP. 2. According to the Varna model 2. In reality, Harijans also form a jati Harijans (scheduled castes) fall outside or several jati’s having long standing

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the caste system. economic, social and even ritual relations with other upper caste or caste Hindu jati’s, which fall into any of the four Varnas. 3. In the Varna model, there is no 3. The position of the various jatis in confusion about the place of each caste the hierarchy is not always clear. For group in the hierarchy. The Brahmins example, Reddys in Andhra Pradesh are at he top, followed by Kshatriyas, and Vokkaligas in Karnataka cannot Vaishyas and Sudras, in that order. be exactly placed as Kshtriyas. There is no clear agreement as to which of the jatis should be regarded as Kshatriyas and which as Sudras. Some castes or jatis like Lingayats do not fit anywhere in the Varna model, though they are forward jatis. 4. The Varna system assumes that the 4. In reality, the relative positions of hierarchy of the four Varnas is uniform the jatis vary from region to region throughout India. across the country. For example, the position of Yadavs (which is a dominant jati in Bihar) is not uniform in the North. Again Lingayats, who occupy a prominent position in the social hierarchy of North Karnataka, do not enjoy the same position in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. 5. In the Varna model, the position of 5. Jatis are not static with regard to each Varna is fixed and not subject to mobility. Many jatis have over the change. years improved their position or moved upwards in the social ladder. For example, the toddy tappers jati variously called as Idigas in Karnataka, Izhavas in Kerala, Boads in Orissa have definitely moved up, particularly after the government introduced sale of arrack though its excise policy and monetisation of rural economy. 6. Varna is only a reference category. 6. Jati is the operational category. 7. Varna is a macro – level concept 7. Jati is a micro – level concept. 8. In the Varna model, the ranking is 8. The various jatis in a region are purely based on ritual or religious ranked with respect to secular factor considerations, with the priestly class like economic and political power. The

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at the top. ritual or religious consideration alone does not determine the position of a given jati in most castes

4.8.3 Conclusion

As can be seen from the above discussion, the concept of Varna, though relevant, does not tally with reality. Concept of Jati is more relevant for understanding the caste system in all its variation.

Chapter 5 -Social mobility

Social mobility is any transition of an individual or social object or value-- anything that has been created or modified by human activity--from one social position to another. There are two principal types of social mobility, horizontal and vertical.

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By horizontal social mobility or shifting, is meant the transition of an individual or social object from one social group to another situated on the same level. Transitions of individuals, as from the Baptist to the Methodist religious group, from one citizenship to another, from one family (as a husband or wife) to another by divorce and remarriage, from one factory to another in the same occupational status, are all instances of social mobility. So too are transitions of social objects, the radio, automobile, fashion, Communism, Darwin's theory, within the same social stratum, or from any one place to another. In all these cases, "shifting" may take place without any noticeable change of the social position of an individual or social object in the vertical direction. By vertical social mobility is meant the relations involved in a transition of an individual (or a social object) from one social stratum to another. According to the direction of the transition there are two types of vertical social mobility: ascending and descending, or social climbing and social sinking. According to the nature of the stratification, there are ascending and descending currents of economic, political, and occupational mobility, not to mention other less important types. The ascending currents exist in two principal forms: as an infiltration of the individuals of a lower stratum into an existing higher one; and as a creation of a newgroup by such individuals, and the insertion of such a group into a higher stratum instead of, or side by side with, the existing groups of this stratum. Correspondingly, the descending current has also two principal forms: the first consists in a dropping of individuals from a higher social position into an existing lower one, without a degradation or disintegration of the higher group to which they belonged; the second is manifested in a degradation of asocial group as a whole, in an abasement of its rank among other groups, or in its disintegration as a social unit. The first case of "sinking" reminds one of an individual falling from a ship; the second of the sinking of the ship itself with all on board, or of the ship as a wreck breaking itself to pieces.

5.1 Caste and Social change in India: Theoretical approaches

Sociological studies in India since the earliest times were primarily concerned with the phenomenon of change in relation to the different social forces operative in society. They focused attention on different stages through which institutions like, caste, family and village community have evolved through a period of time. So, in the tradition of biological sciences, the evolutionists analysed the social changes taking place in these institutions on the basis of their origin and growth from simple to complex, from homogeneous and undifferentiated social relationship to complex, heterogeneous and differentiated relationship.

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5.1.1 Cultural approach

During Post independence period, a fresh approach to study caste and social change developed. The concepts of Sanskritisation and Westernisation were the first systematic attempts to analyse the process of change in the Indian culture and its traditions. The concept of Sanskritisation was formulated by M.N. Srinivas to explain social mobility within the traditional caste structure of India. It was based on his study of the Coorgs in Mysore. He defined Sanskritisation as" a process where a low Hindu caste changes its customs, rites, rituals, ideology and way of life in the direction of a high and frequently twice- borne castes". This process has the effect of generally improving the position of the caste group within the local caste hierarchy. It is, hence, a positional change rather than a structural change. It normally presupposes the economic and political improvement of the concerned caste group or a higher group self- consciousness due to contact with a source of the "great tradition" of Hinduism, like a pilgrimage center or monastery or proselytizing sect. The other concept formulated by Srinivas is that of Westernisation. He defines Westernisation as" the changes brought about in Indian society and culture as a result of over 150 years of British rule, the term subsuming changes occurring at different levels of technology, institutions, ideology and values"

Both the concepts of sanskritisation and westernisation explain the process of social and cultural mobility in society and as such concentrates on cultural and positional aspects of social change rather than structural form of social change. But Srinivas has added another dimension to the understanding of the process of sanskritisation, which is the dimension of power, where he explains the notion of dominant caste. Here he has indirectly covered the structural aspect of social change, however, its nitty gritty has not been clearly stated by him. Thus, he has been accused for neglecting the structural aspects of social change in India. There are other theories of social change which pertain to the cultural mobility within society. One is the analysis of social change given by Robert Redfield. He propounded the concept of "little" and "great" tradition. The main ideas in this approach towards the understanding of social change are civilisational and social organisation of traditions. According to Redfield each civilisation consists of Great and Little traditions in which there is a constant interaction between the two levels. The great tradition belongs to the elites in society or the reflective few and the little tradition belongs to the folk or the unlettered peasants. This theory is based on evolutionary view that civilisation or the structure of tradition, which encompasses both the cultural aspects as well as the structural aspects; develops in two stages: first, through orthogenetic or indigenous evolution, and second, through heterogenetic encounters or contacts

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with other cultures or civilisations. The social structure of these civilisations operates at two levels, first, that of folks or unlettered peasants, and second, that of the elite or the reflective few intellectual traditions. The cultural processes in the former comprise the little tradition and those in latter constitutes the great tradition.

In India, Milton Singer and McKim Marriott have studied social change using Redfield's frame of analysis. Singer has used the same dichotomy of Little and Great tradition to study cultural change in India. Marriott, on the other hand, has characterised the relationship between the little and great traditions found in India using the concepts of parochialisation and universalisation.

In all the above formulations of social change and mobility in Indian society, one finds certain lacunae. Like the concepts of sanskritisation and westernisation, the concepts of little tradition and great tradition too suffers from the culturological bias. They too neglect the structural aspects of social change and thereby have limited scope.

5.1.2 Structural approach

The structural approach to the theories of social change is basically concerned with the analysis of the process of structural differentiations within the society which occur due to social and institutional reforms or alterations in society. Y. Singh says that "the units of observation in a structural study are not ideas, sentiments and values, but the order of roles and statuses which form the basis of social relationships and are schematised into groups and categories. A major principle which governs the form of ordering of social structure is asymmetry of power in relation to command over resources or values. Structural changes may primarily be located by identifying the emerging principles that they lay down new rules about the asymmetry and consequent differentiation and transformation in the institutionalised forms of social relationships and their ordering in society. For instance, the abolition of Zamindari and intermediary rights in land were intended to alter the pre-existing modes of power asymmetry in the Indian society; now the extent to which the asymmetry has been removed may be an instance of structural change in the social system, a transition from the feudal primordial to egalitarian liberal social order. Another feature of the structural approach in the understanding of social change through the observation of differentiation of roles and statuses taking place in the social structure as a result of social pressures caused by population and industrial growth, emergence of new cities and urban centres and the rise in the economic and technical bases of the society. Singh(l985) says that the main

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areas of inquiry in the study of social change, taking into consideration structural differentiation, was to demonstrate the qualitative nature of new adoptions in terms of its structure and function. He says that by and large, in these studies the differentiation of roles and functions of family, the changing position of caste and tribe in the power structure and social hierarchy, emergence of new functions and castes in the villages and changes in leadership and elite formation have been covered.

5.1.3 Dialectical approach

Besides the structural approach to the study of social change, we find the dialectical approach which is primarily concerned with the latent and manifest areas of social conflict in the society. It postulates change as a process of transformation through conflict which is treated as the basic process of social change. This approach is influenced by the Marxian notion of dialectical historical evolution of societies, based on the changes in the mode of production during different periods of time. Studies of social change based on Marxian perspective, i.e. dialectical model, cover many areas of Indian social life, such as, caste and social policy, stages of social evolution corresponding to different modes of production, nationalism, historical developments, social stratification and social institutions and emergence of new class structure.

5.1.4 Cognitive Historical and Institutional approach

We find assimilation of both cultural and structural aspects in the cognitive historical and institutional approaches to social change as propounded by Louis Dumont and Gunar Myrdal. Dumont, in his approach, is basically interested in the analysis of the cognitive or ideational structural nature of the Indian social system. He is a structuralist, who conceives of Indian society not in terms of systems of relationships but as systems of ideational or value patterns or cognitive structures". Dumont believes that essentially, change consists in the adoptive or transformative processes within the traditional Indian cognitive system. Thus, cultural change is the precursor for individuality and of the social change.

Gunar Myrdal, in his monumental work, "Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations'' has analysed the problems of economic and social development. He focuses not only on the economic aspects but also on institutional aspects, political aspects and studied ideological trends as well. He believes that the social systems in the South Asian countries, especially India consist of a number of conditions that are causally interrelated. Among these

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conditions are: output and income, conditions of production, level of living, institutions and politics. The first three refers to economic factors while the next two refers to non-economic factors in the process of economic development. In most of these approaches to the study of social change, the primary focus has been on the basic themes of Indian cultural structure and not on the dynamics of social groups or structures. The structural approach on the other hand, limits the scope to the study of structures and neglects the cultural, civilisational aspects. Thus, a theoretical model which encompasses both the approaches and which does not have the ethnocentric bias of looking at Indian social reality from the Western eye is greatly required.

5.2 Caste and Social Mobility

When we speak of caste and social mobility, we are basically dealing with the processes of social change in Indian society. Social change is ubiquitous and no society is left untouched by its forces. Sociologists believe that in spite of the relatively closed nature of caste system, there have been changes in caste hierarchy and its norms from time to time. They have effectively challenged the stenotype about the caste system being a closed and rigid system not allowing individuals to give up their hereditary occupation and take up new occupations. Sociologists, beginning with G.S. Ghurye have highlighted the inherent flexibilities in the system. Ghurye pointed out that certain occupations and tasks such as cultivation (except touching of the plough which was prohibited for the Brahmans), administration and military services were open to all castes. He holds that in certain traditional occupations such as weaving there is evidence of the entry of other castes including some of the 'untouchable' castes such as the Chamar. He also points out that such flexibility extends to modern occupations as well. Using a 1954 restudy of a village in Maharashtra after a gap of over twenty years by one of his students, Ghurye shows that modern occupations in the administration and the professions have attracted people belonging to all castes in the village. When we examine historical data, ranging back to the Vedic period, we find that in reality there existed a lot of flexibility. Social mobility with the gain of economic and political power was always present throughout Indian history. Historian K.M. Pannikar believes that in Indian history, the Nandas were the last true Kshatriyas (which was around 5th century B.C). Since then, i.e, the times of the Nandas, all the so-called Kshatriyas have come into being by usurpation of power by the lower castes who acquired the Kshatriya role and social position. Historical records also reveal changes in life style, caste customs and cultural practices. One example we come across in Hindu religious and cultural practices is the consumption of liquor or' somras which was drunk not only by the lower castes but also by the Brahman elites during the Vedic period. The Vedic rites involved animal sacrifice and

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Brahmans also ate beef. These practices were prohibited later but they continued amongst the lower castes.

The middle level castes; especially the jatis; were placed in hierarchical order which was not always very clear and varied from region to region. The process of shifting of social status, upward or downward or horizontally is called social mobility. P. Sorokin has identified two kinds of social mobility on the basis of direction of social mobility i.e., vertical mobility and horizontal mobility. Vertical mobility could be both upward or downward. It refers to transition of an individual or social group from one social stratum to another, upward or downward. Horizontal mobility refers to transition of an individual or social group from one type of social status to another within the same or similar hierarchy. For example, an agricultural labour shifting to the city and becoming a labourer in a factory. When we examine the caste system in India, we find that social mobility had always been present, as mentioned earlier. The important channels of social mobility that we find in Indian society are (a) Sanskritisation (b) Westernisation (c) Conversion to other religions like Islam, Christianity or to Buddhism, Jainism or other heterodox sects (d) migration, and (e) renouncing the world and taking to the life of mendicant, i.e., becoming a Sanyasi or a Preacher.

5.2.1 Mobility in Pre-British India

According to Srinivas, while the sources of social mobility lay in the political and economic systems, sanskritisation provided a traditional idiom for the expression of social mobility. He states that in ancient India, the two most potent sources of mobility were the fluidity of the political system, especially at the lower levels, and the availability of marginal land which could be cultivated since demographically it was still possible to get land to do so. He says that in the ancient period it was possible for families and bigger groups, especially the dominant groups, to achieve mobility through resort to warfare. Although, it was not easy but was possible for an official or soldier, or the head of a locally dominant caste, to acquire political power and become a chief or king. He gives the example of Shivaji, who even during the heyday of the Mughal Empire, was able to found a large and powerful Maratha kingdom. He was the son of a Jagirdar i.e. a fief holder of the Muslim kingdom of Bijapur in South India. The example of Shivaji is an exceptional case- but it goes to show that the fluidity or openness of the pre-British political system was to some extent possible. Only during the establishment of British rule over the Indian subcontinent did this political avenue of social mobility close down. The political fluidity in pre- British India was in the last analysis the product of a pre-modern technology and

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institutional system. He explains that large kingdoms could not be ruled effectively in the absence of railways, post and telegraph, paper and printing, good roads, and modern arms and techniques of warfare. Thus, delegation of authority to smaller chiefs and feudatories was inevitable. For the common masses, life was regulated and controlled by such institutions as caste and village community. The elders of the locally dominant castes punished the violators of the social and the moral code. This order suited even the Muslim rulers. Warfare was endemic and frontiers as well as loyalties changed frequently. A great ruler brought a brief period of order and stability to the kingdom. The death of a great king was often followed by political chaos. The tribute paying chiefs tended to declare themselves free and stop paying tribute. Srinivas says that when a leader of a dominant caste or small chieftain -- graduated to the position of a raja or king, acquiring, in the process, the symbolic and other paraphernalia of Kshatriya hood, he in turn became a source of mobility for individuals and groups in his domain. An important, though not absolutely necessary, precondition for such graduation was sanskritisation.

The medieval governments attempted to encourage extension of cultivation The Hindu king, by virtue of his position as the head of the social order had the responsibility to settle all disputes with regard to caste and the power to raise or lower the ranks of castes as reward or punishment. Muslim kings, and even the British in the early days of their rule, exercised at least the first function. Most of the Hindu maharajas ruling over the large "native" states during the British period allowed their jurisdiction in caste matters to lapse only at the beginning of the 20th century. The second source of mobility in pre- British India was, what Srinivas and others like Burton Stein refer to as the "open agrarian system" of medieval India. According to Burton Stein, a historian of medieval South India, "marginally settled lands suitable for cultivation" were always available, and this permitted the establishment of new settlements and even new regional societies. According to Srinivas, this situation was not exclusive to South India alone but characterised the country as a whole. Irfan Habib, too, agrees to the same when he writes that "The Ain-i-Akbari" and Rennel's Atlas show that down to the 18th century large cultivable tracts still lay behind the forest line. and improvement in cropping by grant of revenue concessions and loans to finance (the) purchase of seeds, cattle or excavation of wells by the cultivators themselves". This kind of situation imposed a check on the authority of chiefs and kings since they were under pressure to treat their subjects, who provided human labour to cultivate land, well in order to keep them. The ability of citizens to flee to frontier areas provided a sanction against excessive oppression by rulers. The Jajmani system i.e. the system of patron and clients, within the caste system, found in the villages proliferated in large parts of India. Under this system, the landlord belonged to the dominant caste and had

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under his wings some artisan castes, lower castes who provided essential services, such as, Kumhar (water carriers), Barai (Carpenter), Chamar (Leather workers), Ahir (Cattle Keepers) etc. The patron was under socio-cultural, political and economic obligation to protect his 'amins' i.e. the client castes. It was not rare to find a whole caste group, which was the families of a caste, fleeing the village to escape an excessively oppressive feudal landlord, during the pre- British period. Thus, it is seen that social mobility in medieval India involved spatial mobility, and the units of mobility were individual families. The need as well as the facilities for "corporate mobility" did not exist Burton Stein argued that the modem phenomenon of competition among castes for enhanced status within a narrow, localized ranking system is not suitable for the understanding of caste mobility during medieval India. He gives the example of the various sub-divisions of the Tamil peasant caste of Vellalas, which exists now, and is the result of mobility occurring during the medieval period. Srinivas, however, points out that not all cases of sanskritisation in traditional India were preceded by the possession of political or economic power or even that sanskritisation had a mobility aspect

5.2.2 Mobility in British India

Social mobility found during the pre-British period was relatively different from the kind found during the colonial rule in India. It offered some new avenues of social mobility to all castes; especially to the low shudra castes and the erstwhile untouchable castes later referred as "the scheduled castes" by the British and now accepted as a category of castes under the modem Indian Constitution. They receive positive discrimination till date. The establishment of British rule has, therefore, brought about deep and far reaching changes in the socio-economic, political, educational and cultural spheres in India. New economic opportunities, spatial movement of people from villages to cities, new technologies, transport systems, mass media, educational institutions of the modem type, politicisation and Westernisation brought about a rapid change in the rate of social mobility. The traditional system of caste also underwent drastic charges.

Process of social mobility through sanskritisation also gained momentum during this period. Srinivas writes that due to the impact of the British rule, on the one hand, some traditional means of social mobility closed down; but on the other, several new means emerged. These changes set forces in motion which fundamentally altered the overall character of society. Indian society ceased to be stationary and became mobile. The quantum of mobility has since then increased year by year. For the first time in Indian history there was a single

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political power governing the whole sub-continent. This was possible due to the new technologies of mass transport, communications, certain forms of administrative and military organisation which the British had brought with them. The emergence of land as a commodity (detached from caste) in the market, several changes in economic and political order took place. This was due to the introduction of tenurial reforms and application of British concepts of ownership of land, introduction of permanent settlement in some parts of India and so on, land became saleable. New opportunities of occupation and income came about in the port cities and capitals which had far reaching effects on mobility. According to Srinivas, there came into existence a class of men, recruited generally from the upper castes, who resided in urban areas but who had a 'pied-a-tere' in villages also refers to this class of absentee landlords in Bengal in his study of elites. Landownership was a symbol of security and high social status for the elites and there also was sentimental attachment to ancestral land and village. However, tide of time took over and urban living became costly, other expenses like weddings, medication etc. forced this class of landlords to sell their land to the peasants and other rural castes. This disturbed the traditional norms of upper caste with the upper-class landlords and the lower caste with the landless labourers. The British brought modem knowledge of science, technology, humanities advertently and inadvertently. This brought about new values of equality, rationalism and humanism. Srinivas says that there was a new humanitarianism or rather the extension of humanitarianism to new areas, resulting in the abolition of suttee, human sacrifice and slavery Western rationalism appealed to the Indian elites since the early period of British rule. By the year 1830 there was a small but articulate body of rationalists in Calcutta. Another significant factor in the modernization of India was the European missionary effort. The missionaries were full of evangelizing zeal. They highlighted the evils of the indigenous society such as suttee human and animal sacrifice, idolatry rituals, infant marriage and so on which was rampant during that time. It led to bitter hostility and a defensive attitude of the common masses and the traditional elite, alike. This belief could be seen during the Mutiny of 1857 and was strong in the North of India. The new western oriented Indian elite was put on the defensive and many of them, therefore, addressed themselves to the immense task of reforming Indian society, such as, Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Ishwar Chandra Vidya Sagar. This criticism by" the missionaries also led to reinterpreting the Hindu religion. Missionaries were also actively involved in India in humanitarian work and education. They ran hospitals, orphanages, schools etc. They tried to help the poor and lowly, such as the untouchable castes, other lower castes, tribal folks living in remote areas and women who practiced purdah. The missionaries stimulated the growth of regional literatures by setting up printing presses, cutting types for various Indian scripts, printing

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books and founding journals, writing dictionaries and grammars and translating classics in the regional languages to English.

The coming of market economy and the emergence of new economic opportunity brought about immense changes in the Indian society. This came into existence as a result of establishment of law and order, removal of internal customs barriers and the extension of communications linking different parts of the country with the outside world. Other developments like building of railways, digging of canals and roads, introduction of plantation crops like tea, coffee, indigo etc changed the economic structure of society. Growth of towns and cities took place. Factories and industries developed providing large scale employment to people. This led to large scale migration of people from rural to urban areas. Calcutta and Bombay cities were witness to this kind of migration from the earliest. To obtain high paid jobs in the cities and better social status, English education became very important. It is seen that the new opportunities, especially at the higher levels, were usually taken advantage of by the high castes. This resulted in considerable overlap between the traditional upper caste elites and the new elites. Srinivas says that this development had "the twin effect of increasing the cultural and ideological distance between the high and low castes, as well as making the new opportunities doubly desirable. In the first place, they were well paid and prestigious, and in the second, only the high castes had access to them. Eventually, this gave rise to the Backward Classes Movement”. The coming of the market economy also brought changes in the political sphere. The decline of the traditional economic systems, for example, the decline of the Brahmin hegemony in Tanjore village studied by Beteille; the emergence of caste free occupations and mobilisation of caste groups have all resulted in the decline of the traditional political role of castes. However, it still continued to play a significant political role to gain status and power through shifting alliances. This was evident, for example, in the case of the political mobilisation of caste groups in Madhopur, Uttar Pradesh. In this village the rank of noniyas, the salt-makers and Chamars, the leather-makers, joined hands in opposing the locally dominant upper caste Thakurs. Thakurs were the Raj puts belonging to Kshatriya Varna, who held the economic asset of land in their hands i.e. they were the landlords. They were the locally dominant caste, who were the traditional dispensers of justice in that region. Thus, here in this case, we see that caste which a dividing factor was, reshaped itself in the new circumstances to form a unifying factor for political gains; and also, sometimes, for material welfare and social status. The British rule in India released the lower castes, especially the shudras and the erstwhile untouchable castes, not only from the traditional legal barriers of occupation but also from donning the sacred thread and chanting Vedic hymns (mantras) on ritual occasions. The sanskritisation effort, to raise one's social status in the caste hierarchy, was often

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opposed by the upper castes. In many cases caste conflicts took place, violence and oppression against these efforts by the lower castes are quite frequent in India, in North, as well as South. Caste riots are still quite a frequent feature of Indian society. During the British rule, it was seen that in some areas, a few low castes had access to new trading or employment opportunities. Bailey mentions how the prohibition policy of the government of Bengal (of which Orissa was then a part) resulted in relative prosperity for the Ganjjam and Boad Distillers. The oilmen (Telis) all over eastern India benefited from the enlarged market for trade in oil and pressed oil seeds brought about by improved communications and population growth. The Noniyas of eastern UP, Kolis of the Surat Coast (Gujarat) and members of several other social groups benefited from the new employment opportunities resulting from improved transport and communications. In all these cases of improved economic status, the attempt to improve one's socio-cultural and political status became more or less inevitable. Srinivas says that an ambitious low caste, in the new situation had a new remedy at its disposal i.e. it could appeal to the police and law courts against dominant caste violence. Thus, the Backward Classes Movement, which took place all over India but took a very virulent shape in South of India i.e. the peninsular India; became a potent reality. In south of India it had distinctive ideology and pervaded every aspect of social life. According to Srinivas the importance of the movement is beginning to be appreciated by Indianists, particularly, in the context of the significant changes occurring among the Harijans (the name given to the ex-untouchable castes or "the Scheduled Castes" by Mahatma Gandhi). This movement not only affected the Harijans but also a wide variety of castes and in South India, all castes except the Brahmins.

The census operation m India conducted by the British administrators every ten years. unwittingly came to the aid of the ambitious low castes. Sir Herbert Risley. the commissioner of the 1901 census. decided to make use of the census investigations to obtain and record the exact rank of each caste. This attempt was viewed by most castes as an opportunity to establish themselves as a caste much higher in social status. They were mostly low castes who had gained some economic prosperity. These castes seemed to have felt that by this attempt and success in claiming a higher rank in the caste hierarchy and getting it recorded in the census document, which was the official document of the government, nobody would be able to dispute their rank. Thus, the census became the traditional copper plate grants of Indian kings declaring the rank and privilege of a caste. This attempt once again reveals the political aspect of caste. The role of political authority in providing avenues for social mobility within the caste system, thus, remained intact throughout history. Srinivas(l968) maintains that the Backward Classes Movement; which had its, inception during the British India but continued its stirrings in post. Independent India; could broadly

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be divided into two stages. The first stage was the one where the low castes concentrated on acquiring the symbols of high status. In the second stage, however, the emphasis shifted from the symbols to the real sources of high status i.e. the possession of political power education and a share in the new economic opportunities. The "low" castes became aware that in the changed environment in India once one achieved the necessary power, the acquisition of the symbols of high ritual rank would be easy to obtain and become meaningful. Thus, the leaders of the Backward Classes Movement clearly saw the inter- linkage between high status and acquisition of political power, education and a share in the new economic opportunities.

When the colonial authorities widened political participation by allowing elections in some provinces, castes organised to make claims for political representation. In some regions, such as the South of India, the non-Brahman castes were even successful in restricting entry of Brahmans in educational institutions and administrative services. In order to pacify the fears of the lower castes and middle caste communities about upper caste Hindu rule in independent India and also to weaken the nationalist movement, the British granted special political representation to some groups such as the untouchables. They had become politically mobilized under the leadership of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and had learned, like other castes and communities, the use of political means to gain higher status and power.

5.2.3 Post-Independence India

In the first phase of the Backward Classes Movement, the traditional aspects of the caste system were still strong. The higher castes resented the effort of the "low" castes to achieve higher status and rank by appropriation of the symbols of higher rank. However, they had to overcome their own resistance to such appropriation. But they continued to enjoy the "moral authority". if important point one can make out, is that at this level, the caste system as such was not challenged. Social mobility occurred but there was no structural change. The hierarchical order of social stratification remained intact. Caste as an identity has even till date, in spite of all challenges not been able to be denied. Only its shape and significance seem to have changed. The political power was recognised to be necessary from the second phase onwards to introduce the principle of caste quotas for jobs in the administration and seats in technological, medical, and science courses. Political power was also important

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in getting licenses and permits necessary for trading in variety of goods and for undertaking other economic enterprises. In this regard, education was considered to be indispensable for obtaining the higher categories of posts in the administration and even for effective exercise of political power. Because of this emphasis on political power that there developed inconsistencies in castes claiming to be "backward" in official and political contexts and of high rank in traditional contexts. Classification as "backward" enabled the members of a caste to get preference as a matter of right, in obtaining seats in educational institutions, scholarships, jobs in the administration and even in job promotions to some extent. However, this "backward" classification was not counted against it in evaluating its rank in the traditional caste hierarchy. To gain political power, higher rank and prestige in society, castes, mostly in urban areas and some had even regional context, began to mobilize themselves into caste sabhas or associations. This was an important factor in the spread as well as the acceleration of mobility. The initial task that the caste associations or para- communities took up was to bring about reforms in caste customs through the process of sanskritization. They tried to claim higher caste rank and took up welfare activities for caste fellows, such as, building caste hostels, colleges, houses on cooperative basis and even hospitals in some areas.

5.2.4 Caste mobility in contemporary India

Srinivas writes that with the gradual transfer of power from the British to the Indians, caste associations tended to become political pressure groups demanding for their members electoral tickets from the principal political parties, ministerships in state cabinets, licenses for undertaking various economic activities, jobs in the administration and a variety of other benefits. He says that in some cases castes performed these activities even when they were not formally organized into caste sabhas or associations. The Indian political democracy, unlike the European experience did not emerge as part of a socio- historical movement. It was not a natural evolution of ideas, values and technologies, but was adopted by the national leaders to serve the needs of the people of India in the best way possible. Thus, the values and attitudes which went with the given form of parliamentary democracy had to be inculcated in the people. The notion of "equality" and democracy was something new to the people of India for whom, caste hierarchy and unequal status within it, had always been part of life. The notion of birth and rebirth and "karma" theory was part of the ethos of the Hindus and other heterodox religions like Buddhism and Jainism. Low caste status and poverty were accepted as a result of deeds' or ‘misdeeds' done in past life. It is seen that politics had drawn caste into its web for organising support and in articulating the needs of the masses, who largely

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identified with their caste or jatis. In modem polity, caste and kin groups attest their identity to strive for positions of power. Different political parties and movements mobilise different caste groups as resources for their political objectives. Thus, even till date we often hear of candidates being selected by different political parties on caste lines. The caste provided for organised party politics a readymade system of segments which could be used to marshal support.

After India became independent in 1947, the Indian leaders hoped that legislative and legal measures would reorder an entrenched social structure. A new constitution was drawn which abolished untouchability and prohibited discrimination in public places. To help lower castes and classes to overcome their low miserable social status and poverty, special places were reserved for untouchables in higher educational institutions, government services, and in the lower houses of the central and state legislatures. Inspite of all these legal and political measures to improve the social, political and economic status of the ex- untouchables who form 16 percent of the total population, there are instances of atrocities on dalits all over India. Except for "a small minority, referred to by Sachchidanand as "Harijan elites", the rest of the ex-untouchable castes and their members still find themselves at the lowest rung of the social strata. Census data of 1991 proves that 90 percent of wage-labourers of Uttar Pradesh belong to the scheduled castes.

However, the close association between caste and traditional occupation is breaking down because of the expansion of modem education and the urban industrial sector. In India, an urban middle class has formed whose members are drawn from various caste groups. This has reduced the structural and cultural differences between castes, as divisions based on income, education and occupation become more important than caste cleavages for social and economic purposes. The reduction, however, is most pronounced among the upper socio- economic strata-the urban, western educated, professional and higher income groups whose members share a common life style.

Therefore, in contemporary India, we find that liberal education, government patronage, and an expanding franchise have been major factors that have penetrated the caste system. Discontent and exploitation which has prevailed within the caste groups provided a basis for organising caste factions and alliances. In other words, modem politics found an ongoing vertical network of caste and made the structure of caste a political vehicle.

Burton Stein has characterized mobility in modem India as "Corporate", in distinction from mobility during medieval India which was familial in nature.

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He says that while the existence of modem means of communication facilitates "corporate mobility", the motive force for corporateness comes from the prospect of obtaining political power and using that power to benetl.t caste fellows. This tendency had become stronger in independent India. Universal adult franchise and government policies aiming to provide special facilities and concessions to backward castes with a view to enable them to catch up with the advanced castes in education and economic, positions had several repercussions.

The numerical strength of social groups, such as, caste groups became important and division which previously seemed important were ignored to facilitate caste alliances for political and economic purposes. Scholars like Leach and Dumont believed that caste system was a cooperative, inclusive arrangement where each caste formed an integral part of the local socio- economic system and each had special privileges of their own. Some other scholars think that though the caste system did provide security for all. It was essentially exploitative and oppressive especially for the untouchables, who were confined to menial, despaired jobs. working as sweepers. gutter and latrine cleaners. scavengers, farm labourers and curers of hides. They were denied access to Hindu temples and were not allowed to read religious Sanskrit scriptures. There were many other hardships which they had to face in day to day living out of which they had no means to come out traditionally. Even the process of sanskritisation did not affect their low status, both ritual and economic.

Beteille has pointed out that "competition for power and office requires a certain aggregation of segments. The thousands of minimal segments in a given region cannot compete individually in the struggle for power. When they come together they follow alignments interest in the traditional structure of caste. That is why the larger segments which compete for power today regard themselves as castes or jatis and are so regarded by other".

The political need for aggregation was so great that sometimes distinct caste groups occupying different positions in the regional hierarchy came together. Srinivas gives the example of the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha, in which Raj puts admitted the low caste status Kolis to the rank of Kshatriyas, in order to capture power in Gujarat State. Rao, M.S.A. states that the Yadavs of North India provide an even more egregious example of a large number of castes from different linguistic areas coming together and trying to form a single caste- category in order to strengthen their political power. Thus, it could be clearly stated that" mobility in medieval India was based on fission, whereas, in modem India mobility was based rather on "caste fusion". Srinivas says that the "fusion" of castes has had several implications in modem India. It has led to weakening

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of pollution ideas. The unit of endogamy has begun to widen to include adjacent segments or grades. The process of exploiting the new opportunities has led to significant changes in the caste system.

Rudolph and Rudolph in their analysis of caste, in the context of modernity and tradition, are of the view that in its transformed state, caste has helped India's peasant society make a success of representative democracy and fostered the growth of equality by making Indians less separate and more alike Indians are becoming less separate in the sense that due to the electoral system, numerical strength which means more numb.er of votes. Thus, it is the interest of the large majority of castes to come together to achieve their political goals. In this process of aggregation, as mentioned earlier, caste associations and caste federations were formed. The relationship that caste bears to politics can be best understood in terms of three types of political mobilisation discussed by Rudolph and Rudolph which explains the different stages of political development in India. These three types of political mobilisation are:

Vertical Mobilisation

This was the early phase of mobilisation where political support was acquired by the traditional notables, like kings, local rajas and other feudatories. This was possible in a society organised and integrated along caste lines. The society was predominantly traditional, caste groups were largely interring dependent. Modem means of communication was generally missing. Legitimacy of traditional authority was still surviving in large parts of the country. Due to their traditional authority, the Raja or Zamindar or dominant caste elite, was able to get support of their dependents or "Praja" who were socially inferior to them in the traditional manner. Rudolph & Rudolph say that vertical mobilisation remains a viable strategy for dominant classes and castes until dependents, tenants and clients become politicized enough to be mobilised by ideological appeals to class or community interests and sentiments.

Horizontal Mobilization

In this process of mobilisation, popular political support is marshalled by class or community leaders and their specialised organisations. It was during this phase that caste federations and solidarity of different caste and class groups took place. A new pattern of cleavage was introduced which challenged the vertical solidarities and structures of traditional societies. In horizontal mobilisation the agent of mobilisation is the political party whereas in the vertical mobilisation it was the notable person i.e. the landlord or the Raja, who

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was the agent. At this level, the political parties appeal to the voters directly as individuals or indirectly through the organised groups to which they belong. Thus, in direct appeal often emphasis was placed on ideology or issues, on the one hand, and on the other hand, on community identification through caste. This mobilisation is possible only as long as internal differentiation did not develop and caste communities remained diffused and varied.

Differential Mobilisation

In this process of mobilisation, the changes that caste has undergone and is still undergoing, takes it beyond the traditional ascriptive definition. These changes include internal differentiation or fusion and integration of several caste groups in caste federations and associations i.e. fusion which expresses the shared interests, symbols and norms of these castes. In this stage, caste comes out of the village and family domain and becomes to a large extent urban, having a larger area of operation and activities. Rudolph and Rudolph have given the example of differential mobilisation taking place amongst the Rajputs of Rajasthan. The Rajputs were the rulers, feudal lords, court retainers of princely states before independence. At that time, they formed an association called the Kshatriya Mahasabha which initially represented all ranks within the community. A new caste association was formed in 1954 called the Bhooswani Sangh. This new association brought into light the conflict between the "small" Rajputs whose modest land holdings had to be supplemented by income from service under the princes · and jagirdars. These princesses and jagirdars, however, had in most cases dismissed them from service with the advent of the land reforms after independence. Thus, when the rich - and powerful Rajputs declined to assist the "small" Rajputs, they formed the Bhooswani Sangh. This association took up the task of protecting the interests of the "small" Rajputs.

This faction amidst the Rajputs was quickly capitalised by the political parties. The class and ideological fusion in the Rajput community shows the process of internal differentiation which has socio-political repercussions.

5.3 Caste Associations and their Role in Caste Mobility

In their explanation of political mobilisation and its three stages, Rudolph & Rodolph have explained also the role of caste and caste associations in the modem polity. They explained the changes in the nature and function of caste in India. They define caste association as "para-communities which enable members of castes to pursue social mobility, political power and economic advantage”. Caste associations resemble in many ways the voluntary

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associations or interest groups found in industrially advanced societies. However, caste associations are distinct in many respects from voluntary associations, as well as, from natural associations like castes out of which they have developed.

They are more like voluntary associations at the organisational level, unlike the traditional caste structures. They have offices, membership, incipient bureaucratisation, legislative process which can be seen through conferences, delegates and resolutions. But unlike the voluntary associations, caste associations are characterised by a shared sense of culture, character and status which gives it a solidarity not found in voluntary associations. The caste associations play multiple roles and serves the Indian society by both levelling the sacred and hierarchical order and also replacing it. It initiates and manages the efforts of the lower castes to become twice born, to dawn the sacred thread which symbolises higher ritual rank and culture. A clear example of this can be seen in Tamil Nadu amongst the Nadars. The Nadars were the low castes of toddy tappers, who through the efforts of their caste association, the Nadar Mahajana Sangam founded in 1910, managed to acquire not only higher status but also a modem organisation to serve their needs.

The role of caste associations, found in most parts of India is still significant and till date some of these associations are found to be serving the interests of their caste members, such as, in organising mass marriages or providing a forum for match making etc. Many have opened their portals to other caste members also, as in case of hostels, educational institutions, hospitals and so on.

We find, therefore, that the caste associations contribute to fundamental structural and cultural change in Indian Society by providing an adaptive institution in which both the traditional as well as modern features of society could meet. However, not all aspects of changes in caste system were positive and passive or peaceful. The "Backward Classes Movement", the clash of interest of several castes in various rural and urban pockets of India were rather violent and aggressive in nature.

For majority of Indians living in the villages (73 percent of Indian population is still rural), caste factors are an integral part of their daily lives. Even in cities, as Gould has pointed out in his study of the Rickshaw pullers of Lucknow, occupationally caste had no role but once the rickshaw puller went home, his personal life style, rituals, marriage ties etc. still remained governed by caste to which he belonged. But changes have crept up even in the rural sector due to modem economic forces. The increase in cash crop production,

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which has made grain payments in exchange for services unprofitable, the introduction of mechanized farming, which has displaced manual labour, the preference for manufactured goods over handmade ones, and the migration to cities and to prosperous agricultural areas for work and better wages have all weakened the traditional patron-client ties and the security that it had provided. The scheduled castes and other low castes have been particularly affected as the other sectors of the economy have not grown fast enough to absorb them.

Caste has "ceased to be a structural economic signifier" according to a number of studies. The significance of caste, however, still lies in the sphere of identity, that is, it has utility as an ethnic category to which people belong. As such, it is very useful for political mobilisation rather than as a socio-economic segment as it is supposed to have existed in the traditional India

The rural social structure has been reshaped in yet another way. The dominant castes are no longer from the higher castes but belong to the middle castes and lower peasant castes -the profit-maximizing "bullock capitalists" who were the chief beneficiaries of land reform and state subsidies to the agricultural sector. They have displaced the high caste absentee landlords, who have moved to cities and taken up modem occupations. The traditional leadership and power structure of local communities have also been transformed as a result of modem political institutions. Relations between castes are now governed by rules of competitive politics and leaders are selected for their political skills and not because they are members of a particular caste. In recent times there have been various instances of confrontation between the middle peasant castes and scheduled castes in rural areas. We see that violence and repression against the scheduled castes or dalits has increased as they have begun to assert themselves with the support of Communist and Dalit movements, they are demanding better wages, and the use of village wells. In the urban - industrial milieu, one expects that the significance of caste will be considerably diluted, because achievement rather than ascription is expected to be the dominant criterion governing organisational performance here. However, available evidence suggests that although urban and industrial occupations and professions have attracted members of diverse castes, here too, certain castes tend to be prominent in particular occupations. Such clustering of castes in occupations colour social perceptions considerably, and these in tum contribute to the perpetuation of caste identities.

In the urban areas, caste conflict has mainly centred around the issue of "reservation". The other backward castes or OBCs (who belong mainly to the Shudra Caste and form approximately 50 percent of Indian's population) have demanded from the government benefits similar to those given to the SC's in

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government service and educational institutions. Due to the electoral pressures, the state governments have extended these reservation benefits to the OBCs', leading to discontent among the upper castes. This extension of preferential treatment from the SC's to the more numerous and in many states better off backward castes has not only created great resentment among the upper castes but also has reduced the public support for the policy of positive discrimination for the Scheduled Castes. The anti- reservation riots witnessed in several cities, including Delhi expressed this resentment of the upper castes. It is not accidental that this kind of agitation is taking place now when the preferential programmes have only started making inroads in improving the educational and economic conditions of the SCs'.

It is but natural that as education would spread and the meaning of the vote and the ideas of equality and justice would seep into the consciousness of people, the rural and the urban areas will witness severe inter caste conflicts. However, these conflicts apparently may be caste conflicts but in reality, would be struggles for control over political and economic resources. The reservation policy adopted by the V.P. Singh's government in 1988-89 was only a culmination of submerged sparks of anger and suppression in various caste communities in India. The reservation policy suggested by the Mandal Commission in. and its application led to violent riots in most parts of North India, the worst face of it could be seen in Delhi. It led to the fall of V.P. Singh's government. But the reservation of seats for the "other Backward Classes" which was vaguely charted out by the Mandal Commission Report could not be withdrawn. Finally, Supreme Court once again reiterated the need for reservation of seats for the "Other Backward Classes" which include the middle level castes, like the Yadavs, Kumhars, Dhobis, etc. which do not fall under the Scheduled Castes but are still considered to be the disadvantaged groups in most parts of India. However, many of these caste groups are economically and even politically well off in some regions. For example, the Yadavs who have controlled the political scene in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar for several years. Finally, it can be said that caste has come a long way since the Portuguese's discovery of it when they arrived in India centuries ago. But the tenacity and flexibility of caste has made it a powerful weapon to be used by different people for different reasons all over India to serve their varied interests.

The whole discourse on caste in Uttar Pradesh, as in India everywhere, has changed in the recent times. It is no longer the mute acceptance of upper caste dominance. The dalit movement which has developed, first in the South and then in the North of India rejects caste as a category of identity. This movement resembled the "Black panther" movement of the black people in America. However, in Uttar Pradesh, the emergence of Bahujan Samaj

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Party(BSP) and swearing in of Mayavati, the first dalit chief minister of UP marked a radical change in the values and attitudes of the lower castes in UP. The aggressive anti-upper caste rhetoric of Kanshi Ram, the founder of BSP and close associate of Mayavati, launched a new debate on caste in India. Some reflections of this changing discourse in caste could be understood, when one examines the slogans given by BSP and Dalit Soshit Sanghars Samiti, its earlier avatar. The anti-upper caste slogan, such as -"Tilak, Taraju aur Talwar. Inko Maro Jute chaar (The upper caste symbols like the ritual mark on the fore head of the Brahmin, the weighing balance of the Bania, and the sword of Kshatriya, all these should be beaten four times by the shoe)".

Thus, one sees a sea of change in the caste discourse from what it was during the British period, pre-British period to the modem period including perceptions of the upper caste intellectuals, like Srinivas and others.

5.4 Means of social mobility

5.4.1 Mobility through Warfare

M.N. Srinivas and Pauline Kolenda have referred to caste mobility through resort to warfare in Mughal period. Kolenda has said that until the British unification in the first half of the nineteenth century, the most effective way to rise in the caste system was by the acquisition of territory either through conquest or by peaceful occupancy of sparsely populated or empty land. K. M. Panikkar (the historian) has said that “since the fifth century B.C., every known royal family has come from a non-Kshatriya caste”. Kolenda has said that in ancient India, rulers were Kshatriyas. There were however, some rulers of peasant jati who after capturing territory had established a kingdom. The peasant conquerors af•ter becoming rulers made claims to being Kshatriyas. Thus, the peasant conquerors rose to Kshatriya rank. M. N. Srinivas has given the example of Shivaji in Moghul period. Shivaji’s father was Jagirdar or vassal to the Muslim ruler of Bijapur (in present Maharashtra). Shivaji overthrew the Moghul rule and established his own empire from the Arabian Sea to the Bay of Bengal. His caste, the Maratha, was considered to be of Sudra varna. So Shivaji went through a religious rite of transition into Kshatriya hood. Along with Shivaji’s rise in varna status, his caste, the Marathas, also came to have Kshatriya rank.

5.4.2 Mobility through Serving Rulers

Jatis whose members served either Hindu or non-Hindu rulers attained higher varna rank. For example, the Pattidars of Gujarat, a peasant group of Sudra

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vama, supported the Maratha descendants of Shivaji, the Gaekwads, who ruled Central Gujarat. Gradually, claiming to be Kshatriyas, they established their own small regimes. Another example of rise in caste through service to rulers is that of Kayasthas, a caste of scribes (who, before the invention of printing, were professional letter- writers, or who made copies of writing, or who kept records). The Kayasthas made themselves useful first to the Moghuls, then to the British rulers. While they were a low caste in the twelfth century, by the nine•teenth century, the Kayasthas in Northern India had risen to the ‘twice-born’ category, although the Kayastha caste further to the East in Bengal remained Sudras. Burton Stein , a historian, has also said that in medieval South India, families rose through association with Muslim rulers. The unit of mobility was not the caste (jati) but the family or a group of families. Srinivas suggests that such familial upward mobility resulted in the formation of a new jati out of an established larger one.

5.4.3 Assigning Higher Status (to Castes) by the Census Commissioners in the British Period

Recording jati identities in census enumerations from 1891 to 1931, many middle and low castes made efforts to get themselves registered as mem•bers of the twice-born varnas. These claims reached a peak in 1901 census when Herbert Risley, the Census Commissioner, tried to rank all castes. Hundreds of jatis tried to ensure a higher rank by claiming high varna ti•tles. For example, the Kurmi cultivators of Bengal wanted to be Kurmi Kshatriyas; the Teli (oil- pressers) wanted to be called Vaishyas. Evidence was offered from myths and history for each claim. District committees were set up to evaluate the claims, some of which were sustained but most were rejected.

5.4.4 Caste Mobility through Social Processes of Sanskritisation and Westernisation

Caste system had become so rigid in Brahmanical, Muslim, and the Brit•ish periods that through several restrictions like hereditary membership, endogamy, denial of occupational mobility, and commensal and social re•strictions, etc. members enjoyed a fixed status for all times. However, from the third decade of the twentieth century onwards, caste system could not remain rigid because of the processes of industrialisation, ur•banisation, spread of education, enactment of some legislative measures, and social movements of several social reformers. M.N. Srinivas explained status mobility in caste in 1952 through the process of sanskritisation and westernisation. He maintained that a low caste was able to rise in a gen•eration or two to a higher position in the hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism. It took over rituals, customs, rites and

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be•liefs of the Brahmins and gave up some of their own considered to be impure. Initially, Srinivas talked of emulating the Brahmin style of life by the lower castes but later on he talked of emulation of life style of dominant castes of any high varna. Lynch has called this ‘elite emula­tion’. Barnett has referred to emulating the style of life of Brahmins and Kshatriyas as ‘kingly model’ of emulation. Thus, an upwardly mobile tried to improve its status through sanskritisation or ‘elite emulation’ or ‘kingly emulation’. However, M.N. Srinivas has claimed that untouchables are never able to cross the line of Sudra and move to ‘higher’ caste.

5.4.5 Caste Mobility through Politicisation

Several castes have used politics in their attempt to better their condition or to achieve their goals. Use of politics, according to Eleanor Zelliot, covers securing governmental benefits and representation on legislative and political bodies. Some examples which may be given in this connec•tion are: Mahars of Maharashtra, Kshatriyas of Gujarat, Nadars of Tamil Nadu, and Reddys and Kammas of Andhra Pradesh. The Mahars of Maharashtra, constituting about 10 per cent of the population of the state (out of the total 13 per cent scheduled caste popu•lation), initially operated under conditions of social degradation but ultimately used politics for ameliorating their social condition. Ambedkar organised them into a political force and formed a Scheduled Caste Fed•eration which was ultimately used as a political tool for achieving the goals of social equality and social mobility. Mahars, who were regarded as untouchable, worked as watchmen, messengers, sweeping roads, carrying death notices to other villages and so forth. Temples, schools, and wells were all closed to them. Later on (from the 1860s onwards), they started working in factories, railways, docks, ammunition factories, etc. Even those who lived in villages discarded traditional low occupations. A good number joined the military too. The military service helped them not only to climb in the social hierarchy but also exposed them to western culture. In World War II, a Mahar regiment was also raised. Some Mahars were converted to Christianity while some joined the Kabir and Ramadi panths (sects) which stressed equality. In 1936, under the leadership of Ambedkar, their temple-entry attempt turned into political movement, rejecting Hinduism altogether. In 1937, Ambedkar established Inde•pendent Labour Party which gave majority of tickets to Mahars. Since then, through the Republic Party as well as through Parliament and Vidhan Sabha elections of 1946, 1951 and 1956, the Mahars have established themselves as an important political force in Maharashtra politics.

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Rajni Kothari and Rushikesh Maru have given examples of some middle and lower castes and economically depressed communities of cultivators in Gujarat who federated together into a com•mon organisation in the late 1940s and the 1950s for achieving political power. After winning elections against the Congress, they were ‘accepted’ into the Kshatriya fold. Thus, politics worked as a cementing force for them. Robert Hardgrave Jr. examined the solidarity and co•hesion among Nadars in Tamil Nadu and its integrated political culture. The breakdown of economic dependence on other castes and the exten•sion of caste ties over a wide geographic area gave this caste (Nadars) a new solidarity, which uplifted them socially, economically and politi•cally. After improving their status economically, they claimed the Kshatriya status. In 1921 census, all Nadars declared themselves as ‘Nadar Kshatriyas’. Today, the Nadars have become one of the most economi•cally and politically successful community in the south. All these examples show how lower castes used politics, achieved political power and caste solidarity, and ultimately high social position in society. K.L. Sharma has pointed out three approaches to so•cial mobility: structural-historical, Marxist, and culturological or indological. A.R. Kamat has used first approach in explaining caste mobil•ity in Maharashtra by referring to the displacement of the old urban- dominated political leadership by a new set of leaders drawn from the ad•vanced rural elements, widespread political consciousness and democratisation of politics. The marxist approach has been used by Arvind Das and Pradhan H. Prasad in their analysis of class-caste situation of inter-caste conflicts in Bihar. Social mo•bility has also been explained in terms of decline of jajmani system, emergence of modern occupations (Sharma, 1974), decline of untouchability and the pollution-purity principle (Kolenda, 1986), and education, state policy of protective discrimination, and social movements.

QUESTIONS

1. Concept of Karma in relation to caste (2000) 2. Define the Jajmani system. Analyze the changes in the relationship between caste and occupation in contemporary rural society. (2000) 3. in democratic institutions? Discuss. 60 (2001) 4. Concept of Rina and Rebirth. (2002) 5. Caste as a pattern of social stratification (2003) 6. Significance of Purushartha. (2003) 7. Varnashram (2005) 8. Karma (2006) 9. Jajmani System (2007) Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 386

10. Purushartha (2007) 11. Discuss the salient features of the prevalent hypotheses on the future of the caste system in India. (2009) 12. Examine the role of the caste system in the present political context. Is the present political system strengthening the caste system? Discuss. (2010) 13. Philosophy behind Purushartha (2011) 14. Critically examine the theories of Origin of Castes. (2011) 15. What is Jajmani system? Examine the views on Jajmani system as an egalitarian as well as exploitative system. Give reasons for its decline. (2013) 16. Do you think caste persists in contemporary India? Critically discuss. (2014) 17. What do you understand by dynamics of caste mobility? How did the concept of Sanskritization contribute to its functionality? (2015) 18. Relevance of caste in contemporary Indian politics (2016) 19. Examine the structural and cultural theories of caste system in India. (2016) 20. Varnashram and the concept of Rina. (2017) 21. Discuss the impact of market economy on the Jajmani system. (2017)

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Unit VII

CONCEPTS FOR STUDYING THE CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN INDIA

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Chapter 1- Great tradition and little tradition

1.1 Introduction

Robert Redfield (1897-1958) is the first anthropologist to propose an anthropological approach to the study of a civilization like that of India. He used this approach in his study of Mexican communities (1955: Little community) 1956: peasant society and culture). McKim Marriot and Milton singer applied this approach to Indian civilization in order to understand they dynamics of social cultural change in Indian society.

1.2 What is Civilization?

In the words of Redfield, a civilization is “a complex structure of great and little traditions” (1955). It may also be defined as “a social organisation of tradition” (1956). Redfield says that in a civilization is found “an organisation of specialists, kinds of role occupiers in characteristic relations to one another and to lay people concerned with the transmission of tradition” (1955). Further he says that every civilization “has its characteristic world view, ethos, temperament, value system and culture personality” (1955).

Redfield’s two definitions of civilization emphasize that civilization is:

(a) A combination of two traditions namely great and little traditions

(b) An organisation of tradition or systematic act of handing down and what is handed down from generation to generation.

Civilization is a tradition. Tradition refers to the act of handing down or process and what is handed down or content. Tradition is of two kinds; the great tradition and the little tradition. Both great and little traditions combine to form a civilization. To put it in another way civilization is an organisation of tradition.

Robert Redfield (1955) says that a civilization includes an organisation of specialists who transmit the traditions namely the great and little traditions. In doing so, they maintain relations amongst themselves and with the common people. Thus, a civilization of tradition is actually the composite of great and little traditions. There are specialists who transmit the traditions across generations. The specialists maintain a network of relations amongst themselves. At the same time, they maintain relations with laity.

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Finally, Redfield tells that in the process of enculturation members of a civilization are taught to internalise, follow, revere and respect the traditions. In the process, members of a civilization acquire ethos, values, worldview and personality.

1.3 Approach to the study of Civilization

Redfield (1956) calls the strategy to study civilization as a microscopic social-cultural approach. He treats great and little traditions as the microcosm of the microcosm of civilization. Therefore, a civilisation can be studied in terms of the structure and organisation of great and little traditions. Firstly, according to Redfield, by studying the origins of great tradition, one can study the origins of a civilization. Secondly, by examining the very arrangement and interaction of great and little traditions, one can study the structure and organisation of a civilisation. Finally, by examining the dynamics of traditions one can understand the growth of civilisation. In this way, an analysis of great and little traditions will enable us to understand the various aspects of civilization.

1.3.1 What are the great and little traditions?

The great tradition is “of the reflective few”. It refers to the formal, literary tradition of a civilisation. It is the tradition of “elite” and “thinking class”. It emanates from urban centers and their temples, educational institutions and so on. Great traditions are related to urban classes. They are usually mentioned in original religious epics. Their range in very wide, usually national in nature. Moreover, they are organised and norms and rituals are largely clear cut, unambiguous. They are transmitted from one generation to the other through texts. Great tradition is also known as “classic” “high”, “learned” and hierarchic” tradition.

Little tradition is the largely “unreflective many” It refers to an informal, oral tradition of a civilization. It is the tradition of “laymen” and “commune class”. It works itself out and keeps itself going in the lives of the unlettered in their village communities. Little traditions are mostly localised and related with rural unlettered, folk, tribal or peasantry. These are believed to be usually unorganised, haphazard and ambiguous, transmitted orally, through oral literature. Little tradition is also known as “folk”, “low”, “popular” and “lay” traditions.

The differences between the two traditions are as follows.

Great tradition Little tradition.

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1. Elite 1. Laity 2. National 2.Local 3.Textual 3.Oral 4.Unambigous 4. Ambiguous 5.Cultivated in schools and temples. 5. It works itself out and keeps itself going in the lives of the unlettered in their village communities. 6.Conscious refined and handed 6. For most part taken for granted down and not submitted to much scrutiny or considered for refinement and improvement 7. Specialists belong to urban class 7. Specialists belong to folk class. 8. Media include texts, dramas, 8. Media include oral recitations, concerts dances and strong street corner plays, folk music, folk narrations. dances and folk narrations.

Even though great and little traditions differ is several aspects, they show similarities in many aspects. Both are parts of a civilisation and are autonomous. Both are two halves of a civilisation: one is urban half and the other is peasant half.

Both the traditions are two aspect of a civilization and are complementary to each other. Both together comprise a civilisation. The existence one is the pre- requisite of the existence of the other. It is very difficult to cut them into two clean-cut halves but basically, they stand apart from each other. Both are two currents of thought and action. There is no clash of fundamental interests between them. Both are complementary. Thus, a civilisation like that of India is an organisation of great and little traditions. By examining the combination of both the traditions one can understand the structure and organisation of civilisation and by studying the origins of great tradition one can understand how the civilisation emerged.

1.3.2 Origins of civilisation

Originally everywhere including India there were only tribal societies. That means there were only little communities with little traditions. In course of time, they developed into peasant communities’ little traditions. As generations pass, the inspiration for the great traditions was found partially in the existing little traditions from which the elite had sprung. The little traditions transformed into an urban, elite, literate, formal traditions within Indian society two traditions came to stay: the little traditions and the great traditions. The must was the emergence of civilisation. In other words, the emergence of great tradition

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signalled the emergence of civilisation of study of the origins of great tradition helps an understanding of the origins of civilisation.

According to Redfield all civilisations emerge in terms of indigenous evolution or evolution from little to great traditions. All civilisations, which came into being because of transformation of little into great traditions, are called primary civilisations. They are a product of orthogenetic levels of cultural organisation.

In course of time the primary civilisations get diversified not only through internal growth, but also through contact with others civilisations. This is a heterogenetic process. The civilisations resulting from heterogenetic process are called secondary civilisations.

Civilisations

Primary civilisation Secondary civilisation By orthogenetic process by heterogenetic process (Indigenous evolution) (Contact with other cultures and civilisations.)

13.3 Structure and organisation of civilisation

According to Redfield, the structure of civilisation is an arrangement of great and little traditions. The great and little traditions are inter-linked with each other. The result is a network of inter-linkages, which comprises the structure of civilisation.

The organisation of civilisation refers to planned action of the great and little traditions. The great and little traditions exist independently to a certain extent. At the same time, they interact with each other and maintain a certain level of relationship in the Indian context the pantheon, festivals, rituals, literature, dance, music etc. whose sources are religious epics like Mahabharata, Ramayana, Gita and Upanishads are based on great traditions. On the other hand, the folklore, magic-religious practices are not found in religious epics and which are transmitted orally constitute little traditions.

Elements of great tradition interact with elements of little tradition and vice versa and fulfil the needs of the people. In this context, kinship networks, economic relations, trade contacts, religious percolations. For example,

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Ramayana was originally composed by Valmiki in Sanskrit. Tulasidas recomposed it in Hindi. It spread in india through wardress, singers and mendicants them Ramayana was translated into various other languages and dialects. Yet, even in its regional variations, especially in the enactment of Ramlia, one comes across pieces of poetry and prose interspersed by original poetry in Avadhi dialect as used by Tulasidas the flow of great traditions towards little traditions and vice versa has been a familiar process in Indian civilisation. Yet, it is also true that the extent or degree of this flow, from great to little tradition has always been much greater than the vice-versa.

More Great Little Tradition Tradition Less

There is unevenness of exchange of elements. Further there is periodic revival of interest in little tradition even among the urban elite. This facilitates flow of little traditional elements into great tradition. For example, rural dress patterns, popular folk songs, magico-religious practices like hanging the painted earthen pots on the exterior of the newly constructed houses to avoid evil eye etc reveal flow of little traditions towards great traditions. It is through constant interaction between traditions, a continuity of civilisation, a common conscious ness of civilisation, and a adoption of civilisation both needs of its carries exist across generations.

1.3.4 Criticism

Several scholars like S.C. Dube (1965), Bidyanath Saraswathi (1975), Mandebaurm (1956) Yogendra Singh (1973), Sachidananda (1976) and so on levelled different types if criticism:

(i) S.C. Dube (1965) criticised that Indian Civilisation is not a “bipolar model” but “a multi polar model”. In his view Indian civilisation is not a mere complex of great and little traditions but a very complex of six traditions namely:

(a) The classical traditions rooted in mythology, religious lore, and historical past.

(b) The regional traditions common to all the people living specific regions.

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(c) The local traditions which confined to small local groups mostly tribal groups

(d) The western traditions, which are the result of the impact of westernisation on Indian society.

(e) The emergent national traditions, which are related to strong national consciousness generated by nativitic, revivalistic, reinterpretational and vitalistic trends. (f) The sub-cultural traditions of special groups like the ruling families, the bureaucracy and the landed aristocracy.

(ii) Yogendra Singh (1973) commented that both Redfield and Dube adopted arbitrary principles for classifying the traditions into different types of traditions. Therefore, their classifications of traditions have limitations.

(iii) David G. Mandelbaum (1956) says that the great tradition is essentially a convenient abstraction. Neither the renal folk non the urban folk follow the pure literary from of great tradition. People select elements of tradition from literature and follow it. that means the structure of tradition depends upon the peoples will and selection of elements from the texts. In other words what is great tradition at one point of time for one people varies from what is great tradition to another people at a different point of time. Thus great tradition has no standard from as claimed by Redfield.

(iv) Singh and Unithan (1970) and several scholars pointed out that the great tradition itself varies from one scared text to another. For example, the Ramayana in India attributes the exile of Sita into forests to a change levelled against her by a washerman. But in the Ramayana in South East Asia, it is said that Rama’s sister Santa asks Sita to tell how Ravana looks like. Sita draws a caricature of Ravana and shows it Santa. Santa carries that caricature to Ravana and complaints that Sita has not forgotten Ravana. So, Rama banishes Sita to the forests. This speaks how two texts depict a single tradition in two different forms.

(v) Bidyanath Saraswathi (1975) argues that it is better to call great traditions as Sastriya traditions because such an expression differentiates the textual tradition from non-textual tradition and the great traditions of Muslims and Christians from those of Hindus.

(vi) It is not always true that great traditions occur only in urban communities. Sometimes great traditions occur in villages also. For example,

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caste system belongs to great traditions. Caste system belongs to great tradition. Caste system in its pure form occurs in villages but not in towns and cities in India.

CHAPTER 2- UNIVERSALISATION AND PAROCHIALISATION

2.1 Introduction

McKim Marriot (1955) is the propounder of the concepts of universalisation and prochoialisation. As Redfield (1955,1956) failed to identify the actual processes by which great tradition becomes a little tradition and a little tradition becomes a great tradition, McKim Marriot (1955) studied a village in western Uttar Pradesh and analysed the actual processes by which the great tradition becomes a little tradition and a little tradition becomes a great tradition. McKim Marriot examined the evolution and devolution of traditions universalisation and prochoialisation.

Definitions of the processes:

According to McKim Marriot (1955), universalisation is the process of “carrying forward of materials which are already present in the little tradition”. It is a process by which little tradition evolves into great tradition.

Upward Downward evolution of devolution of little tradition great tradition.

Univeralisation Parochialisation

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In this context, the little tradition makes upward journey and becomes a part of great tradition. As opposing this process, McKim Marriot says, there is parochialisation, which is a process of “downward devolution of great traditional elements and their integration with little traditional elements”. It “is a process of localisation, of limitation upon the scope of intelligibility, of deprivation of literary from, of reduction to less systematic and less reflective dimensions”.

2.2 Explanation

In India since times immemorial there has been a continuous interaction between the great and little traditions. Just as the folk borrow some elements from the elite culture and imbibe them through a process of reworking as also does the elite and integrate them in their own system after necessary them in their own system after necessary refinement as Milton Singer has stated: “Fragments of little tradition have been absorbed into the great tradition and the culture of the villages and tribes have in the long run, also been responsive to the authoritative teachings of literati”.

When a great tradition arises on account of universalisation of indigenous materials, it lacks authority to replace elements of little tradition. When elements of the great tradition fitter down to one village level they are transformed or modified to fit the local peasant tradition. Thus the village level little tradition will not be the same as the great tradition of the city. At the same time, the elements of little tradition instead of being completely submerged or over awed, add up to the great tradition and change the form and context of great tradition. It is an interesting way of assimilation.

Parochialisation does not give much importance to rationality and deep thinking therefore, it cannot necessarily be explained rationally. There are many little traditional elements which cannot stand the scrutiny of reason and rationale, yet they continue to be accepted generation after generation. Through the process of parochialisation importance is given to the views, experiences and beliefs of a little community. As a result of “dilution” or “distortion” of great traditional cultural forms, parochialisation takes traditions away from their original forms and structures

2.3 Illustrations

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To illustrate the twin processes of universalisation and parochialisation, McKim Marriot (1955) studied Kishangarhi, a village in Aligarh District of Uttar Pradesh. The village Kishangarhi contained 24 castes. The people of Kishangarhi celebrate 19 festivals in a year of which 8 belong to great tradition and the remaining 11 belong to little tradition. Taking up two festivals “Govardhan Puja” and “Navrathri Puja”, McKim Marriot cities the parochialisation of two great traditions. In the process of parochialisation, Govardhan Puja has become Gobardhan Puja. Gobardhan literally means cowdung wealth. Govardhan Puja refers to the worship of the possessor of cows namely Lord Krishna. It is performed to commemorate the great event of Lord Krishna lifting a hill to safeguard his followers from the fury of rains unleashed by an angry Indra. At the actual hill Govardhan in Mathura. District, about 40 Kilometres or so from Kishangarhi, people perform a ceremony every year. In Kishangarhi the celebration of Gobardhan festival, which has taken some local details has no mention in Sanskrit texts. The women and children in every family perform the Gobardhan Puja. In this regard, they construct a small “hill” made of cowdung with straw and cotton on top to represent “trees”. Little models of a cowboy and cows are made of dung and placed on the hill. In the evening all the agnates in the family worship it jointly by placing a lamp on it and winding thread around its “trees” and shouting “Gobardhan Baba Ki Jai”(Long Live Grandfather Cowdung wealth ). The next morning, members of the weaver caste are paid to sing a co dung wealth song, after which the hill and models are broken up for use as direly fuel. But a portion of the cowdung is kept aside, dried and preserved until the Holi festivals when it is used for the case annual village bonfire. Thus Marriot presented this case as an example of prochoialisation adding local details to great traditional festivals.

Similarly Navrathri Puja id a great traditional festivals. In Kishangarhi Navrathri Puja has become Navratha Puja Navrathri Puja is an all India festival. People worship Durga, Kali and Amba during the Navrathri Puja. But the inhabitants of Kishangarhi worship Navratha, a local or parochial goddess. Navratha does not enjoy any mention in the great traditional texts. Clearly this is an example of parochialisation of a great tradition.

McKim Marriot explains the process of universalisation with the help of several examples of festivals. One of the little traditional regional festival known as Saluno. It has universalised into a great traditional festival namely Raksha Bandhan at one point of time Saluno was a regional festival. Then it has slowly worked out into Raksha Bandhan. In Kishangarhi, the Saluno festival makes the end of that annual fortnight during which most young wives return for a visit to their parents at their wives villages. On Salumi day many husbands arrive at their wives villages to taken them back. Before going back with their husbands

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the wives as well as their unmarried sisters express their devotion to their brothers by facing young shoots of barley, the locally sacred grain, on the heads and ears of their brothers. Since brothers should accept nothing from their sisters as a free gift they reciprocate with some money. On the same day along with the ceremony of Saluno, the ceremony of Rakhi Bandhan (Charm-Tying) is also held. The Brahmin domestic priests of Kishagarhi goes to each patron and ties a polychrome thread with tassels upon his wrist. He also utters a blessing and is rewarded by his patron and with some cash because it is considered impious to accept anything free of cost. A close parallel can be seen between Saluno and Rakhi Bandhan. It may be possible that Rakhi Bandhan had its roots in Saluno. The thread charms of the priests are now factory made and are sold by a local caste group called Jogis. A few sisters in Kishangarhi have now taken to tying these thread charms on their brothers wrists. Those thread charms are also convenient for mailing in letters to brothers who are living far away in cities and towns. Thus the Rakhi Bandhan, a great traditional festival, came into being as a result of universalisation of Saluno, a little traditional festival.

According to Marriot Lakshmi Puja, a great traditional festival is a product of universalisation of the little traditional festival namely Saurati worship. During the festival people of Kishangarhi carve the image of Saurati on the walls with rice flour to invoke her blessing for health and wealth. Such practices did not originate in great traditions of the Hindus. What happened was that Saurati worship was a little traditional festival; during Diwali it travelled upwards and became a great traditional festival. Later it was accepted, incorporated in the religious texts and epics of great traditions and became part of the great tradition in course of time.

2.4 Criticism

According to McKim Marriot, the concepts of universalisation and prochoialisation reveal the dynamics of great and little traditions in terms of unilinear, two directional process. But in fact, the processes are circular and continuous in operation. Parts of the elite from the great community emerging from the little community, little traditions becoming part of the great traditions maintains a circular flow and journeying again to the little communities and thus goes on the process. The following diagram explains this argument.

Universalisation Great Little Tradition Parochialisation Tradition

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(ii) McKim Marriot’s concepts of universalisation and parochialisation may be sound in so far as they refer to the process of “give” and “take” between the “elite” and “folk” traditions but they are substantially erroneous when it is implied if an element passes down from the great to little tradition it is bound to be localised or parochialized. Folk culture is not confined to a single village, nor even to a small region but it is confines to the whole of India. What appears to be parochial may be essentially pan-Indian and vice versa. Hence, these concepts have limited validity and often fail to explain a number of cultural facts of complex India civilisation.

(iii) Yogendra Singh (1977) comments that the concepts of universalisation and parochalisation also describe the process of cultural change implied by sanskritization. Especially universalisation comes very close to this concept. Despite this, the contribution of Marriot is very limited in scope because he focuses merely upon the orthogenetic processes of cultural change.

(iv) The very process of flow of elements from one tradition to another reveals the process of diffusion as revealed by Franz Boas. When the elements diffuse, the recipients do not accept them as they are, unless they modify them to suit the existing cultural framework. This is what McKim Marriot says about the movement of elements of traditions either upwardly or downwardly. So, McKim Marriot’s explanation is a repetition of what Boas said long before.

QUESTIONS

1. Critically review the processes of social changes the contemporary Indian society is undergoing. 60 (2006) 2. Critically examine the concepts of little and Great Traditions for understanding the Indian Villages. (2008) 3. What are the various exogenous processes of socio-cultural changes in Indian Society? (2009) 4. Universalization and Parochialization (2010) 5. Critique of the concept of Grate and Little Tradition. (2011) 6. "Modernity has entered Indian character and society, but it has done so through assimilation, not replacement." Discuss. (2011) 7. Great tradition and Little tradition (2014) 8. Explain the nature of interplay of little and great tradition in the context of globalisation. (2016)

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Chapter 3- Sacred complex 3.1 Introduction

L.P. Vidyarthi (1931-1985) proposed the theory of scared complex for studying the places of pilgrimage as a dimension of Hindu civilization (1961). Sacred complex of Hindu Gaya, Asia Publishing House, Bombay). Within the framework of great and little traditions used by Redfield (1955) and Singer (1956), L.P. Vidyarthi (1961) developed a set of analytical concepts and terms to describe the sacred city as a part of Hindu civilization. Thus, Vidyarthi limited his frame of reference from Indian civilisation to Hindu civilisation.

3.2 What is a sacred complex?

According to L.P. Vidyarthi (1961), the pattern of life of a sacred city which emerged with the fusion of several elements namely scared geography, sacred performances and sacred specialists is sacred complex.

The components of sacred complex are: sacred city, sacred geography, sacred performances and sacred specialists. Within the area where Hindus live, certain communities are considered as holy and are accorded sacred quality. Such communities are either little communities or urban communities. The urban communities comprise the sacred cities.

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The spatial organisation of the sacred city refers to sacred geography. In other words, sacred geography refers to a differentiated space created owing to the sacred qualities bestowed on it.

The sacred performances are those rituals and activities conducted within the differentiated space of sacred geography. They are in the form of rituals, offerings, prayers, recitations, baths, and philanthropic activities.

The sacred specialists are those experts who perform rituals in the sacred places. They are in the form of priests, monks, barbers, florists, pilgrim-hunters, sacred singers, reciters, musicians, composers and so on.

The total arrangement of sacred geography, sacred performances and sacred specialists of a sacred city is a sacred complex, which reveals the very structure, organisation and dynamics of a Hindu civilisation.

After forming the theory of sacred complex, L.P. Vidyarthi put forth three hypotheses, which are stated as follows:

(a) The sacred complex of a Hindu place of pilgrimage reflects a level of continuity, compromise and combination between great and little traditions.

(b) The sacred specialists of a place of pilgrimage maintain a district style of life and transmit certain elements of the great tradition to the rural population of India by popularising certain texts, by organising pilgrimages and by officiating as the ritual and temple priests, and

(c) The sacred complex in general and the sacred specialists in particular have been in the process of modification and transformation as a result of general development in the larger universe of Hindu civilisation of which they are a part.

L.P. Vidyarthi tested these three hypotheses in the light of the data pertaining to Gaya which he collected between 1948 and 1956 and found them to be true (1961).

3.3 Sacred complex of Gaya

(i) L.P. Vidyarthi analysed the sacred geography of Gaya in the ancient cultural of Magadha in Bihar. Vidyarthi calls the entire space occupied by Gaya as Kshetra (ground or region). The Kshetra is divided into simpler parts as shown in the following diagram.

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Sacred zone secular zone

Sacred segment Sacred segment

Sacred cluster Sacred cluster

Sacred centre Sacred centre

A sacred centre is a simple single spot represented by an image, river, temple or tree. It is the minimum unit of worship. It may have universal, regional, or local importance.

When there is a combination of several sacred centres around a dominant sacred centre, the term sacred cluster is used. Two or more clusters form a sacred segment. Several sacred segments together comprise a sacred zone. Two or more zones constitute a Kshetra.

Vidyarthi studied the history a every centre, cluster, segment and zone and the whole Kshetra and concluded as follows:

(a) Gaya Kshetra contains a complex of hundreds of sacred objects and places

(b) Both in space and time the sacred geography demonstrates the continuity of great and little traditions of Hindus.

(c) The sacred geography also exhibits several kinds of combinations between Hindu and Buddhist traditions at different levels.

(d) Due to drastic changes in modern times the secular zone of Gaya has been expanding at the cost of the shrinking sacred zone. This is discernible at

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the sight of many old and dilapidated sacred objects where rest houses, parks, restaurants etc have come up. All these conclusions support the first and the third hypotheses framed by Vidyarthi.

(ii) Secondly, Vidyarthi analysed sacred performances at Hindu Gaya. The performances made at Gaya are shown in the following diagram:

Sacred performances at Gaya Kshetra

Puja Gaya Homa Arghya Katha, Prarthana Philanthropic Shraddha Sakeerthana Pathana activities Leela, Dhyana Gaana

Puja is floral worship. Shraddha is an elaborate from of sacrifices to ancestral spirits. Home refers to fire offerings. Arghya is offering of water. Prarthana is prayer. Prarthana is reading of sacred texts, and Dhyana is meditation. Philanthropic activities include giving alms to beggars and sadhus, gifts to priests, giving of presents to the specialists and inviting the Brahmins to a ritual meal. After studying the sacred performances, Vidyarthi draws are the following conclusions:

(a) The performances include great and little traditional types.

(b) Of all the performances the main one for which Gaya is revered in the Hindu world is Gaya Shraddha.

(c) The history of the performances is commensurate with the history of the sacred geography.

(iii) Thirdly, Vidyarthi analysed the data pertaining to sacred specialists. The sacred specialists are as follows:

Sacred specialists at Gaya

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Gayawal Monks Florists Barbers Pilgrim Staff of Shop Astrologers Priests hunters Gayawals keepers Palmists, Singers, Recites Musicians Composers.

Of all the specialists, the Gayawal priests who are Brahmins are the most important ones. The Gayawals may be classified into three categories namely the Sanskritic, the Feudalistic and the proletarian. The Sanskritic Gayawals lead a life of orthodoxy, ceremonialism and strict adherence to the Brahminic rules as prescribed by the ancient Sanskritic texts. The Feudalist Gayawals lead a wealthy and aristocratic way of life. They also employ a number of servants to perform their priestly and domestic work. The Proletarian Gayawals show various changes in their behaviours and way of life. They are ridden with rivalry and group disorganization and at the same time pretend to maintain priestly life.

The Gayawal priests have Jajmani relationships with well-to-do patrons located in various parts of India. The rich patrons from all over India financed construction of sacred buildings. They provide a livelihood to the sacred specialists by holding elaborate sacred performances and giving them valuable gifts. On the basis of his analysis of the life of the Gayawals, Vidyarthi has drawn the following conclusions:

(a) All the three classes of Gayawals show three different in the development of priests through time.

(b) In the process of cultural development of the priests, each variety did not replace the other all the three are existing simultaneously today.

(c) The relationship of the priests with the outside world is not one sided. The priests fulfilled the religious needs of the people and the people patronised the sacred complex of Gaya. This proves the second hypothesis.

Further, the very changes occurring in the lives of the priests reveal the changes in the Hindu civilisation in general and the sacred comply in particular this proves the third hypothesis

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3.4 Similar studies

Sociologist Study Bidayanath Saraswathi The holy circuit of Nimsar Temple organisation in Goa Myth and reality of a classical cultural tradition Mohapatra Lingaraj Temple, its structural change Morab and Goswami Chamundeswari temple Chakravarthi Tarakeswari temple Makhan Jha The Sacred complex of Ratanpur

3.5 Conclusion

According to L.P. Vidyarthi, the study of Hindu place of pilgrimage like Gaya shows that even though Gaya appears to be a great traditional in its context, in reality it has incorporated within its framework elements of performances and specialists of little traditional origins. There is a peculiar process of combination and compromise of tradition in the past leading to the development to Hinduism.

A sacred complex by serving the local, regional and entire Hindu universe through its sacred activities has provided a meeting place for different kinds of people and traditions of castes and sects, and of classes and status and thus nourished a sense of Indian unity, even at a time when the spirit of nationalism was lacking.

Finally, the sacred complex has undergone secondary urbanisation. Especially under the impact of western civilisation the sacred complex is in the process of transformation. The secular zone is in the process of expansion and is gaining more importance. This has resulted in the education of the activities in the sacred zone. In short, the sacred complex is in a process of reorganisation in response to the general change occurring in and around India.

3.6 Criticism

(i) Bidayanath Saraswathi (1982) proved that the heterogeneous pilgrims interacting in a sacred complex do not hold a common foundation of the sacred complex. Even then, the sacred centers integrates diverse cultural traditions into a common bond of civilisation.

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(ii) Bidayanath Saraswathi (1965,1962 and 1975) studied the sacred complexes of Nimsar of Goa and Kashi and concluded that a sacred complex, as in the case of Kashi, need not be a Brahmin complex rather it may be a non-Brahmin complex because it includes the co- existence of the Brahminic temples of Viveshwara and the non- Brahminic shrine of Agiyabeer and the sacred performances made by Brahmins and non-Brahmins including the untouchable Doms. That means a sacred complex may appear as predominantly a Brahmin complex, it is indeed a complex of a much bigger organisation of traditions known as Indian civilization

(iii) In the place of Vidyarthi “sacred complex” as a theoretical model, Marriot and Cohn (1958) developed alternative theoretical model in the form of “networks and centers for studying the places of pilgrimage as dimensions of Indian civilisation.

QUESTIONS

1. Sacred complex (2005) 2. Sacred Geography (2012) 3. Discuss the significance of study of religious centres to the understanding of Indian civilization. (2013) 4. Describe the concept of 'Sacred Complex' with an ethnographic example. (2014) 5. Sacred complex as a dimension of Indian civilization (2015)

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CHAPTER 4- NATURE-MAN-SPIRIT COMPLEX

4.1 Introduction

Professor L.P. Vidyarthi in his book “The Maler: Nature-Man-Spirit Complex in a hill tribe of Bihar” (1963) developed a methodological frame- work to conduct analytical study of the complex phenomenon of Nature-Man- Spirit in the life of tribes residing Souria Paharia tribe in Rajmahal Hills of present SahebganJ District. Souria Paharia are also called Maler. Professor Vidyarthi in course of his several visits to the Malers observed that their life was revolving round the phenomenon of Nature-Man-Spirit Complex.

4.2 What is Nature-Man-Spirit complex?

According to Vidyarthi “a complex arising out of man’s close interaction with and dependence on nature in his belief in the supernatural and the spirit world” is Nature –Man-Spirit complex.

The three components of the complex are nature, man and spirit. “Nature” refers to environment, “Man” refers to society and “spirit” refers to the religious realm. All the three are intertwined, at times are merged into each other. In Indian tribes there is an intimate relationship and interaction between social organisation on the one hand, and religious complex and ecological conditions on the other. In certain informers, it appears that the nature and spirits condition some of the social ways and practices; while in others it sounds a case of adjustment for smooth living. At times the relationship appears unavoidable; its avoidance would cause hardship to the people. But at other places the shift in some of the lifestyles has been reported leading thereby to the easing of severity traditionally defined in nature-man-spirit complex. However, the changes, mainly because of the alien influences, are of minor form. Both economic necessity and socio-psychological protection have directed man to keep the

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closest possible liaison with the forces of nature, environmental and supernatural. For these considerations, man is submissive to, and is sometimes dominated by the apparent as well as non-apparent forces of the natural and supernatural worlds.

Professor Vidhyarthi’s study of the Maler signalled an interesting departure from the established tradition of writing a monograph. His approach of nature-man-spirit complex arose from the practical exigency of arranging the data in a meaningful way-to depict the “soul” instead of just the “bones” of Maler culture. This added a new dimension to the cultural ecological studies.

4.3 Analysis of data

(i) First, Vidyarthi analysed the interaction between Maler and their natural environment. He showed the ecological basis of Maler culture, showing the importance of hills and forests in the life of Maler. The Maler are dependent on the hills and forests for their livelihood and survival. They practise shifting cultivation (Khallu) in the forest. They collect roots, fruits, fuel and herbal medicines from the forest. They gather all those raw materials necessary for cottage industries from the hills and forests. Forests provided hunting grounds to them. Not only this, different spirits of the Maler also take abode in and around the forest. All timber required for constructing the shelters comes from the forests. Forests provide love-nests and graveyards to the Maler. In this way, the life of Maler is dependent upon forest for manifold purposes.

(ii) Secondly, Vidyarthi dealt with the Maler man. In this context, he examined the network of relationships in all its aspects, including social structure and social organisation, socialisation, personality formation, and the life-cycle of a typical Maler. An average Maler is motivated by two basic needs: hunger for food and sex. The very social structure and organisation, socialisation and personalities formation are arranged in adaptation to the fulfilment of hunger for food and sex. So, in tune with the availability of environmental resources, the Maler shape their marriage practices, family life, lineage system, socialization process, personality formation and life-cycle events. They made their social structure very simple. For this reason, they do not have a clan system and kinship is reckoned through lineage upto three generations in this way, the Maler arranged their network of social relations and social institutions in relation to their needs and environmental conditions.

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(iii) Thirdly, Vidyarthi analysed the spirit or supernatural world of the Maler. The Maler express ceaseless anxieties for survival in their environment. They attribute the causes of anxieties to of spirits called Gossayins. They believe that one Gossayian is the presiding one over all the Gossayins. The Gossayins guide their destinies. The spirits may be classified into two categories the benevolent and the malevolent ones. The benevolent are responsible for health, wealth, increased productively in agriculture and so on while the malevolent spirits cause sickness, abortions, death and natural clamities. Every moment of the Maler life is woven with some Gossayin or the other. For this reason the Malers placate the Gossayins in a precise way. To achieve this objective they resort to various types of rites and rituals. Since the presiding spirit of Gossayin serves as the bridge between the Maler and their concept of superhuman and supernatural, it is held in highest esteem. They do not do anything worthwhile without the approval of the Gossayin.

(iv) Finally, Vidyarthi’s analysis of Male’s life reveals that the “nature” and “spirits” extent profound influences over the social “structure” and organisation” and these three interrelated factors are in constant interaction with each other:

Nature Man

Spirit

Nature Man Spirit Economic life Social structure Spirit world Based on forest (shifting Social organisation Spirit world or cultivation, hunting and (Family, marriage, supernatural (Gossayins, gathering) lineage, kinship system, rites and rituals.) socialisation,world course of life and personality formation)

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Vidyarthi adopted an ecological approach to study the Maler life. He discovered that “nature” on the one hand and “spirit” world on the other influences every moment of Maler life. “Nature” and “spirit” world, as two ingredients of the complex play, a paramount role in the life-cycle of the Maler. The existences of one simply cannot be through of in the absence of another.

4.4 Utility of the concept

(i) Vidyarthi’s concept of nature-man-spirit complex was found to be useful, theoretical and methodological model, which was later on used successfully to study different tribes in different environments by different scholars. The studies of Korwa by A.N. Sandhwar, Parahiya by R.K. Prasad, Pando by R.K. Sinha, Nicobarese by V.S. Sahay, and Soliga by S.G. Morab, all clearly establish that this concept of nature- man-spirit complex is an important and useful tool in studying not only the tribals, but also the peasant and modern societies.

(ii) Vidyarthi’s concept of nature-man-spirit complex has become an important aid or tool for an applied anthropologist especially during the formation or implementation of developmental programmes among the tribal communities. It has been seen several times that the primitive tribal groups resist or reject totally any attempt on the part of the development administration to rehabilitate them anywhere else or introduce radical changes in their life. This resistance or rejection may anger at the disturbance in the equilibrium of nature and spirit. This complex highlights that these tribals can be disturbed radically and abruptly by introducing innovations in their life without preparing them sufficiently for this change.

(iii) This concept tells and applied anthropologist to be very sensitive and receptive to any such change that threatens to disturb this equilibrium otherwise the target group or the potential beneficiary of any programme may not accept it and the scarce resources may go down the drain. This hardly means that the primitive tribal groups or simple peasant groups should be left to their fate with all the visages of status quoism. The purpose and objective of this caution is to ensure that the schemes for their welfare and development help such groups achieve “development” with happiness.

(iv) This concept further tells that the “little traditions” are not only resilient and capable of perpetuating themselves but may also reject the

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“great traditions” without getting overawed by them. Such a concept may prove very useful especially in the rehabilitation planning for the food-gathering-hunting tribes, shifting cultivators and other simple societies.

QUESTIONS

1. Nature-Man-Spirit complex (2001) 2. Nature-Man-Spirit complex (2009) 3. Examine Nature- man - spirit complex as an ecological concept. (2013)

Chapter 5- Sanskritisation

5.1 Meaning of Sanskritization

The term “Sanskritization was introduced into Indian Sociology by Prof. M.N. Srinivas. The term refers to a process whereby people of lower castes collectively they to adopt upper caste practices and beliefs, as a preliminary step to acquire higher status. Thus, it indicates a process of cultural mobility that is taking place in the traditional social system of India.

5.2 Context of the introduction of the Term “Sanskritization”

M.N. Srinivas in his study of the Coorgs in Karnataka, found that lower castes, in order to raise their position in the caste hierarchy, adopted some customs and practices of Brahmins, and gave up some of their own which were considered to be “impure” by the higher castes. For example, they gave up meat- eating, drinking liquor and animal sacrifice to their deities. They imitated Brahmins in matters of dress, food and rituals. These people who started calling themselves “Amma Kodavas”, became strict vegetarians like the Brahmins, began to wear scared thread and arrange marriage from among themselves, on the model of the Brahmins. In fact, they started imitating Brahmin way of living in all possible ways. By doing this, within a generation or so they could claim higher positions in the hierarchy of castes. In the beginning, M.N. Srinivas used

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the term “Brahminisation” to denote this process. The term “Brahminisation” denotes the imitation of Brahmin way of life. Later on, he replaced it by “Sanskritization”.

5.3 Definition of Sanskritization

M.N. Srinivas, in fact, went on broadening his definition of the term “Sanskritization” from time. to time Initially, (1962), he described it as follows.

1. Sanskritization is “the process of mobility of lower castes by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism to move in the caste hierarchy in a generation or two”-

Prof. Srinivas redefined the term in 1966 in his book “Social Change in Modern India” in the following manner.

2. Sanskritization is “a process by which a low caste or a tribe or other group changes its customs, rituals, ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and frequently, twice-born caste”.

The second definition is much broader, for it includes some ideologies [such as “Karma”, “dharma”, “papa” (sin), “punya” “mosksha” etc.]. It is in currency now.

Yogendra Singh points out that the second definition cited above is broader and more appropriate in some respects:

(i) Firstly as per this definition, the imitating group need not be only a low caste group, it can be a tribal or any other group.

(ii) Secondly the imitation is not restricted to mere rituals and religious practices. It also means imitation of ideologies.

(iii) Thirdly, the Brahmins do not constitute the only model. It could be a group occupying a higher position in the hierarchy. Srinivas admits that it is the locally dominant caste which will be the model. The dominant caste could be Brahmin or Lingayats or Kshatriya or Vaisya, etc.. The criteria of dominance may be ritually higher status, education, economic strength or numerical majority.

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The term Sanskritization is preferable to Brahminisation

(i) Sanskritization is a broader term and it can include in itself the narrower process of Brahminisation. For instance, today, though by and large, Brahmins are vegetarians and teetotallers, some of them such as Kashmiris, Bengalis and Saraswath Brahmins eat non- vegetarian food. Had the term “Brahminisation” been used, it would have become necessary to specify which particular Brahmin group was meant.

(ii) Further, the reference groups of sanskritization are not always Brahmins. The process of imitation need not necessarily take place on the model of Brahmins. Srinivas himself has given the example of the low castes of Mysore who adopted the way of the life of Lingayats, who are not Brahmins but who claim equality with Brahmins.

The lower castes imitated not only Brahmins but also Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Jats, Shudras, etc. in different parts of the country. Hence the term Brahminisation does nor completely explain this process. M.N. Srinivas himself acknowledged this fact.

5.4 Analysis of the Process of Sanskritization

An analysis of the process of “Sanskritization” would reveal to us the following aspects.

1. Sanskritization as a process of imitation: “Sanskritization” denotes a process in which the lower castes try to imitate life-styles of upper castes in their attempt to raise their social status. The process seems to be associated with the role of local “dominant caste”. Though the lower castes for some time, imitated Brahmins they soon shifted it towards the local dominant caste which in most cases was a non-Brahmin dominant caste.

2. Sanskritization indicates the process of upward mobility. In this process, a caste is trying to raise its position in the caste hierarchy not at once, but over a period of time. It would take, sometimes, a period of one or two generations.

3. Sanskritization indicates only positional change. Mobility that is involved in the process of Sanskritization results only in “positional changes” for particular castes or sections of castes and need not necessarily lead to a “structural change”. It means while individual castes move up or down, the structure as such remains the same.

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4. Sanskritization is not a new phenomenon as such. M.N. Srinivas writes: “Sanskritization has been a major process of cultural change in Indian history, and it has occurred in every part of the Indian sub-continent. It may have been more active at some periods than at others and some parts of India are more sanskritised than others; but there is no doubt that the process has been universal”

5. The castes which enjoyed higher economic and political power but rated relatively low in ritual ranking went after Sanskritization for they felt that their claim to a higher position was not fully effective. The three main aspects of power in the caste system are the ritual, the economic and the political ones. The possession of power in any one sphere usually leads to the acquisition of power in the other two. But Srinivas opines that inconsistencies do occur.

6. “Economic betterment is not a necessary pre-condition to Sanskritization, nor economic development must necessarily lead to Sanskritization. However, sometimes a group [caste, tribe] may start by acquiring, political power and this may lead to economic development and Sanskritization. Economic betterment, the acquisition of political power, education, leadership, and a desire to move up in the hierarchy, are all relevant factors in Sanskritization, and each case of Sanskritization any show all or some of these factors mixed up in different measures.”

7. Sanskritization is not necessarily confined to the castes within the Hindu community, it is found in tribal communities also. Example, The Bhils of Western India, the Gonds and Oraons of Middle India, and the Pahadiays of Himalayan region have come under the influence of Sanskritization. These tribal communities now claim themselves to be Hindus, for their communities represent some caste groups within the fold of Hinduism.

8. The process of Sanskritization serves as a “reference group”. It is through this process that a caste group tries to orient its beliefs, practices, values, attitudes and: life-style” in terms of another superior or dominant group, so that it can also get recognition. Since this term was made applicable by M.N. Srinivas even to Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra models (in addition to Brahamana model), it has greater relevance to function as a “reference group”.

9. Sanskritization does not take place in the same manner in all the places. Studies have revealed that in most of the castes the lower castes tend to imitate the upper castes particularly the. Kshatriya and Brahmin castes. There are instances of upper castes imitating some of the practices of lower castes and

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sometimes of even tribal groups. For example, a Brahmin may make a blood sacrifice to one of the local deities through the medium of a non-Brahmin friend. The Muslim cultural ways have imposed some limitations in the imitation process of some upper and lower castes. This is very much in evidence in Punjab. Thus, it can be generalised that Sanskritization is not a one-way process; it is a two-way process. In this process a lower caste does not always “take” from the higher caste, sometimes, it also ‘gives’ in return.

10. The British rule in India provides a favourable atmosphere for Sanskritization to take place. Political independence has weakened the trend towards this change. Now the emphasis is on vertical social mobility and not on the horizontal mobility. But in this process of mobility that is, Sanskritization, the basic unit remains only the group and not the individual or family.

11. The process of Sanskritization does not automatically results in the achievement of a higher status for the group. People will have to wait for a period of a generation or two before their claim can be accepted. Further, it may so happen that a claim can be accepted. Further, it may so happen that a claim which may not succeed in particular area or period of time, may succeed in another.

12. Significant developments in the realm of material culture have accelerated the process of Sanskritization Industrialisation, occupational mobility, mass media of communication, spread of literacy, advent of Western technology, improvement in the transportation system etc., have speeded up the process of Sanskritization. Introduction of parliamentary system of democracy and universal suffrage have also contributed to the increased Sanskritization.

13. As M.N. Srinivas has pointed out, Sanskritization serves to reduce or remove the gap between the ritual and secular ranking. It is, indeed, one of its main functions. For example, if a caste, or its segment gains secular, that is, political power, it immediately starts imitating the so called “status-symbols” of the customs, ritual, ideals, values, life-styles, etc. of the upper caste communities. The lower caste group which successfully gets into the seat of secular power also tries to avail itself of the services of Brahmins especially at the time of observing some rituals, worshiping and offering things to the God in the centers of pilgrimage, celebrating important Hindu festivals, fixing, “muhurtham” (auspicious time for doing good work or starting new ventures) for some important occasions and programmes and so on.

14. Sanskritization has often been construed as a kind of protest against the traditional caste system. Sanskritization is a type of protection against the caste

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system in which the status is ascribed or predetermined. Lower castes which are disillusioned with their predetermined statuses and impressed with the higher statuses accorded to the upper caste, naturally desire to go up in the status hierarchy. This desire is virtually against the traditional hierarchical principle of the caste system. Making an attempt through Sanskritization to move up in the status hierarchy setting aside the hierarchical principle of caste, amounts to a protection against the caste system itself.

15. Sanskritization, as M.N. Srinivas himself has said, does not denote a basic change in the structure of the Hindu society. It should not be construed that through this process any kind of social change can be brought about in the caste- ridden society. Since membership in the caste-ridden society is based on the unchangeable factor of birth, no one can become a member of the reference group” as such. However, an individual or a group may improve his or wer social position within the range of one’s own Varna group. Srinivas further observes that the process of sanskritization can only support the existing system but can never remove it. hence, the changes that are affected through Sanskritization, though cannot be neglected, have limited significance.

5.5 Sanskritization: Some Critical Comments.

Though the concept “Sanskritization” introduced by M.N. Srinivas has been regarded as a significant contribution to the social literature, it is not free from criticism. Number of comments have been levelled against the term by the scholars. Some of them may be cited here:

1. According to J.F. Stall, “Sanskritization as used by Srinivas and other anthropologists, is a complex concept or a class of concepts. The term itself seems to be misleading, since its relationship to the term Sanskrit is “extremely complicated”.

Srinivas himself writes: “It is an extremely complex and heterogeneous concept. It should be treated as a bundle of concepts rather than as a single concept. The important thing to remember is that it is only a name for a widespread cultural process.” It could be said that in view of the looseness of the concept, it fails to lead to any consistent theory of social change.

2. Yogendra Singh comments: Though “Sanskritization and Westernisation, in logical sense, are “Truth asserting” concepts, they “fail to lead to a consistent theory of cultural change. Such consistency is far from realisation……” In Zetterberg’s words, the concepts “Cannot be true or false.

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They can be clumsy or elegant, appropriate or inappropriate, effective or worthless but never true or false.”

3. Yogendra Singh points out that Sanskritization did not have any pan- Indian pattern. He states: “Neither in respect of the sources for cultural emulation nor in regard to the pattern and direction of emulation of cultural forms, has there been a universal Indian character.”

4. Yogendra Singh also opines that “Sanskritization fails to account for many aspects of cultural change in the past and contemporary India as it neglects the non-Sanskritic traditions”. Observing the truism of Yogendra Singh’s comments in one of his studies in a village, Mackim Marriot observes that, we cannot establish that the process of sanskritization always takes place by replacing or removing the non-Sanskritic rituals. “Sanskritic rites are often added on to non-Sanskrit rites without replacing them”

5. It is also commented that much against the assumption of M.N. Srinivas, the “Sanskritic influence has not been universal to all parts of the country. In most of northern India, especially in Punjab, it was the Islamic tradition which provided a basis for cultural imitation.” In Punjab, writes Chanana, “Culturally Sanskritic influence has been one of the trends, and at times, it could not have been the main trend. For a few centuries, until the third quarter of the 19th century, Persian influence had been the dominating one in this area”- (as quoted by Prof. Yogendra Singh)

6. Dr. D.N. Majumdar comments that it is wrong to assume the process of Sanskritization as a universal process observed throughout India. In his study of Mohana, village in Uttar Pradesh, he observed a strong exception to this assumption. In this village, as he noticed, the lower caste people do not have any urge or inclination to imitate the “life-styles” of Brahmins or any other dominant higher caste of that region. If a cobbler wears Tilak (or Vibhuti), dhoti and the sacred thread and follows some of the customs of higher castes, nobody recognises him as an upper caste man. “If Sanskritization is really a universal process, where exactly does it stop and why?…” Dr. Majumdar questions.

7. M.N. Srinivas has been changing the definition of the term “Sanskritization” from time to time and this adds to the problem of understanding its meaning and range of operations in clear terms. First, Dr. Srinivas used the term to mean Brhminisation. Later on, he extended its meaning. He used it to mean a process in which a lower caste, a tribal group or any other group attempts to imitate the “life-styles” of a locally dominant upper caste, mostly a twice-born caste. As per his recent interpretation, the process

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includes the imitation of ideas, values and ideologies. Here also it becomes difficult to ascertain the real meaning of the term “ideology”.

8. When we try to interpret certain changes that have taken place in the field of social mobility in the light of Sanskritization, we face certain paradoxes. According to Dr. Srinivas, political and economic forces are normally favourable for Sanskritization but the “policy of reservation” a politico- constitutional attempt to elevate the status of lower castes and backward class people, presents here a different picture. Theoretically, the policy of reservation must be supportive of Sanskritization. But paradoxically, it goes, against it. Those who avail themselves of the “reservation” benefits have developed a vested interest in calling themselves “dalits” or “scheduled caste” people. They want to enjoy the benefits of “reservation” permanently.

9. “As suggested by Harold A. Gould, often the motive force behind Sanskritization is not of cultural imitations per se but an expression of challenge and revolt against the socio-economic deprivations.”

Yogendra Singh writes: “Sanskritization is thus a cultural camouflage for latent interclass and intercaste competition for economic and social power, typical of a traditional bound society where traditionally the privileged upper castes hold monopoly over power and social status. When the impact of the external forces like political democratisation, land reforms and other social reforms break this monopoly of the upper castes, the cultural camouflage of Sanskritization is thrown away, in favour of an open conflict with the privileged classes based on nativistic solidarity.”

5.6 MODELS OF SANKRITIZATION

5.6.1 Introduction

Sanskritization follows Varna models. The reference groups may be Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas or Sudras. In the process of sanskritization, the objectives of the lower castes or tribes involved are to give manifestation to their new identity in respect of social status and power. The customs, manners, life- styles of the higher castes are imitated as means to end. Thus the models of Sanskritization may be the Brahmin model (priestly model), the Kshatriya model (kingly model), the Vaisya model (trader model), or the Sudra model (worker model).

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A careful observation of this process would reveal some of its pre-conditions.

(i) The imitated caste is normally regarded as superior to the imitating caste in ritual status, economic matters, respectability and social prestige.

(ii) Castes taking part in the process of sanskritization must have the will to increase its social status at least by imitating the upper castes.

(iii) Imitating caste must have close socio-cultural contacts with the imitated castes.

(iv) Those castes which are taking part in this process must be prepared to consider the upper caste their “reference group “.

Brahmin model of Sanskritization

The Brahmin model reveals how the lower groups emulate the way of life of Brahmin Varna. The process involves adoption of vegetarian or a less defiling diet, teetotalism, giving up of defiling occupations, prohibition of widow remarriages as gestures of purification, adoption of marriage code of Brahmin, Sanskrit rituals, hiring the services of Brahmin priests, attaching more and more importance to sons as a matter of significance given to patrilineage and drink to ancestors.

The lower castes started imitating some of the aspects Brahminic way of life of which the following may be noted:

(i) Rituals: Some of the “low” caste Hindus imitated the rituals of the Brahmins, such as their ways of observing festivals, chanting Vedic mantras, visiting the places of pilgrimage, fixing marriages on the “advice” of the “purohits” and giving away the daughter as “Kanyadana” in marriage, and so on.

(ii) Marriage: The practice of pre-puberty marriage was common among the Brahmins sometime ago. Marriage then was regarded as an indissoluble bond and widow-marriage was not allowed. The very presence of the widow was considered a bad omen. Though such practices were not there among lower castes, they started imitating the same on the model of the Brahmins.

(iii) Treatment of Women : Women among the high castes were assigned only a secondary position due to puranic beliefs and restrictions imposed by the Dharmasastras. Especially among Brahmins, women were considered to be

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polluting during menstruation and child birth and were expected to be subservient to their men folk in all respects. Though the low castes had given comparatively better freedom to their women folk, their imitation of “Brahmin model” made them to give harsh treatment and very low status to their women.

(iv) Food Habits and Dress Habits: Brahmins have been vegetarians and teetotallers since a long time. Some of the low castes imitated the food habits of the Brahmins and preferred to remain vegetarians and even gave up drinking alcohol. Some low castes also imitated Brahmin dress style such as wearing shalya, turban [or rumal], kachche panche, kachche sari and so on.

(v) System of Giving Names to New Born Ones: Many of the low castes started giving names to new born members on the model of the Brahmins. For example, in place of the little traditions and typical names, giving traditional names such as Parameshwara, Ramkrishna, Shankara, Madhava, Eshwara, Gowri, Parvathi, Saraswathi, Lakshimi, Rukmini and so on.

(vi) Imitation of Ideologies and Values: In their attempts to rise up in the social hierarchy the low caste people started using in their daily conversation and ideological concepts members on the model the Brahmins. For example, in place of the traditional and typical names such as- Karma, Dharma, Papa, Punya, Maya, Sansara, Paramatma, etc. which are found in Sanskrit literature.

For example, the Lingayats of Karnataka belonged to different castes before they embraced Saivism. After accepting Saivism they adopted the customs of Brahmins. Likewise, the Smiths of South India who call themselves as Viswha Brahmins today have adopted the Brahminic way of life. The Koris of Eastern Uttar Pradesh were originally non-Brahmins. However, the Brahmins whom the Koris served loyally recognised the latter as Brahmins. Once the Koris got recognition as Brahmins, they acquired the customs and social practices of Brahmins. Now they refuse to accept even water from the Brahmins, considering themselves purer than the Brahmins.

Kshatriya model of Sanskritization

The Kshatriya model of Sanskritization reveals how the lower groups emulate the Kshatriya way of life. The lower groups give up widow remarriages, put on scared thread, worship Vedic deities, perform Vedic rituals or change their surnames, adopt dress, customs, and values similar to those of Kshatriyas. The Kshatriyas go by different names and have different styles of life in different parts of India. So, the lower groups emulate the way of life the Kshatriya in their locality.

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For example, the Gulzars or Marathas of Maharashtra were Sudras. Sivaji belonged to this caste. As Sivaji came to power he went through a religious rite of transition into Kahatriyahood. Along with Shivaji the remaining Gulzars or Marathas became Kshatriyas. Since then adopted Kshatriyas way of life. The Kayasthas of Uttar Pradesh served as scribes to Moghuls and British rulers. They were a low caste in the twelfth century but by the nineteenth century they became Kshatriyas. But Kayasthas in West Bengal remain to be Sudras. To cite another example the Khatris in Punjab were Sudras. They patronised the local Brahmins. As recipients of benefits, the Brahmins conceded to the claim of the Khatris to the status of Kshatriyas in Medieval South India, certain families of Maravars in Tamil Nadu acquired wealth by serving the rulers. All such families formed as a group and started practicing endogamy and separate identity and higher rank i.e. Kshatriya. The Noniyas of Eastern Uttar Pradesh were salt makes and earth moves their status was low, just above untouchables. In the second half of the nineteenth century and during the Second World War some of them made money as contractors on government roads, bridges, and public works. They found an organisation and imitated the way of life of Kshatriyas. They labelled themselves as Chouhan Rajputs. However, in the caste hierarchy they ranked firmly among the upper castes in the Sudra category. In the mid 1950s, they were served by Brahmin priests; their goddess was treated as vegetarian, no longer offered animal sacrifices, they kept their brides in purdah (seclusion) and they wear scared thread. They acquired Kshatriya status.

Vaisya model of Sanskritization

The Vaisya model is also to Brahminic model in so far as rituals and food habits are concerned, but it is broadly oriented to commercial activities. The Vaisya model reveals how the lower groups emulate the way of life of the Vaisyas who go by different names in different parts of India. The Telis of Orissa, who are a low caste engaged in oil extraction, have insisted that they were really Vaisyas where trade was halted by external circumstances. Therefore, they had to take to oil work. They have today taken in diverse trades, to be on par with other Vaisya.

There is another example the Kanbis of Gujarat were peasant cultivators. In 1931, they officially changed their caste name to the more honorific Patidars and emulated the way of life of the dominant caster of Rajput. As times changed Vaisyas became the dominant caste in Gujarat. As a result Patidars emulated the way of life of the dominant caste of Vaisyas. Today they rank themselves with the Vaisyas.

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Sudra model of sanskritization

The Sudra model shows low the low castes in social hierarchy imitate the way of life of Sudras. The castes that imitate the way of life of the Sudras the untouchables. The imitating castes adopt less defiling food habits, less defiling occupations, adoption of Vedic rituals at the time of marriage, construction of temples for Sanskritic deities in their localities, keeping the bodies clean by taking daily baths, utterance of Sanskritic words like Ram –Ram Namaste Pap, Punya, Karma, keeping the house and its surroundings clean, making daily visits to the temples, observance of fasts as Sudra castes do and prohibition of widow marriages.

For example, the laundry men of Western Uttar Pradesh emulated the way of life of Sudras. They are now Sudras. Their counterparts in Eastern Uttar Pradesh are still untouchables likewise. The Bhangis in Delhi were untouchables. Almost fify years ago, they adopted vegetable selling, teetotalism, vegetarian foods, sacred thread, Vedic rituals, festivals like Deppavali, Ram Navami and Dassarah on lines similar to those performed by higher castes and construction of Ram and Hanuman temples in their own colonies. Now they claim the status of Sudra.

QUESTIONS

1. Sanskritization and Westernization (2002) 2. Sanskritization (2009) 3. What do you understand by dynamics of caste mobility? How did the concept of Sanskritization contribute to its functionality? (2015) 4. How is process of tribe-caste continuum different from Sanskritisation? Comment. (2016)

Chapter 6- Westernisation

6.1 Meaning of Westernisation

The concept of Westernisation introduced by Prof. M.N. Srinivas seems to be much simpler than the concept of Sanskritization. Like Sanskritization, this term is also of great help in analysing the socio-cultural changes taking place in India for the past 250 years. M.N. Srinivas has used this term mainly to refer to the impact of British rule on the Indian society. Srinivas has also tried to use this concept in a general manner to refer to the impact of the West on the non- Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 422

western societies. Thus, he wrote: Westernisation refers to “the changes in technology, institutions, ideology and values of a non-Western society for a long period”-(1962)

6.2 Definition of the Term “Westernisation”

1. “Westernisation” refers to the “the changes brought about in Indian society and culture as a result of over 150 years of British rule and the term subsumes changes occurring at different levels-technology, institutions, ideology, values.”

2. In simple words, the term Westernisation mainly explains the changes that have taken place in the Indian society and culture due to the Western contact through the British rule.

M.N. Srinivas criticises Lerner’s concept of “modernisation” on the ground that it is a value-loaded term. According to him, “Modernisation” is normally used in the sense that it is good. He, therefore, prefers to use the term “Westernisation”. He describes the technological changes, establishment of educational institutions, rise of nationalism and new political culture, etc. as almost the by-products of Westernisation or the British rule for about two hundred years in India. Thus, by Westernisation, Srinivas primarily meant the British impact.

“During the 19th century, the British slowly laid the foundations of a modern state by surveying land, settling the revenue, creating some modern bureaucracy, army and police, instituting courts, codifying the law, developing communications-railways, posts and telegraph, roads and canals-establishing schools and colleges, and so on …” [Srinivas]. The British brought with them the printing press which led to many-sided changes. Books and journals made possible the transmission of modern as well as traditional knowledge to a large number of Indians. Newspapers helped the people living in the remote comers of the country to realise their common bonds and to understand the events happening in the world outside.

M.N. Srinivas says that it is necessary “to distinguish conceptually between Westernisation and two processes usually concomitant with it- Industrialisation and Urbanisation”. He gives two reasons for this: (i) Urbanisation is not a simple function of “industrialisation” and there were cities in pre-industrial world also. (ii) There are cases of rural people who are more urbanised than urban people.

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6.3 Main Features of The Process of Westernisation

It is possible to identify some of the main features of “Westernisation” on the basis of the explanation of the term by its mentor. Some of them are listed below.

1. Westernisation compared to Sanskritization is a simpler concept. As already made clear, it explains the impact of Western contact (particularly of British rule) on the Indian society and culture. M.N. Srinivas defends the uses of the term when he says that there is “need for such a term when analysing the change that a non-Western country undergoes as a result of prolonged contact with a Western one”.

2. Some Main Areas Affected by Westernisation: The process of Westernisation, according to M.N. Srinivas, mainly refers to the changes that took palace in some main areas such as technology, institutions, ideology and values. The changes that took place in these areas especially during the British rule their own impact on other areas of our social life.

3. ” Westernisation is an inclusive, complex, and many-layered concept”: Westernisation, education and “life-styles” had a great impact on Indians daily life. The Western influences made them drop out some of their traditional customs, accept many of the new practices and make a compromise between the old and the new in some other areas of life. Example: Urbanised Indians dropped the practices of sitting on the floor to eat food served on dining leaves. They became accustomed to dining tables, Chairs, stainless steel utensils, spoons etc. Indians made use of various instruments of modern technology such as motor cars, printing press, sewing machines, typewriters water pumps etc., At the same time, they never forgot to attributed to them the religious beliefs and worshipped these instruments on the occasion of Dasara festivals as they used to do it previously.

4. Involvement of different sections of people who accelerated the process of Westernisation: Some of the British people, and a section of people in the Indian community served to accelerate the process of Westernisation.

(a) Among the British-(i) soldiers and high-level government officials; (ii) merchants and big plantation owners; (iii) foreign Christian missionaries -All these exerted Western influence on those Indians with whom they had close contacts.

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(b) Among the Indians- (i) People who served in the houses British in the houses of British officials/ citizens as domestic servants, people who got converted to Christianity; (ii) Those Western educated Indians who served in the government bureaucracy; those who worked as advocates, engineers, doctors and such others; and those highly educated Indians with almost aristocratic life such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ravindranath Tagore, Pandit Nehru, Sir Syed Ahmedkhan, Mohammed Ali Jinna and others functioned to accelerate the Westernisation process.

5. The form and pace of Westernisation of India varied from region to region and from one section of population to another (Srinivas 1985): For example, one group of people became Westernised in their dress, manners, speech, sports and in the gadgets, they used; while another absorbed Western science, knowledge and literature, remaining relatively free from certain other aspects of Westernisation. For example, Brahmins accepted the Western dress habits and educational system and also used gadgets such as radio, television, car, telephone etc. But they did not accept the British diet, dancing, hunting and such other habits. This distinction is, however, only relative and not absolute.

6. According to Srinivas, Westernisation pervades political and cultural fields also. He writes: “In the political and cultural fields, Westernisation has given birth not only to nationalism but also to revivalism, communalism, “casteism”, heightened linguistic consciousness, and regionalism. To make matters even more bewildering, revivlist movements have used Western type schools and colleges and books, pamphlets and journals to propagate their ideas.”

7. The Concept is ethically neutral. As M.N. Srinivas claims, “The term Westernisation, unlike “Modernisation”, is ethically neutral. Its use does not carry the implication that it is good or bad, whereas modernisation is normally used in the sense that is is good:

8. Westernisation may speed up the process of Sanskritization: According to Srinivas, “the increase in Westernisation does not retard the process of Sanskritization. Both go on simultaneously, and to some extent, increase in Westernisation accelerates the process of Sanskritization. For example, the postal facilities, railways, buses and newspaper media, which are the fruits of Western impact on India, render more organised religious pilgrimages, meetings, caste solidarities, etc. possible now than in the past.”

Preference of the lower caste people towards Westernisation? At present, the lower caste people feel that it is easier and more advantageous for them to

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elevate their social status through: Westernisation” than “Sanskritization”. Through sanskritization they could only imitate the upper caste people and their life-style to enhance their social esteem or respectability. Whereas Westernisation provided a wide opportunity for the lower caste people to attain equality on par with the upper caste people in important areas such as education, profession, politics, financial matters, etc., Westernisation helped them to withstand and resist the dominance of upper castes especially in the fields such as education, government jobs and politics. Hence, there is a greater trend towards Westernisation than Sanskritization. The extent, effectiveness, tempo and the urge towards Sanskritization, seem to be diminishing giving place to the process of Westernisation.

6.4 EFFECTS OF WESTERNIZATION

The term “Westernisation” as it is interpreted by M.N. Srinivas denoted in general, the impact of British rule over the socio-cultural life and activities of the Indian people. The advent of the British in India and their prolonged rule led to the introduction of the Western civilisation. Those who came under the influence of the Western civilisation started modifying their life and activities in accordance with the Western standards. Western way of life became very attractive for them. “Westernisation” virtually indicates the process of imitation of the Western life-styles by the Indians. The process of Westernisation brought about a number of socio-cultural changes in the Indian society among which the following may be noted.

1. Westernisation brought about immediate changes in the main areas, namely, Technology, Institutions, Ideology and Values.

2. Westernisation provided inspiration for a number of social reform movements such as the Brahma Samaj, Arya Samaj, Sri Ramakrishna Mission, Theosophical Society, Sarvodaya

3. Westernisation provided inspiration for the freedom movement. Western ideas and values also inspired a number of freedom fighters to fight against the British imperialism.

4. Westernisation has led to a new style of life. The western influences made Indians imitate the Western way of life and culture in several respects.

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5. Westernisation has also brought about some negative effects. It made Indians to imitate the West indiscriminately. In this process of imitation, they blindly imitated and picked up the deficiencies, vices, and evil practices of the Western people.

6.5 Westernisation: Some Critical Comments

Scholars have recognised and appreciated the relevance of the terms “Westernisation” and “Sanskritization” in analysing the socio-cultural changes taking place in modern India. But they have not spared them from critical comments. A few of such critical remarks made about the concept of “Westernisation” are worth citing here.

As M.N. Srinivas has pointed out, “One of the many interesting contradictions of modern Hindu social life is that while the Brahmins are becoming more and more Westernised, the other castes are becoming more and more Sanskritized. In t he lower reaches of the hierarchy, castes are taking up customs which the Brahmins are busy discarding.” It is true that with the Westernisation of Indian society, caste becomes more or less secular due to the new ideas introduced by the West. Westernisation as a process has influenced the various aspects of social life of the Indian community.

6.6 Comments in Appreciation

1. The concept of “Westernisation” is considered to be very useful in analysing the mobility taking place outside the framework of caste. It is a simple term which denotes the impact of the British rule on Indian way of life.

2. Scholars like Bernard Cohn and Milton Singer have justified Srinivas’ usage of these concepts. They relevantly commented that “while upper caste was Westernising its style of life and religious beliefs, the lower caste was Sanskritizing and assuming more traditional forms of ritual, practice and beliefs.”

3. As B. Kuppu Swamy has observed, the concept of Westernisation as used by M.N. Srinivas covers- (a) the “behaviour” aspects like, eating, drinking, dressing, dancing, etc; (b) the “knowledge” aspects like literature, science, etc. He has also said that the process of “Westernisation” represents a middle-class phenomenon and as such, is very useful in understanding the major social changes of the 19th century India.

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6.7 Some Comments on its Limitations

Scholars have also criticised the concept of “Westernisation”. Some such critical remarks are recalled here.

1. The concepts of Sanskritization and Westernisation primarily analyse social changes in “cultural” and not in “structural” terms. This denotes that these terms have a limited range of application and use.

2. “Srinivas” model explains the process of social change only in India which is based on the caste system. It is not useful for other societies”

3. Though Srinivas claimed that the concept of Westernisation is “ethically neutral”, it is not really so. He himself says that it implies “certain value professes” such as humanitarianism, egalitarianism, secularisation, and some degree of rationalism. A reference to these values definitely implies that Westernisation is, in general, good and desirable.

4. Daniel Lerner has raised a few objections to the use of Westernisation as conceived by Srinivas.

(i) it is too local, a label and the model which is imitated may not be a Western country, but Russia.

(ii) “One of the results of prolonged contact with the West is the rise of an elite class whose attitude to the West is ambivalent”. It is not invariably positive. In this context, Lerner refers to the appeal of Communism in non- Western countries.

(iii) Westernisation in one area or level of behaviour, does not result in westernisation in another related area or level. The two remain discrete.

(iv) While there are certain common elements in Westernisation, each European country along with the U.S.A., Canada, Australia and New Zealand, represents a particular variant of a common culture and significant differences exist between one country and another.”

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5. Further, Srinivas equates Westernisation with the British impact on India. But, Yogendra Singh points out that this is too narrow, since after independence the impact of the Russian and American versions of modernisation has considerable. Further, for many new elites in India, as also in the other new states of Asia, the term Westernisation has a pejorative connotation because of its association with former colonial domination of these countries by the West. He states: “It is, therefore, more value-located than term modernisation which to us appears a better substitute.”

6. Daniel Lerner who prefers to use his own concept of “modernisation” has commented that “the term Westernisation is inadequate and parochial.” According to him, Westernisation has “penetrated only the upper level… affecting mainly leisure class fashions. On the contrary, “modernisation today diffuses among a wider population” touching not only public institutions but also private aspirations.

7. The concept has its own limitation in yet another sense. The concept will be of little use in explaining the nature of social change taking place in post-Independent India. Professor Srinivas is aware of this limitation. But he maintains: “I would like to state that I am using when analysing in spite of its vagueness and omnibus character. There is need for such s term, when analysing the changes that a non-Western country undergoes as a result of the prolonged contact with a Western one. When the entities involved, as well as the emergent processes are extremely complex, it is hardly realistic to expect that a simple unidimensional and crystal clear concept will explain them fully.”

8. The concept has contextual limitations. Chanana does not consider it to be a simple process. He says: “As regards the present [situation in Punjab] it would be better to say that Indianisation is at work; by this we mean Westernisation to a large extent in externals and the reassertion of largely Indian values, mingled with the humanitarian values of the West in matters of sprit.”

9. It is also commented that the Western model which Srinivas has praised has its own contradictions. The Western model sometimes conveys values that are contrary to the ones such as rationalism, humanitarianism, equalitarianism, etc. In this context, mention can be made of the facts of Western life such as racial prejudice, colour segregation and exploitative

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nature of the Western economy, etc. These facts contradict humanitarian ideals, equalitarian principles and rational outlook on life.

6.8 Conclusion

In conclusion, it can be stated that the twin concepts of Srinivas are “Truth-asserting” (Zetherberg 1965) concepts. Endorsing this opinion Prof. Yogendra Singh writes: “Obviously Sanskritization and Westernisation are theoretically loose terms; but as “truth-asserting” concepts they have great appropriateness and viability.”

Finally, it can be said that the twin concepts of Sanskritization and Westernisation introduced by M.N. Srinivas in explaining the cultural changes that are taking place in India, do have their own importance. But the basic question is this: Do these twin concepts explain cultural change with all its ramifications? Are they inclusive and universal enough to provide a satisfactory explanation to all the major cultural changes that have taken palace throughout the country? According to Yogendra Singh, only the concept of “modernisation” can provide a satisfactory answer to these questions.

6.9 IMPACT OF WESTERNISATION ON SANKRITIZATION

6.9.1 Introduction

Westernisation had its impact on almost institutions. It reduced caste rigidities, promoted the disintegration of joint family, disintegrated cottage industries, promoted variety in cultivation, introduced new measures in hand management, induced a number of reform movements and promoted democratic values and ideals, national consciousness, social justice, and uniform of India. To be precise, emphasis on humanitarianism and rationalism is a part of westernisation which led to a series of instiutional and reforms in India.

Srinivas expressed the view that westernisation does not related the process of sanskritization both go simultaneously. Interestingly increase in westernisation accelerates the process of sanskritization.

6.9.2 Impact of Westernisation on sanskritization

According to Srinivas westernisation influenced Brahmanism itself. One finds that a Brahmin will marry his girl before puberty and if he failed to find a boy before that age, it was believed that he has committed a sin. But today under the influence of Westernisation he will not marry his girl before the age of

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18. Widow remarriage, which was not thought of earlier is now becoming common and today a Brahmin even thinks it absurd to shave the head of a widow. Monogamy is still considered most suitable.

Srinivas points out that the expanding means of communications like postal facilities, railways, newspapers and periodicals, etc., which are the result of the western technology given fillip to pilgrimages, religious propaganda, and caste and communal congregations.

Srinivas says, “Sanskritization means not only the adoption of new customs and habits, but exposure to new ideals and values which have found frequent expression in the vast body of Sanskrit literature, sacred as well as secular.” To quote him again, “the development of communications carried Sanskritization to areas previously inaccessible and spread of literary carried it to groups very low in the caste hierarchy. The introduction by the British of western political institutions like parliamentary democracy has contributed to the increased Sanskritization of the country.” Thus Westernisation has considerably helped in the spread of Sanskritization.

But in many ways Westernisation has come in conflict with Sanskritization as well. It was under the impact of Westernisation that the Brahmins adopted the diet and dress of the westerners. They began to get English education. The Brahmin caste, which was the superior most one is now in a dilemma. The British found that the village castes and traders were near to them in food habits or more adaptable to their ways of living and thus went nearer to them than the Brahmins. Thus in the eyes of rulers those engaged in trade were more important than the orthodox Brahmins. Gradually some of the Brahmins began to accept British type and kind of diet was nowhere to be seen even many Brahmins discarded sacred thread. For health reasons many Brahmins do not hesitate to take raw eggs and such medicines, which they know have been made from various organs of animals. Cigarettes and liquor are now used in some cases. The Brahmins have also given up their old occupation and instead they have taken up new ones. They now go beyond the seas to serve. Previously they were opposed to taking to medical profession as that meant touching the bodies of scheduled castes and also dead and impure bodies. Now we find Brahmins who have taken the medical professions.

But whereas the Brahmins have taken to Westernisation, non-Brahmin castes are still taking to Brahminic customs, traditions, rituals etc.

Thus Westernisation has its effects and impact on Sanskritization. But there is something strange in the phenomenon, namely the role of untouchables.

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The untouchables have been occupied by other three castes. In spite of the fact that the tribals and others have been accepted in the fold of Hindu society, the untouchables have socially not been accepted and they have been kept out. It may be concluded with the words of Prof. M.N. Srinivas when he says that, “the consequences of existence of the occasionally conflicting, pressure of Sanskritization and Westernisation provide an interesting field of systematic sociological analysis.”

Chapter 7- Dominant caste

7.1 Introduction

India is a classical land of castes in which a large number of castes have been in existence since a long time and there existed mutual-co-operation and harmony among them. Economic necessities also added to their interdependence. The Jajmani system too played its role in welding the castes into a unified system. The decline of the Jajmani system during the British rule has given a fatal blow to the interdependence of castes. These conflicts are normally witnessed wherever one caste attempts to dominate over others or when higher castes try to exploit the lower castes or when castes perceive other castes as barriers in mobility and in achieving political power. The castes are not equal anywhere in India. On the other hand everywhere in India, we find the domination of one or the framework of the Indian social system are not equal in strength and their role and influence are also not equal. Some of these castes are very much disorganised while others are highly organised and exercise a powerful influence on other castes. It is in this context, M.N. Srinivas introduces the concept of “dominant castes” which is of great help in understanding intercaste relations and conflicts, particularly in the rural setup. M. N. Srinivas introduced the concept of dominant caste in his article “The Social Systems of a Mysore Village” included in “The Village India” (1955) and the research paper “Dominant Caste in Rampura” (1959). Srinivas says that this concept may be meaningfully employed in the analysis of (a) the patterns of Sanskritization, (b) the settlement of caste and village disputes and (c) the hierarchy of castes in rural India.

7.2 Area of study

M. N. Srinivas studied Rampura, a Mysore village and evolved the concept of dominant caste. Rampura is composed of 19 caste groups. The Okkaligas are dominant over all other castes economically, politically, and

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numerically. However, in religious life rituals they have only a middle rank and Brahmins and Lingayats surpass them in the matter of ritual purity.

7.3 Elements and types of Dominance

In 1955 Srinivas identified the elements of a dominant caste. In this connection he says:

“A caste may be said to be “dominant” when it preponderates numerically over the other castes, and when it also wields preponderant economic and political power. A large and powerful caste group can be more easily dominant if its position in the local caste hierarchy is not too low.” (1955: “The Social System of a Mysore Village” in Village India edited by MacKim Marriott, Chicago, Chicago University Press, page 18.)

In 1959, Srinivas revises the above definition. He says that it omits an element of dominance, which is becoming increasingly important in rural India, namely the number of educated persons in a caste and the occupations they pursue. He called this criterion “Western” (1955:26). The western, and non- traditional education is the means by which the dominance is acquired.

The four elements of dominance according to Srinivas are:

I. Numerical preponderance of the caste over other castes;

II. Wielding of preponderant economic and political power;

III. Ritual status which is not too low in the local caste hierarchy; and

IV. Western and non-traditional education.

7.4 Nature of dominant castes

1. Determinants of Dominance

The above definition pertaining to the concept of “dominant caste” denotes the main “determinants of dominance.” They are started below. a. A caste to be called “dominant”, it should own a sizable amount of the arable land locally available;

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b. It should have the strength of numbers; c. It should occupy a high place [ritual status] in the local hierarchy; and d. It should enjoy greater economic and political power; e. Two other elements also to the “dominance” of a caste: f. Number of educated persons found in the caste. g. The nature of high occupations people pursues in the caste.

2. Decisive Dominance

When a caste enjoys all the elements of dominance [i.e., numerical strength, economic and political power, high education and high ritual status] it is to be dominant in a decisive way.

Occasionally, there may be more than one dominant caste in a village, and over a period of time one dominant caste may give way to another. This happened occasionally even in pre-British India and has been an important aspect of rural social change in the 20th century.

3. Distribution of Dominance

Different elements of dominance are distributed differently among different castes in a village. For example, a caste which is numerically high may be poor lacking in political power while a ritually high statused caste may be rich economically and lacking strength in numbers. It can also be said that when a caste enjoys one form of dominance, it is frequently able to acquire other forms of dominance also. This, however, is not true in the case of untouchable castes. The castes [such as untouchable castes] whose members are land-less labourers, tenants or very small landowners, are many a time exploited by the dominant castes.

4. Dominance is not Purely a Local Phenomenon

As M.N. Srinivas says no where in rural India dominance is purely a local matter. A caste group which has only a family or two in a particular village but which enjoys decisive dominance in the wider region will still be influential locally. Because, the caste members of these families maintain a network of ties with the “dominant” relatives found in the wider region. The other members of the village are also aware of the existence of this network. Contrarily, a caste

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enjoys dominance in only one village will realise that it has to accommodate itself with the caste which enjoys regional dominance.

5. New Factors Affecting Dominance of Castes

According to M.N. Srinivas, “New factors affecting dominance have emerged in the last eight years or so. Western education, jobs in the administration, and urban sources of income are all significant in contributing to the prestige and power of particular caste groups in the village.”

6. Dominant castes at the State Level

At the provisional level, different dominant castes are found to be influencing the socio-economic and political life of the people. For example, dominant castes such as Lingayats and Okkaligas in Karnataka, Reddys and Kammas in Andhra Pradesh, Nairs and Ezhavas in Kerala, Gounder, Padayachi and Mudaliars in Tamil Nadu, Marathas, Brahmins and Mahars in Maharashtra, Rajputs, Jats, Gujars, Baniyas in many of the Northern states, are very powerful.

7.5 Role and influence of dominant castes

The dominant castes are found to be socially influential, politically powerful and economically exploitative. In different provinces, districts and villages, different dominant castes are found to be influential.

1. Dominant Castes as “Models” of Sanskritization

In the process of sanskritization, the dominant castes act as “reference groups” or as points of reference. Dominant castes set the model for the majority of people living in rural areas including, occasionally, Brahmins. The dominant caste such as Patidars, Lingayats and some Vellalas, for instance, have undergone a degree of Sanskritization. As a result of their Sanskritization, the culture of the area over which their dominance extends experiences a change. The Patidars have become more Sanskritised in the last 100 years or so, and this has had effects on the culture of all other groups in Kaira District in Gujarat. The Lingayats and Vellalas in South India also have a Sanskritised style of life, and from a much older period than the Patidars. a. Brahmin model – Lingayats. b. Kshatriya model – Gulzars, Patidar, Jats.

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c. Vaisya model – Telis of Orissa d. Sudra model – Laundrymen in Western UP.

2. The Dominant Caste in a Village acts as a Watchdog of a Pluralistic Culture and Value System

Traditionally, the elders of the dominant caste prevented the members of one caste from taking over the hereditary occupation of another caste whose interests would have been hurt by an inroad made into their monopoly. The dominant caste probably ignored minor changes in the rituals and style of life of a low caste. But it would punish the low caste if it refused to perform the services, economic or ritual, which it traditionally performed or when it appropriated an important high caste symbol. Ex.: It is learnt from “the Census of India Report for 1921 that when Ahirs [cowherds] of North India decided to call themselves Kshatriyas and donned the scared thread, their action roused the wrath of the dominant higher castes.” M.N. Srinivas has stated, that in North Bihar such an instance resulted in violence and the matter was taken to law courts.

The role of one dominant cast was not, however, restricted to being the guardian of a pluralistic culture. It also stimulated in lower castes a desire to imitate the dominant caste’s own prestigious style of life. The lower castes have to do it slowly. They had to avoid imitating in matters likely to upset the dominant castes too much. Their changes of success were much better if they imitated slowly. Ex: Ramnad – District – Kallar is dominant caste. There was conflict between Kallars and Harijans in 1930, December. They imposed several (8) prohibitions.

a. Harijans should not wear silver or gold jewellery. b. Men should not have clothes above the waist. c. Men should not wear coats, vests. d. Men should not crop their hair. e. They can use only the earthen made pots. f. Women should not cover the upper part of their body with cloth or blouse.

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g. Women should not keep flowers in their locks and apply sandal paste to their bodies. h. Men should not use umbrella or sandals.

3. Role of Dominant Castes in Political Life

During the recent years the political influence of the dominant caste has considerably increased. By making use of freedom, democracy and universal adult franchise the dominant castes have become politically strong and powerful. They have very good representation in assemblies and in the parliament. With the introduction of the “Panchayat Raj System” these castes have extended their area of influence even in villages, taluks, and districts. Political power has given them an opportunity to strength their political position and economic strength. They have used the political instructions to obtain for their caste members, particularly for young men and women, good education and prestigious jobs.

4. Rivalries and Conflicts between Dominant Castes

Every state has more than one dominant caste. These castes are always engaged in rivalries and conflicts for securing political power and economic opportunities. For example, such conflicts and rivalries are found between Vokkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka, Reddys and Kammas in Andhra Pradesh and so on. The lower and the unprivileged castes including the so-called untouchables have now realised that they are getting exploited at the hands of these dominant castes. This awareness has made them organise themselves politically. The “Bahujana Samajvadi Party” headed mostly by lower caste leaders, is becoming popular in states such as U.P. Bihar, Punjab, and Madhya Pradesh. It has given tough opposition to the leadership of the dominant castes and won a couple of assembly and parliamentary seats during the recent elections.

5. Social Role of Dominant Castes

The dominant castes, particularly, the non-Brahmin dominant castes have been playing a vital role in our social life. These castes are well organised. They have grabbed political power, cleverly tapped economic resources and widely made use of educational opportunities. They are found in a big number in governmental services and have been able to corner lot of favours because of their political influence. In state assemblies and cabinets, they have ample Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 437

representation. Except for the religious and ritual status, they are more influential than the Brahmins.

6. Conflict between Non-Brahmin Backward Castes and Non-Brahmin Dominant Forward Castes

At village level, the non-Brahmin dominant castes are found to be greater exploiters of Harijan labour than the Brahmins. At the state level, each dominant caste is in rivalry or conflict with another for political power and economic influence. “While the leaders of the dominant castes are sensitive to economic and political opportunities, they are socially conservative. They do not, for instance, like the condition of the Harijans to improve. They have a vested interest in keeping the Harijans poor and ignorant. At the present time, Harijans are their rights they will be a threat to the position of the dominant castes” [M.N. Srinivas]. The untouchables and other backward lower castes are becoming aware of this exploitative nature of the dominant castes. Hence a kind of conflict is going on between the non-Brahmin dominant castes on the hand and the most backward non-Brahmin castes on the other.

The untouchable castes also try to resist the efforts of the dominant castes which are interested in imposing their dominance over the non-dominant lower castes. “Sometimes the untouchables decide to give up performing services such as removing the dead animals form the houses of the higher castes, had dined during festivals and weddings. The upper caste people become annoyed and beat up the untouchables and set fire to their huts. The attempt to dominant and resistance to dominant, thus, led to caste conflicts”.

It may be generalised that political leadership, economic or money power, educational proficiency and the inclination towards modernity have helped the dominant castes to preserve their dominance. As the things stand today, these castes will continue to influence our social set up in the near future also.

7. Dominant caste exercises its power and authority over a vast majority of the villagers.

8. Dominant caste often exhibits greater concern for its social superiority even though it is not so in the caste hierarchy.

Ex: Punjab: Jats that Brahmins as menials. Madhopur: Thakurs do not accept food from Brahmins except from Rampura: Brahmin priests allow the Okkaligas to have Harathi before others have it.

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9. Dominant caste secures economic benefits to its members and followers. 10. Dominant caste monopolizes important administrative officers in the village. The headman of the village is almost always a member of the dominant caste. 11. Dominant caste patronizes the poor who are in a majority in the village. The biggest patron comes from the decisively dominant caste. 12. Dominant caste influences the decisions of Panchayats. In Panchayats, which include all numerically significant castes, the decisions are taken by the chairman who is from the dominant caste. 13. Dominant considers the patron-client ties important in the settlement of disputes. 14. Dominant caste influences even the decisions of caste councils. The caste councils settle certain disputes, but they are influenced by the dominant caste and its patrons. 15. The dominant caste generally underpays, beats and gratifies sexual desire with the women of minority lower castes

7.6 Criticism

(i) Dube (1960) said that numerical preponderance may not always be a criterion for dominance

(ii) M.G. Pradhan (1966) who studied Jat clans in U.P. and Robin Fox (1971) who studied Rajput class in eastern U.P. said that it is not the whole caste but certain clans which are dominant.

(iii) A.C. Mayer (1958) said that a particular lineage may be dominant. Even here one family may be dominant, not the entire lineage.

A particular lineage may be reputed to have produced more capable leaders than others. Lineages may be at war with one another for the power and influence within the caste and outside of it.

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(iv) S.C. Dube (1955) studied Shamirpet in A.P. and B.R. Chauhan (1967) examined a village in Rajasthan. Both villages were Jagirdar communities. The Jagirdar families, were dominant in both the villages but not the whole castes.

(v) R.W. Nicholas (1968) said that the concept does not regard factions as an important aspect of village life. Nicholas, R.W. 1968: Structure and politics in the Villages of Southern Asia).

(vi) Srinivas says that a dominant caste always tries to do good to its members and its followers. This may not be true always.

The concept ignores presence of interest groups – of landed and non- landed, of well-to-do and poor, and of educated and illiterate.

(vii) Srinivas also says that a caste which is locally dominant, is also regionally dominant. Regional dominance of the castes seems to operate at some points, but as a locally dominant caste is not homogenous, regionally dominant castes also are not homogenous.

QUESTIONS

1. Explain criteria for dominant caste. How far is this concept still crucial to our understanding of India's villages after implementation of reservations in democratic institutions? Discuss. 60 (2001) 2. Bring out the various features and the importance of the 'dominant caste' concept. (2009) 3. Discuss the relevance of the concept of Dominant Caste in the context of Contemporary Indian Society. (2011) 4. Examine the criticisms on the concept of dominant caste. (2013) 5. Define the concept 'Dominant Caste' and examine its relevance in the contemporary Indian village with suitable examples. (2014)

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Chapter 8- Tribe-caste continuum

8.1 Introduction

F.G. Bailey (1960) and Surjit Sinha (1965) proposed the concept of tribe- caste continuum in Indian context. In fact, Indian ethnographers were grappling with the problem of discriminating between tribe and caste. Sir Herbert Risley

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(1891) was the earliest ethnographer to point out that it was difficult to “draw a demarcating line between tribe and caste” because many tribes have caste features. Later J.H. Hutton (1931) also expressed similar opinion when he was dealing with the data on caste and tribe in India. However, the demarcation between tribe and caste continued to be an unsolved problem till 1959. In 1960, F.G. Bailey in his book “Tribe, Caste and Nation” solved the problem of differentiation of a tribe from a caste in the most acceptable way by proposing tribe-caste continuum. Redfield (1941: The Folk culture of Yucatan) was the first anthropologist to explain the concept of “continuum”. Following this concept, Bailey, (1961) proposed the concept of tribe-caste continuum,

8.2 What is tribe-caste continuum?

According to Bailey, “tribe-caste continuum is a polar ideal type of construction, which implies that no known society precisely corresponds to the description of the extreme ends, but all fall near one end or the other of the poles or in between”.

There is neither pure tribe nor pure caste; pure tribe and pure caste exist only in ideal terms. Ideal tribe and ideal caste cannot be treated as separate entities, but as opposite ends of a single line or continuum

Particular societies can be located at different points along the line, some near to the tribe, others close to the caste. The tribe is organised on the basis of segmentary solidarity, but the caste is organised on the basis of organic solidarity. All other societies fall in between tribe and caste depending upon their degree of segmentary solidarity or organic solidarity. Greater is their segmentary solidarity nearer they are to the tribe, greater is their organic solidarity nearer they are to the caste. As one proceeds from tribe to caste one can notice decreasing degree of segmentary solidarity till it disappears to give place for organic solidarity.

8.3 Bailey’s Illustration

(i)To bring his point of view into sharp focus Bailey cites the tribal Khonds and the caste Oriyas who are inhabiting the Kondamals in Orissa. He studies them from there different angles and fields how they can be treated as polaric types and overlapping types.

According to Bailey, the Khonds are divided into a number of clans. Each clan is patrilineal and exogamous. People of a single clan live in a single village. The whole caln in a village owns property. Unless one is a member of a clan one

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cannot have right to use a part of the clan land. The clan allots a piece of land to every family. All members of a clan are equals. A right to land is achieved not by subordination to any one but by equality as kinsmen. Egalitarianism thus exists among the Khonds. To be precise the Khonds are divided into segments. Each segment is a territorial clan. All members in a clan are equals and all clans also are equals at least in theory. Thus the Khond as a tribe is a segmentary group.

On the contrary, the Oriya society is divided into several groups. Each group is a caste. The castes are not equals. They are hierarchically arranged. A number of castes inhabit each village. In every village power is concentrated in the hands of a dominant caste. The dominant caste holds the village together, because of its political power. All other castes are subordinate to the dominant caste. That means some castes are dependent castes and they achieve a right to a piece of the village land through a relationship subordinating them to the dominant caste.

There are similarities and differences between the Khonds and the Oriyas. Socially the Khonds reveal equality. the Oriyas reveal inequality Economically, the Oriyas have occupational specialisation. On the other hand, the Khonds are arranged on the basis of economic equality. They are not interdependent through economic specialisation. Politically the Khonds are egalitarian but the Oriyas have dominant-subordinate relations. In a word Oriya society is organic society based on organic solidarity but Khond society is segmented society based on segmentary solidarity.

Thus the discussion reveals tribe-caste continuum. Tribe can be placed at one end and caste at another end. Their social, economic and political aspects are contrasts.

(ii) Bailey looks at the social, economic and political aspects of the Khonds and Oriyas in a different way, the differences become narrowed down and the distinction between a tribe and a caste disappears. The following discussion reveals this.In every Khond village there are Panos. The caste of Panos is dependent on the Khonds. The Khonds are agriculturalists but the Panos remove the dead cattle of the Khonds. Since they serve the Khonds, the later provide pieces of land to them for cultivation.

The relation between the Khonds and the Panos is exactly similar to that of a dominant caste and its dependent castes among the Oriyas. This relation is based on economic specialization and social hierarchy. Khonds and Panos produce different types of goods and services. In other words their economic

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specialization influences them to be interdependent on each other’s goods and services. Further, the Khonds are socially superior to the Panos. In the social hierarchy the Khonds hold a place of primacy over the Panos. There are elements of caste in a tribal society because the relation between the Khonds and the Panos is similar to that of a dominant caste and dependent castes among the Oriyas.

(iii) Bailey interprets this situation in a different way. If all the Oriya villages are viewed as an interacting totality, then the dominant, land owning caste groups in different villages comprise only one part of the Oriya society and the dependent castes in different villages comprise the other part of the Oriya society. But the links between the dominant, land owing caste groups in each village are similar to the segmentary links. Simlarly the links between the dependent caste groups in each village are akin to the segmentary links. That means each part of the Oriya caste society is like the tribal society. There are elements of tribe in a caste society just as there are elements of caste in a tribal society. Thus one cannot make a distinction between a tribe and a caste because they are not separate entities. One can ask to what extent one society is organised on segmentary principles, another society is organised on organic principles. If a society has direct access to the land, it can be placed closer to the tribal end of the continuum. Conversely, if a society has right to land through a dependent relationship, it can be placed closer to the caste end of the continuum.

(iv) Bailey understands tribe-caste continuum in another way. He examines the Khonds from a different angle. As said before, the Khonds are divided into a number of territorial clans. When the population of a clan increased, pressure on land built up. A part of the clan moved into the territory of another clan where population was less and land was plenty. The migrant clan adopted agnatic behaviour towards the other clan .The result was that the two clans became brotherly. No inter-marriage was permitted between them.

The British disturbed this arrangement when they brought the hill areas of Orissa under their control. The British appointed Oriya chieftains as political heads, over the Khonds and their territories. As a result, the Oriya chieftains gained political authority over Khonds. This political arrangement disrupted the segmentary system among the Khonds. What happened was that the immigrant clan groups no longer bothered to take up agnatic ties with the original clans. They pledged their loyalties to the Oriya chieftains. Due to the intrigues of Oriya traders, Oriya middle men and Oriya officials many Khond families lost their lands. The immigrant Khonds purchased those lands and became land owners and were under the patronage of Oriya chieftains. Those Khonds who lost lands migrated to Oriya villages to work as labourers/dependents of Oriya landowners.

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In both these cases the Khonds are moving out of tribal segmentary system to caste like dependency system. In the tribe-caste continuum, they are moving away from tribal end towards the caste end.

8.3.1 Conclusion

Bailey clearly sees this situation and interprets that both caste and tribe are becoming transformed. He declares that “both caste and tribe are being merged into a different system which is neither one nor the other. In such a social scenerio where caste and tribe are ceasing to be such, according to their classical points of distinction, the practical value of Bailey’s scheme is limited.

8.4 Surjit Sinha’s Studies

(i) Surjit Sinha, a disciple of Redfield, tried to understand the tribe-caste continuum on the basis of social structure and culture. It is similar to Redfield’s concept of folk-urban continuum. The tribal end is characterized by the following demographic and social structural features:

a. It is isolated in ecology, demography, economy, politics and other social relations from other ethnic groups.

b. It can be viewed as autonomous and disconnected from the great tradition of Indian civilization.

In contrast, the caste end is characterized by the following demographic and structural features:

a. It is typically connected, in ecology, demography, economy and social relations with other ethnic groups. b. It can be viewed as interdependent and connected with great tradition with in Indian civilization

c. Whereas the ideal tribe has least relationship as well as control over the regional social organisation of a civilization, the ideal caste has maximum connections and control over the regional social organisation of a civilization, the ideal tribe maybe placed at one end and the ideal caste at the other ends to form a continuum. Particular societies can be located at different points along the continuum, some nearer to the segmentary tribal model, others closer to the model of an organic caste society. Illustrations

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After presenting his model of tribe-caste continuum, Surjit Sinha explains it with the help of his study of the tribals in general and his study of the tribals in central India in particular. There are millions of tribals in India.

All of them are of not pure tribes, only a few can be called tribes. As tribals they are isolated in ecology, demography, economy and politics and social relations with other ethnic groups. They are autonomous. In the tribe- caste continuum they form the part of the tribal end.

There are tribes like Bhumuji, Gonds and several other tribes in Central India. They were originally egalitarian. But they imitated the way of life of Rajputs. In this connection, they reorganised their clan system. They created new myths to justify their Rajput ancestry. The changed their mariage rules, adopted Rajput economic, social, political and religious life. They appointed Brahmin priests to officiate their religious rituals and practices life. They contracted alliances with the Rajputs in Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. They established States and become their rules. Thus certain tribes become castes.

Surjit Sinha then considers the lower castes. Many of the lower castes, according to Sinha, share several tribal elements, which are as follows:

a. Emphasis on equality in social behaviour within one’s own ethnic group. b. Considerable freedom of cultural participation for the women. c. A value system little burdened by particular asceticism. d. Similarity in the supernaturalism of the lower castes and tribes wherein the pantheon primarily consists of local gods. e. In both the lower castes and the tribes, the supernaturalism is rarely accompanied by Sanskritic ethical considerations.

In the tribe-caste continuum the lower castes are to be placed far below the caste people, but somewhere above the “tribal castes” or Rajputised tribes in Central India.

Are there castes representing the ideal caste pole of the tribe-caste continuum? The answer is yes. There are the Brahmins and Rajputs among the higher castes who represent the caste pole of the tribe-caste continuum.

The Brahmins and Rajputs are heterogeneous and stratified. They are characterised by their residence in multi-ethnic local communities, inter-ethnic Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 446

participation involving occupational specialization and ranked and interdependent interaction with other ethnic groups. They have maximum relationship and control over the regional organisation of Indian civilization. The remaining caste groups, can be placed at different points in the tribe-caste continuum.

8.4.1 Conclusion

Sinha summarizes his findings saying that the tribe can be placed at the tribal end of the continuum. The “tribal castes” or Rajputised tribes can be placed above the tribe along the continuum. The lower castes may be placed above the “tribal castes” in the continuum. The lower castes are assigned such positions because they share many characteristics with the tribes. Above these lower castes come the castes which share many characteristics with the upper castes. In the caste end come the upper castes of Brahmins and Rajputs. Thus the tribe-caste continuum includes the isolated tribe at one end, the Brahmin caste at the other end and all other societies in between these two ends.

QUESTIONS

1. Tribe-caste continuum (2000) 2. Tribe and peasant: similarities and differences (2003) 3. Is Tribe-Caste Continuum a reality or myth? Discuss. (2008) 4. Tribe-Caste continuum (2014) 5. Critically examine the concept of tribe – caste continuum and its relevance in contemporary India. (2015) 6. How is process of tribe-caste continuum different from Sanskritisation? Comment. (2016)

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Unit- VIII Indian Village

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Chapter 1- Village studies in India

India is a country of villages. More than 65 to people are residing in rural area of India. Generally well-educated and scholars made short visit to rural areas to conduct surveys and interviews. If rural problems are to be brought before the government,society and the world at large the study India's villages is significant. Detail study of rural India will provide first hand knowledge of village society. Their experiences of scholars and researchers during theror fieldwork village and rural area of India would provide detailed information and knowledge about rural sociology.

1.1 Village Studies in India

One of the major trends in social anthropology has been a substantial shift from the study of the more or less isolated tribal people, who are now, for many reasons, altering their way of life radically, especially in those aspects, which were once anthropologists' most prized raw material, to the study of the peasants, who, from the view point of structural relationship rather than occupational, are part society and part culture. Such a change in the academic trend of social anthropology had been brought about by American anthropologists, among whom the name of Robert Redfield deserves to be mentioned, as he was the first anthropologist, who carried out systematic village study in a Mexican village, called, Tepoztlan. He, thus, provided a model for village study, which was later followed by anthropologists in the study of village life in different parts of the world. In India anthropologically, oriented village studies became popular through the works of the theoretically sophisticated anthropologists like Morris Opler, Oscar Lewis and Mc Kim Marriott, who used the high level scientific methodology developed by Redfield and others.

Village studies in India historically goes back to the year 1861 when Sir Henry Main published his Ancient Law (London). Basing his argument mainly on the land system in India, he advocated that land was originally held in common by groups of people. A more complete study of the Indian village was depicted in his book, Village Communities in the East and West (London 1871) published after ten years of his first book. After two decades, Baden Powel (1892) described the land system in India (The Land System of British India, Oxford) criticizing the views advanced by Maine. Four years later he published a fuller account entitled The Indian Village Community (London 1896) with a

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more detailed criticism of Maine. Both the works of Maine and Powel lack empirical field work and devote to the study of the land tenure system of India; but their work basically encourages further studies in India.

Rev. Lal Bihari Dey, who wrote Bengal Peasant Life (1874), was the first Indian, who took the pain of describing Indian village life in a village Kanhanpera, West Bengal. "Taken together, ... this book is a refreshing and primary work in the village study even though the data may be somewhat doubtful" (Vidyarthi 1978:5).

Sir George Grierson, the author of Bihar Peasant Life (1926), described factual data on the material culture related to the rural life of Bihar. The book, however, fails to depict a complete picture of village life in Bihar.

During the beginning of the present century, the economist, being the first among social scientists, started to undertake the study of Indian villages. Of such studies undertaken giving particular emphasis on the economic aspect of village communities, mention may be made of the following studies:

Prof. Gilbert Slater published a book entitled Some South Indian Villages in 1918 basing on the survey data collected from twelve different villages. Another worth mentioning publication is Dr. Lucas's Economic Life of a Punjab Village published in 1919, basing on the study of a village, called, Kabirpur in the Punjab. He described, in addition to economic aspect, some social aspects like marriage, political organisation, etc.

H.H. Mann's Land and Labour in Deccan Village published in 1921 also deserves special mention. The study, based on the data collected from two villages, mainly focuses on the economic life of the villagers. V.S. Ranade, in his book A Social and Economic Survey in Konkan Village published in 1926, described the economic life of a village, as Mann does, as well as some aspects of social life, though somewhat sketchy. A. Aiyar’s Economic Life of a Malabar Village may also be specially mentioned here as it studies not only the economic life of the village but also the social aspect of village life though it fails to give an exhaustive picture of Indian village life.

Among the economic studies carried out on regional basis, J. Jack's Economic Life of Bengal District published in 1916, and M.L. Dawling's Punjab Peasant in Prosperity deserve special mention.

John Matthan's Village Govt. in British India published in 1929 and R.K. Mukherjee's Foundation of Indian Economics and Field and Farmers in Oudh

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published in 1916 and 1929 respectively, are the books written by economists on Indian villages. Some more important works on Indian villages are F.L. Brayn's Village Uplift in India and Remaking of Village India published in 1927 and Strickland's Rural Welfare in India published in 1936, in which they, avoiding the study of the general economic life of Indian villages, endeavoured to discuss community development programmes with a view to bringing the improvement of Indian rural societies. "These studies of the economic life of the village brought about a very gloomy picture of the Indian rural society.

W.H. Wiser, an American missionary, who lived in a U.P. village, Karimpur, situated near Lucknow, doing field works for five consecutive years, was the first person, who carried out anthropologically oriented village studies in India. His two books Hindu Jajmani System and Behind the Mud Wall published in 1936 and 1930 respectively may be specially mentioned as the pioneering work of anthropological tradition. In Behind the Mud Wall, though there are some minor shortcomings, he depicts the impact of the caste system on the total way of life of the villagers. In his other book he endeavors to depict an analytical description of the complex interdependence of twenty-four different castes including the Muslims and the Christians, in terms of goods and services. This complex relatedness of different castes was first conceptualized as Jajmani system. He, however, does not discuss the concept in terms of pollution—purity basis. Despite some of his defects, Wiser may be credited for being the first person who carried out the analytical village study based on intensive field work. Wiser's studies, though analytical and systematic rather than ethnographic, did not make any impressive effect on the then academic field of Indian anthropology.

Anthropologically oriented village studies gain their momentum in India after national independence and it becomes academically fashionable in the post- independent period through the academic works of American anthropologists like Morris Opler, David Mandelbaum, Mc Kim Marriott, Oscar Lewis and Indian anthropologists like M.N. Srinivas, S.C. Dube and D.N. Majumdar.

The year 1955 was the most important turning point in the history of village studies in India. Indian Village by S.C. Dube, Village India (ed.) by Mc Kim Marriott and India's Villages(ed.) by M.N. Srinivas were published in this year and these publications created a great sensation to the Indian as well as foreign anthropologists, who had evinced keen interest in village study. Dube's book Indian Village is the first of its kind in anthropological research, which describes a complete picture of Indian village life. This study is based on the field enquiry conducted in a south Indian village, Shamirpet, situated at a distance of about 25 miles from Hyderabad. He depicts an integrated and comprehensive picture of

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the village describing the historical, geographical and sociological perspectives of village life. "If Redfield is credited for making the first village study in 1930 in Mexico, it was for Dube, to describe a Deccan village in India more or less on the same line in 1955" (Vidyarthi 1978:12).

Marriott's Village India and Srinivas's India's Villages, are collections of different papers written by different American, British and Indian social anthropologists, who did field works in different parts of the country with a view to testing their specific theoretical concepts. Village India comprises eight papers, of which seven were written by American anthropologists like Beals, Cohn, Gough, Lewis, Marriott, Mandelbaum and Steed and one by Indian anthropologist, Srinivas. A.R. Beals, in his paper "Interplay among Factors of change in a Mysore Village", describes, on the basis of his diachronic study on a village, Namheli, located near Bangalore, the external factors responsible for change in the social structure of the village. In his paper entitled "Changing status of a depressed caste" B. Cohn depicts the process of caste mobility. Kathleen Gough brings out, as recorded in her Tanjore village, the break—up of the traditional social structure of the village. Oscar Lewis, the American anthropologist, who, after getting field experience in Mexico, came to India as a consultant of Ford Foundation and made village studies academically popular in India, formulated the concept of "rural cosmopolitanism" in his paper. Mc Kim Marriott, who edited the book, Village India, postulated the theoretical concept of "parochialisation and universalisation" basing on the "little and great traditions", which are regarded as the academic trademark of Robert Redfield, in his paper "Little communities in an Indigenous Civilisation", which is based on the study at Kishan Garhi, a village situated in Aligarh District of Western Uttar Pradesh. David G. Mandelbaum's study concentrates on the analysis of the world view of Kota villagers. In her paper "Personality formation in a Hindu village in Gujarat" Geital P. Steed, on the background of her psychological knowledge, tries to analyse the personality formation in a village. M.N. Srinivas, the only Indian scholar, who contributed a paper in the book, describes a village as a "vertical entity made up of several horizontal layers each of which is a caste" in his paper "The Social system of a Mysore Village".

Though the papers contributed by anthropologists from India, the United Kingdom and the U.S.A. are free from technical terms, for they were written with a view to making them readable to laymen, all the essays are the results of the field works, carried out by the contributors in different parts of this subcontinent. The volume comprises sixteen essays written by Indian

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anthropologists like M.N. Srinivas, S.C. Dube and Jyotirmoyee Sarma and American anthropologists like Allan R. Beals, David G. Mandelbaum, Kathleen Gough, Mc Kim Marriott and Marian W. Smith and five British anthropologists like F.G. Baily, Collin Rosser, Eric J. Miller, G. Morris Carstairs and W.H. Newell.

David G. Mandelbaum has contributed two papers, namely, "Social organisation and planned culture change in India" and "Technology, Credit and Culture in a Nilgiri Village". In his former paper, which is written on an all India theme, Mandelbaum points out the impact of large scale development plans on Indian joint family and caste system. He, however, admits further modification and amendments on his views. The latter paper concentrates on the economic interrelationship of the Kota of Nilgiri hills with their neighbouring tribes, the Toda, the Kurumba and the Badaga. The paper also analyses the breakdown of the traditional economic interrelationship due to the advent of new comers. Kathleen Gough, in her paper "The Social Structure of a Tanjor Village" describes the different caste groups of a Tanjor village, called, Kumbapettai, what she describes as "Brahmin village". She outlines the interdependence of different caste groups like the Brahmin, who own land, and the non-Brahmin castes, such as, the Konar, who are tenants to the Brahmin landlord. She further discusses the unity of the individual caste groups as well as of the village as a whole. Her essay concludes with the discussion on the present imbalance of unities and antagonisms between caste and kinship groups.

In his paper "Social structure and change in a U.P. Village" based on the data collected from Kishan Garhi, a village located in the Agra division in the upper Ganges-Janina Doab with 160 mud houses and 850 souls, Mc Kim Marriott analyses the progressive fragmentation of the economic groupings, the kinship and ranked groupings, which intersect and complicate the former, and the convivial groupings of the village along with the present problems faced by the villagers.

Alan R. Beals, in his paper "Change in the Leadership of a Mysore Village", describes, after depicting caste system and economic organisation, a direct conflict between the conservative traditionalists, who believe in the feudal type social hierarchy based on religious tradition and hereditary privilege, and the urban oriented middle class people, who are influenced by English and Gandhian ideals of democracy and social equality, in the context of a ceremony called Ayudha Pula, as found in a village fictitiously called Hattarahali for obvious reasons. In the essay, "Social structure in the Punjab" Marian W. Smith describes the different structural aspects of a Punjabi village. Mention may be made of the

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sub-divisions, conceptual boundaries, exogamous units of the village, the Sikh and the Muslim caste of the village and their economic interdependence, the economic dislocation brought about by the partition of Indian subcontinent resulting in shift in specialisation and increase in inter-village dependence. The affinal ties which go beyond the village boundary and the communal organisations of the village do not escape from the academic discussion of Dr. Marian. She observes, "in terms of economic and social organisation, marital ties, and religious and political organisation the structural unit is larger than the village."

G. Morris Carstairs, the British anthropologist, who has contributed two essays in the volume, describes a rapid social change, as recorded in a Rajasthan village, Fatehpur, by describing the disappearance of the old regime, characterised by the autocratic rule of the Jagirdar in his first paper "A Village in Rajasthan A Study in Rapid Social Change" and in his second essay "Bhil Villages of Western Udaipur : A Study in Resistance to Social Change" he describes the conservative Bhils, who are still commanded by their traditional social, religious and administrative outlooks. In the essay "Village structure in North Kerala", Eric J. Miller has attempted to give a general picture of village structure, rather than to concentrate on the detailed organisation of a single village. He has pointed out the distinction between the twentieth century desam and the pre- British desam. He also has recorded the extension of the vertical unity of different castes over the village. He writes, "village unity in North Kerala is a somewhat nebulous conception". A paper "Gashen - A Gaddi village in the Himalayas" contributed by W.H. Newell, has devoted to the description of the land, where the good natured Gaddi live, the material and economic factors responsible for few infringements against caste rules, a probable thesis about the formation of new caste as recorded in the village, and three important institutions - marriage, kin, and Briton which have brought people together at different levels. Collin Rosser, in his essay, entitled, "A 'Hermit' village in Kulu" highlights the formation and functioning of the partly democratic and partly hereditary village council, which has both political and judicial power, as well as the physically isolated settlement pattern, which has bearing on the unique sovereign of the Malanis, who inhabit a village of Kulu, called, Malana, what he describes as 'hermit' village for its geographically isolated and socially insulated characteristics. In his first paper "An Oriya Hill Village: I", F.G. Bailey describes the changing economic life and village unity of the village Bisipara, specially highlighting that a village becomes less united as it integrates in a larger economy. His second essay "An Oriya Hill village—II" concentrates on the study of the effect

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of economic change on caste as an institution highlighting the conflicts arising in the internal structure of the village. M.N. Srinivas, who edited the volume, has analysed the different aspects of village unity and the kind of ties that bind together the members of the village in his paper "The social structure of a Mysore village". He also has postulated the concepts of the "vertical unity", which means the unity of different castes within a village, and the "horizontal unity" which means the unity of castes of same social cadre outside the village. He writes, "the village is an interdependent unit, largely self-sufficient, having its own village assembly, watch and ward officials and servants". In her essay "A Village in West Bengal", Jyotirmoyee Sarma, the American trained Indian sociologist, depicts the rural life in West Bengal describing housing, agricultural pattern, caste hierarchy, village administration, religious activities, festivals etc. as observed in her village of field work. S.C. Dube, in his paper, "A Decan Village", outlines the social structure of a mixed village, Dewara, as well as the social symbiosis of the different tribal, caste-Hindu and Muslim groups, who inhabit the village. H.S. Dillon's book Leadership and Groups in a South Indian Village, published in 1955, also deserves special mention as the book is based on the field data collected from a single caste village Haripura in the Mandya District of the then Mysore state. Here he delineates the factors responsible for the formation of six factions in the village and the leadership pattern, symbolised by a group having its own leader, of the village.

G.M. Carstairs's The Twice Born: A Study of High Caste Hindus published in 1957 may also be mentioned as the outstanding and pioneering work on the sociopsychological study of Indian villages. The book is based on the data collected from a village, situated in the foothills of Aravalli near Udaipur, Rajasthan. He, on the basis of his psychological knowledge, has analysed the social character and personality formation of three high castes the Brahmins, the Rajputs and the Banias, of Deoli by discussing the basic facts responsible for the formation of Hindu personality.

In the history of village studies in India, the year 1958 was witnessed.by the publication of D.N. Majumdar’s Caste and Communication in an Indian Village, Oscar Lewis's Life in a North Indian Village, F.G. Baily's Caste and the Economic Frontier and S.C. Dube's India's Changing Village: Human Factors in Community Development. D.N. Majumdar, being an Indian anthropologist who made village studies in India popular, described the inter-caste relationship, religious beliefs and practices, leadership, factionalism and economy of a village Mohana near

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Lucknow. He also discussed the fission and the fusion which are responsible for the formation of various social groups and recorded that caste mobility is both vertical and horizontal. What is more important is his view on the Indian village. To him "an Indian Village is a concept because it is a constellation of values which change slowly so that the village retains its identity. It is a way of life because the people still live more or less as they did before." In his book Oscar Lewis, the American anthropologist, who was trained for village studies in Mexico, has analysed the Jajmani system, factions and festivals of village Ramapur at a high level of abstraction. He also compares Ramapur with Tepoztlan, a Mexican village, to show the different cultural forms of peasant society. F.G. Bailey, in his book, analyses the changes occurring in the internal organisation of an Oriya village, Bisipara, owing to the extension of economic and administrative frontiers. He deals not only with the synchronic appraisal of the situation but also with the diachronic appraisal of the change taking a time perspective of about one hundred years. The economic and political implications of Sanskritization are also analytically discussed in the context of the village and the wider economy of the state of which the village is a part. The study also shares the view of other anthropologists that "in studying the microcosm, they are studying the macrocosm". S.C. Dube, the pioneering Indian anthropologist in the field of village study in India, basing on the data collected from two villages of western U.P., attempts to show the impact of externally induced community development plans on the technologically under-developed Indian villages. F.G. Bailey, in another book, Tribe, Caste and Nation, published in 1960, attempts to discover the interaction of political organisation of the tribal system with its non-tribal counterpart. He presents a comparative study of Bisipara and Bedari, a Khond village. The study is concerned with the political cleavages found within not only the Khond villages and the Khond tribes but also the Khond and other castes. A.C. Mayer's Caste and Kinship in Central India, published in the same year, concentrates on the study of social structure in the context of caste and kin links. Another highlight of the study is the distinction between the internal aspect, which exists within the population of various adjacent village caste groupings and the external aspect, which only exists within the village, of castes. In his book, after a Century and A Quarter, published in 1960, G.S. Ghurye attempts to test the concept of folk urban continuum as well as to depict the socio—economic changes experienced by a village of Hawaii Taluka of Maharasthra since 1819. He describes the unity of the village in the context of the working of village council, common shrine and mutual participation in the festivals of the village.

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Baljit Singh's Next Step in Village India, which came out in 1961, concerns the land reform in U.P. consequent upon the abolition of Zamindari system. His study, based on six sample villages, also attempts to find out sociological variables. Despite its drawbacks on sociological grounds, the study is an addition to the village studies in India.

F.G. Bailey, in his third book on Orissa village, titled Political and Social change: Orissa in 1959, published in 1963, tries to focus the relationship of three levels of political activities - the state, the constituencies and the villages — in Orissa. The study also concerns conflict and social change in general. K.S. Mathur, in his Caste and Ritual in Malwa village published in 1964, analyses the function of Hinduism in the integration of caste society. He also examinee a-, to how religion sustains the social system of the Hindus of Potlod. He also discusses the concepts of ritual purity and pollution in the context of intra and inter caste relationship as well as the various types of purity and pollution. G.S. Ghurye, in his Anatomy of a Rural Urban Community, published in 1963, attempts, in addition to his statistical analysis, to present the influence of urbanisation on the socio—religious and socio—economic lives of the various communities of Hawaii Taluka in Maharasthra. Henry Orenstein, one of the pioneers in village study in Maharastra, on the basis of the data collected from Gaon, a village in Maharastra, has depicted the changing aspect of castes due to Sanskritization, wester¬nisation and secularisation in his book Gaon: Conflict and Cohesion, which came out in 1965. A.R. Beals, in his book published in 1974 under the title Village Life in South India, presents, in the light of the data collected from three villages - Elephant, Namhali and Gopalpur - of the then Mysore state, an analytical discussion on the ecological basis of economy and technology, and the network of inter and intervillage relationship.

Over and above the aforesaid studies on the widely separated villages, distributed almost all over Indian subcontinent, innumerable papers, written by both Indian and foreign anthropologists, on the widely ranged Indian villages inhabited by different communities, had also been published in different academic journals and books.

As to the papers dealing with the approach to village study, mention may be made of Morris E. Opler's "Extensions of an Indian Village" published in Journal of Asian Studies and H.A. Gould's "The Peasant Life: Centripetal and Centrifugal" published in Eastern Anthropologists. In his paper Opler presents an analytical description of the network of a village Senapur, U.P. in terms of its

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extension, and in the context of the larger units of Indian civilisation. Gould characterizes the self-contained and autonomous characteristics of a peasant village Sherupur, U.P. as centripetal and the dependency of the same on the urban centers as well as on the various processes of national culture as centrifugal. In the light of the data collec¬ted from the village, he also has coined a novel academic terminology "proletarianization" which means the process of absorbing lower caste people as labourers in industrial complexes as they are being defunctionalised in rural areas. In this connection Rudra Sing, Opler's collaborator, who locates the unity of the village in the village shrine, the village Panchayat, the sentiment of the villagers, the inter-caste relationship etc., also presented his view in his paper "The Unity of an Indian Village" published in Journal of Asian Studies

Among the papers which deal with the economic interdependence of different castes within a village, as it is reflected in Jajmani system, and its changing aspects owing to various factors, mention may be made of H.A. Gould's "The Village Jajmani system" and "Jajmani System of North India : its structure, magnitude and meaning" published in South Western Journal of Anthropology and Ethnology, respectively, T.O. Beidelman's "A Comparative Analysis of Jajmani System" published in Journal of Augustine 1959, P.M. Kolenda's "Toward a Model of Hindu Jajmani System" published in Human Organisation, A.B. Bose and N.S. Jodha's "The Jajmani System in a desert village" published in Man in India, Lewis and Barnow's "Two Systems of Economic exchange in Village India" published in American Anthropologist.

As regards the papers that concern the traditional and emerging power structure, factionalism, leadership and group dynamics of Indian village life, Yogendra Singh's "Changing power structure of village Community" published in Aural Sociology in India (Ed) A.R. Desai, 1961, A.B. Bose and S.P. Malhotra's "Studies in Group Dynamics, Factionalism in a Desert village" published in Man in India, T.J. Hitchcock's "Leader-ship in a North Indian Village : Two case studies", Henry Orenstein's "Leadership and caste in Bombay village, W.Mc. Cormack's "Factionalism in a Mysore village", A.R. Beals's "Leadership in a Mysore village" and E.B. Harper's "Political Organisation and Leadership in a Karnataka village" all published in Leadership and Political Institutions in India (Ed) Park and Tinker 1959 (60) deserve special mention.

Among the studies that are concerned with the interaction of great and little traditions as well as similar interactions in religious beliefs and practices, Indrapal Singh's "Religion in Deleke: A Sikh village" published in Aspects of Religion in Indian Society (ed). L.P. Vidyarthi 1962, T.R. Singh's "The Hierarchy of Deities in an Andhra village" which was also published in

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Vidyarthi's (ed) Aspects of Religion in Indian Society, 1962, G.M. Carstairs's "Pattern of Religious Observations in Three villages of Rajasthan" and Yogesh Atal's "The Cult of Bheru in a Mewar Village and its vicinage" which were published in Journal of Social Research, 1961, are worth mentioning.

M.N. Srinivas's "The Dominant Caste in Ramapur" published in American Anthropologists, S.C. Dube's "Ranking of Caste in Telangana Village" published in Aural profile of India, E.K. Gough's "Cult of the Dead among the Nayars" and "Criteria of Caste Ranking" published in Journal of American Folklore, 1966 and Man in India, 1950 respectively, G. Chattopadhyay's "Carak Festival in West Bengal" published in Aspects of Religion in South East Asia, P.M.Mahar's "Changing religious practices of an untouchable Caste" published in Economic Development and Cultural Change and "Changing Caste Ideology in a North Indian Village" published in Journal of Social Issues, 1958 are among the papers that concern the caste system of Indian villages. It is also worth mentioning Andre Beteille's contributions in this regard. Mention may be made of his article, "A note on the Pongal Festival in a Tanjore Village" published in Man, the outcome of his study of a multicaste village Shivpuram in Tanjore. A.C. Mayer's "Some Hierarchical aspects of caste" and "Dominant Caste in a Region of Central India" published in South Western Journal of Anthropology, 1956 and, 1958 respectively are the papers on the caste system of Indian village life, which are worthy of being mentioned here. The contributions of N. Patnaik, the Indian scholar, who wrote a few papers on the function¬ing of caste system in villages of Orissa, to the study of the caste system of Indian villages also deserve special mention. In his papers "Caste and Occupation of rural Orissa" and "Outcasting among oil-man for drinking wine" published in Man in India, 1960 respectively, he has discussed the caste relationship and regional organisation of oil-men with concrete case studies. He has brought out the role and organisation of barber caste by depicting the service relationship between barbers and villagers in his papers "Barbers and their clients in an Orissa village" published in Man in India 1960 and "Service relationship between barbers and villagers in a small village in Rampur" published in Economic Weekly.

There are still a host of papers which have concentrated on the different aspects of Indian Village life. Indrapal Singh discusses the perpetuation of caste system and untouchability, though theoretically banned by Sikhism, in a Sikh village in his paper "A Sikh Village" published in Journal of American Folklore, 1962. Morris E. Opler and Rudra Singh describe intercaste relationship and Jajmani system in their first joint paper "The Division of Labour in an Indian Village" published in Reader in General Anthropology (ed) G.Coons 1948, a comparative picture of two villages - Madhopur and Rampur - in their second

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paper "Two villages of Eastern Uttar Pradesh" published in American Anthropologist V01.54, 1962 and economic, political and social change, as found in village Madhopur, in their another joint paper "Economic, Political and Social change in North Central India" published in Human Organisation, 1952. Bernard Cohn and W.L. Rowe, the students of Morris Opler, study caste mobility in their respective papers "Changing Traditions of Low Caste" published in Traditional India: Structure and Change (ed) Milton Singer 1958 and "The Marriage Network and Structural Change in a Northern Indian Community" published in South Western Journal of Anthropology, 1960. M.S. Luschinsky, under the direction of M.E. Opler, describes the innovations in the different aspects of village life, such as, public health, education, land reform and government, in his paper "Problems of Culture change in Indian Village" published in Human Organisation 1963. R.S. Khare, on the basis of the data collected from a village Gopalpur, presents the relationship between the ritual status of purity and pollution and the physical status of cleanliness and uncleanliness in his paper "Ritual Purity and Pollution in relation to Democratic Sanitation" published in Eastern Anthropologist, 1962 and the role of folk medicine in overcoming intercaste tensions and insulations in his another paper "Folk medicine in a North Indian Village" published in Human Organisation, 1963. T.J. Hitchcock, in his paper "The Idea of Marital Rajputs" published in Traditional India: Structure and Change (ed.) Milton Singer, 1958, depicts the ideal behaviour and martial character of Rajputs. John J. Gumperz studies social stratification in terms of linguistic differentiation in his paper "Dialect Differences and Social Stratification" published in American Anthropologist, 1958. Pauline M. Kolenda, in his paper "Religious Anxiety and Hindu fate" published in Religion in South Asia (ed.) E.B. Harper, 1964, reports the observance of simpler and parochialised form of religion by the untouchable sweepers of Khalapur instead of following the great traditional religious ideas. Joan Mencher has discussed the process of socialization in her paper "Growing up in South Malabar" published in Human Organisation, 1963. W.M. Cormack in his paper "Sister's Daughter's Marriage in a Mysore village" which came out in Man in India. 1958, has described the implications of sister's daughter's marriage on the basis of kinship terminology. A.B. Bose and S.P. Malhotra of the Central Arid Zone Research Institute wrote a few papers in order to bring out a picture of the sociocultural setting of desert villages. The papers are "Economic structure in a village part of Rajasthan" published in Journal of Social Research Vc1.5, 1962, "Socio Economic Differences in Dispersed Dwelling and Compact Settlement Type in Arid Zones" and "Anthropo— Geographical Study of the Settlement Pattern of a Desert Village," which were published in Man in India, 1963. A.C. Mayer, on the basis of the data collected from Malwa Village, also published "Change in Malwa Village" and "Local

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Government Elections in a Malwa village", the former in Economic Weekly, 1935 and the latter in Eastern Anthropologists, 1958. T.B. Naik describes the social status of four groups of pattidars of Central Gujarat in his paper "Social Status in Gujarat" published in Eastern Anthropologist, 1958. The role of the community of the genealogists and the mythographers, who operate in rural Gujarat, is discussed by A.M. Shaha and R.G. Shroff in their joint paper "The Vahivanca Barots of Gujarat" published in Journal of American Folklore, 1958.

Among the papers which have concentrated on the study of the different aspects of village life other than religion, caste, economy and leadership and factionalism, mention may be made of T. Scarlett Epstein's papers "A Sociological Analysis of Witch Beliefs in a Mysore village" and "Economic Development and Peasant Marriage in South India" published in Man in India, 1960, and Joytirmoyee Sharma's "Nuclearisation of Joint Family Households in West Bengal" published in Man in India, 1964. Another worth mentioning paper in this regard is Lalit Kumar Sen's "Family in four Indian Villages" published in Man in India, 1965. The paper is written, basing on the data collected from four villages of Burdwan District, West Bengal, with a view to bringing out the co—relation between the family type and the other aspects of village life, such as, caste, education, income, outside contacts and the owner-ship of productive assets. Joytirmoyee Sharma, in her another paper "Secular Status of Caste" published in Rural Profiles (ed.) D.N. Majumdar 1955, distinguishes the secular and sacred statuses of caste in order to show the actual working of caste hierarchy under the influence of modern conditions. P.K. Bhowmik, in the light of the data collected from a heterogenous village Daharpur, brings out every aspect of village life including caste and service in his paper "Caste and Service in a Bengal Village" published in Man in India, 1963.

Though village studies attained its academic maturity in different parts of India during the sixties, it still remains in its prime in North Eastern India, the region which is described as the paradise of anthropologists. In Assam only, a few studies had been taken up sporadically. Mention may be made of B. Bandyopadhyay’s study of the patterns of two Assam villages which is depicted in a paper "Hira Potters of Assam" published in Man in India. Saikia's study on the leadership indifferent tribal and non—tribal villages, and B.M. Das's report on the socio—cultural survey of Kaharpara village which is described in a book entitled Kaharpara — A report on Socio-cultural Survey published in 1964. The American scholar R. Burling's paper "An Incipient caste Organisation in the Garo hills" published in Man in India, 1960 also deserves to be mentioned. Such village studies are singularly lacking in Manipur, the north eastern border state, which is still virgin for anthropological studies.

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Chapter 2- Settlement patterns in India

Pattern of settlement has been defined as the relationship between one house or building and another. The pattern of settlement may be easily identified by reading and observing a large-scale map, like that of the topographical maps prepared by the Survey of India or the Ordinance Survey of Britain.

The term ‘pattern of settlement’ deals with compact and semi-compact settlements only as each of the dispersed settlements has its own shape.

The rural settlements have different shapes and sizes. The site of the village, and the surrounding topography and terrain influence the shape and size of a village.

In fact, the pattern of rural settlement is the result of a series of adjustments to the environment which have been going on for centuries.

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Moreover, socio-cultural factors such as caste structure of the people living in a village and the functional needs of the people also have a close bearing on its shape and size.

In the valleys in mountainous areas, the pattern of settlement is generally linear, while in the fertile plains their shapes may be rectangular; near the lakes and ponds the settlements are of circular or semi-circular type, while at the cross roads, the shape may be rectangular, circular or triangular.

In exceptional cases, the settlement pattern resembles the nebular form and, on the river, terraces resemble the stair-case type. The rural settlements may be broadly classified under the following patterns:

1. Rectangular Pattern Over 50 per cent of the world population lives in rural settlements, and most of the people inhabit the settlements of rectangular pattern. Rectan•gular settlements mainly develop in productive alluvial plains and wide intermontane valleys. The lanes in the rectangular settlements are almost straight, meeting each other at right angles. The rural settlements of the Sutlej-Ganga plains, especially those which developed on the cross-roads, fall in this category. The well-planned settlements of Germany, Russia, Central Asian Republics, China, North and South Korea, Vietnam, Malaysia, Israel and France also fall under this category.

2. Linear Pattern

Linear pattern is the other most important design of settlements. In the linear settlements, houses are arranged along either side of a road, railway line,

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river or canal. Such settlements also evolve along the edge of a valley, especially in the mountainous areas, above flood level or along the coast. The development of linear settlements in the hilly areas is largely controlled by terrain and topography. Along the river banks and the sea shore, the flood and water level influence linear settlements. Such settle•ments are numerous in the Middle Himalayas, Alps, Rockies, Andese, Pyrenees, Pamir, Hindukush, Zagros, and Elburz Siwaliks and along the roads in the plains of Ganga-Yamuna.

3. Circular and Semi-Circular Pattern

The fishermen and salt producers develop their settlements along the sea coasts and salt lakes, respectively. Since the people prefer to stay near the water, they construct their houses along the coasts. Such settlements acquire the circular or semi-circular shapes. In the vicinity of crater lakes and on the levees of ox-bow lakes, such settlements are found. The main occupation of the people of circular settlements is to err their livelihood from the water either by catching fish, water-nuts, grasses, or by providing services to the recreates, picnic goers and aesthetic beauty lovers.

4. Star-Like Pattern

The star-like settlements develop on the sites and places where several metalled or unhealed roads converge. In the star-shaped settlements, houses spread out along the sides of roads in all direction. This pattern is common to both villages and towns, and is caused mostly by new devel•opment, spreading out along the major roads This type of settlements is the character­istic of the countryside’s of North-West Europe, plains of Yangtzekiang, Punjab province of Pakistan and the Sutlej- Yamuna plains

5. Triangular patterns of rural

Triangular patterns of rural settlement generally develop at the confluence of rivers. The lateral expansion of houses at the confluence is constrained by the rivers. Consequently, the settlement acquires a triangular shape

6. Nebular Pattern

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When the shape of a settlement resembles a nebula, it is known as a nebular settlement. The arrangement of roads is almost circular which ends at the central location or the nucleus of the settlement. Generally, the size of nebular settlements is small and they develop around the house of the main landlord of the village or around the mosque, temple or church. There are several villages of this type in the Ganga-Yamuna doab.

Chapter 3- Agrarian social structure

3.1 Introduction

Indian society is primarily based on villages on agriculture and craft production rather than industrial production. In simpler terms it can be called an agricultural society or an agrarian society. It is a society where about 75 percent of the population lives in villages, and so per cent of the working population is engaged in agriculture and related occupations for their livelihood. It is a society whose members are very much involved in the production, distribution and consumption of agricultural goods and services.

As an agricultural or agrarian society, Indian society has a structure which can be called agrarian structure. Structure refers to arrangement of parts.

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Similarly, agrarian structure refers to the arrangement of parts concerned with agriculture. The parts concerned with agriculture are the institutions. To be brief, agrarian structure means the institutional framework of agriculture. The instiutional framework relates to:

(a) The distribution of land

(b) The control of land, and

(c) The use of land.

In other words, agrarian structure is related to

(a) Land tenure (b) Forms of agricultural employment (c) Social organisations (d) Trade unions (e) Credit or advisory services, and (f) Infrastructure of agriculture like the irrigation marketing and transport facilities.

Thus, agrarian structure refers to the systematic arrangement of all parts of an agricultural society into a totality

3.2 Meaning of agrarian social structure

The study of the whole agrarian structure is not the concern of social-cultural anthropology; the interest of social –cultural anthropology is limited only to an examination of the social aspects of the agrarian structure, otherwise known as agrarian social structure.

Agrarian social structure denotes the inter-relationships obtaining among the groups engaged in agricultural operations. It is the sum total of the ways in which each group operates in relation to other groups. As each group operates in relation to its members and in relation to other groups in accordance with established procedures or institutions, study of agrarian social structure involves not only the complex totality of inter-relations of groups but also the complex standards, procedures or rules of institutions responsible for the formation of that totality of inter-relations of groups. Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 466

3.3 Definition of agrarian social structure

Daniel Thorner defines agrarian social structure as:

“The network of relations among the various groups of persons who draw their livelihood from the soil and the consequences of their pattern of relationships” Keeping this definition in view, one may define the agrarian social structure of India as the sum total of the ways as mediated by the four elements of village, caste, class and Jajmani system. Some of the relations are defined and enforced by law and others by custom, tradition and values.

3.4 Agrarian social structure as a product of history

Agrarian social structure in India is a product of several historical factors and forces. As a network of relations governing the village community, caste groups and land owners, cultivators and labourers it has emerged almost three thousand years ago. After its emergence it was never static, rather it was dynamic. It changed across centuries before it assumed the present from. To be precise how the agrarian structure came to be what it is a product of history.

3.5 Phases of development of agrarian social structure

According to A.R. Desai, Daniel Thorner, C.B. Mamoria, P.C. Joshi, Andre Beteille and a few others, the agrarian social structure in India has grown in different phases: (i) the Pre-British phase, and (ii)the British phase, (iii) the Post- Independence phase.

3.6 Agrarian classes and social structure

An agrarian class is stratum, classified as such on the basis of its position in the social organisation of production. In India, peasantry has always been a part of broad historical process. Their position in the organisation of production has altered tremendously in these historical processas. Hence, in examining the agrarian class relations in India, one should begin with the nature of organisation of production in agriculture and the broad historical processas that have affected the organisation of production in Indian agriculture.

The nature of the organisation of production in agriculture has not been uniform in India. The socio-economic composition of the agrarian social classes, in India vary from one region to another. The diverse agro-climatic situation, politico-administrative set-up and the socio-cultural matrix have contributed

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significantly towards this variation. The pattern of ownership, control and use of land also varies from region to region. Again, the introduction of new technology viz. improved seeds, chemical fertilisers and pesticides, commercialisation of agricultural product and integration of agrarian economy with the national and international market widely affected the composition of the agrarian classes. Besides, land reform legislations and the political and administrative will for the implementation of these legislations, and the rural development strategies of the state also influenced formation of the agrarian class structure.

The organisations of production of agriculture and its class structure have been part of a long historical and politico-administrative process. Hence to understand the class structure of the contemporary agrarian society, one should know the aspects related to continuity and change in the organisation of production and class of the earlier periods.

Chapter 4- Agrarian structure in pre-British period

4.1 Introduction

In the Pre-British phase, the agrarian social structure in India was characterised by the absence of demographic pressure on land, the strong control of village council over land, an effective Jajmani system and a comfortable living for the majority of the people in villages.

4.2 Agrarian relations

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The agrarian relations centre round the rulers, their nobles, officers, share croppers, tenants, peasants, labourers. Rulers did not own the land of the whole kingdom. They had their personal lands known as crown lands. There were the nobles, officers, scholars, physicians and experts in various fields who had large estates granted by the rulers. These people were Brahmins, Rajputs and Kayasthas in the North, Brahmins, Nairs, Vellalas, Okkaligas, Reddis and Kammas in the South. They became land owing castes. The best lands were in their possession. However as absentee landlords, they distributed their lands to those who supported their regime, and who belonged to their own caste groups. As such the ruling families or their grantees came to have the best lands in the villages. In this process the upper castes generally possessed extensive and fertile portions of village land. The lower castes cultivated the fields of the landowners as tenants or lessees. Several of them were working as agricultural labourers.

At the same time, the Jajmani system operated to bring together the agricultural castes and artisan castes in the villages. There was a delicate balance between agriculture and antisanry. As landowners, the upper castes patronized the village craftsmen by regularly burying from them the craftware. The artisans rendered services to the upper caste land owners for three reasons: they received payment in kind which provided economic security to them and (ii) their sense of belonging to a landowning household had been a sourice of psychological security; and (iii) there was assurance of support of the landowners to all the clients especially during their sickness or any other emergency.

Thus, in the total agrarian structure land was the primary, scarce and production resource; control of land means control of livelihood a source of secular power. The control over land was exercised by the village communal mainly to present the alienation or transfer of lands to outsiders. The rulers, nobles, officers and others were a class of absentee landlords. They all belonged to upper castes. Those who cultivated their lands were inter owner cultivators, tenants or share croppers. They formed into different classes. They also belonged to the very caste to which the absentee landlords belonged. The absentee landlords were entitled to a revenue on the land. According to law, the absentee landlords collected 1/6 of the produce from the peasants and landlords as the greedy rulers collected even ¼ or ½ of the produce as revetment annual tent. In this way, the rulers accumulated surplus grains, oils, spices, pulses and other material gods. They spent, a part of their rent on keeping themselves in comfort and to meet the standing army of the officers. They was the surplus in maintaing charitable institutions and in meeting with situations of emergency. However, became of official indifference or corruption, the surplus controlled by the rules did not often reach the people. Under the Jajmani system, the upper

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castes were entitled to great principles but the lower castes received an assumed supply of grains.

Chapter 5- Agrarian structure in British period

The agrarian society in India became highly stratified in the British period. Various agrarian classes emerged as a fallout of the implementation of the colonial land policy in India. The main objectives of the British land policy in India were

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(i) To collect the maximum amount of rent from Indian agrarian society. (ii) To introduce international money into agrarian economy to suit their interest. (iii) To introduce free trade in agriculture; and (iv) To make Indian agrarian economy a part of their colonial markets.

All these arrangements were made by the Britishers to serve their colonial interest. Hence to further their interest, the Britishers, besides introducing new land tenure system, took effective steps for opening up of road and railways communications, promotion of export trade in certain agricultural commodities within the framework of the free trade policy of the colonial power.

5.1 Land Tenure System

The Britishers introduced three major types of land systems in India the Zamindar, the Ryotwari and the Mahalwari.

(i) Zamindar System

On the basis of the Permanent Settlement Act, 1793 the Zamindar system was introduced in Bengal and later it was extended to U.P., Bihar, major parts of Orissa and some parts of Madras. Under this system, Zamindars were given the freedom to collect whatever they possibly could as rent.

(ii) Ryotwari System

Under the Ryotwari system settlement was made separately with each peasant who was recognised as the proprietor with the right to sublet, mortgage or transfer. This system was initially introduced in Madras and later extended to Bombay, Madhya Pradesh and some parts of Assam. It is to note here that 95% of the cultivatable lands was under the Zamindari and the Ryotwari system in this period.

(iii) Mahalwari System

Under the Mahalwari system settlement was made with the entire village, and the peasant contributed on the basis of their holding to the total revenue demand of the village. It was initially introduced in some parts of the United Province and later extended to some aprts of Punjab.

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In this period, however, an entirely different system of land tenure existed in the North-Eastern regions. In the tribal areas of North East the cultivable land falling within the village limits was disturbed by the village authority to different clans inhabiting the village. The clan then distributed it among its members. A cultivator under this system could neither acquire any ownership right on the land nor could he transfer it.

5.2 Agrarian Classes and Class Relations.

In due course of the functioning of the colonial rule, the agrarian society of India became highly stratified. Here class-differentiation was sharpened among various agrarian categories. In the Zamindari areas, Zamindars and other intermediaries constituted dominant classes of the rural society. Under this system, the actual cultivators were denied their traditional rights of security of tenure and gradually they were reduced to the position of sharecroppers and agricultural labourers. In the Ryotwari areas the big landlords sublet lands emerged as the non-cultivating owners of vast plot of lands. There also gradually emerged sub-tenants, sharecroppers and various types of agricultural labourers. In the Mahalwari areas as well classes of big landowners and cultivating peasants began to dominate in the agrarian society. Here we can identify the following broad agrarian classes of the British Period in India.

(i) Landlords

They were the owners of vast plots of land. However, there were various categories of landowners within this class viz., intermediary landowners (like the Zamindars, Talukdars, Patnidars etc.), the absentee landowners, the rich farmers etc, but the common ground of their economic interest was that they employed mostly either the tenants, sharecroppers or the agricultural labourers for the purpose of cultivation of their land. Indeed they were the non-cultivating rentier class.

(ii) Tenants

They were holding leases under the landlords of various categories. Many of the tenants also employed under-tenants for the purpose of cultivation of a part of their land.

(iii) Peasant Proprietors.

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They were t he cultivators of small plots of land with or without occupancy rights. They were mostly the subsistence cultivators and were dependent on family labour for the cultivation of their land. Small peasants and under-tenants belonged to this class.

(iv) Agricultural Working Class.

They mostly worked in the field of others for the mainstay of their livelihood. The agricultural labourers and sharecroppers belonged to this category. For subsistence many of the sharecroppers, worked as agricultural labourers seasonally, while the landless agricultural labourers sold their labour throughout the year.

The British land system gave enormous scope to the landlord class to exploit the poor peasantry and to make agriculture market-oriented. This landlord class emerged at the cost of the decay of the poor and medium cultivators who transferred their also to this new stratum. This class also relied on usury as a means of their social advancement. They took full advantage of the poverty of the peasants. The high rates of interest varying from 400% to 500% made it impossible for the peasant to repay the loan. Thus he ended up transferring his land money-lenders.

The British period ahs visualised a phenomenon growth of the sharecropping system of land cultivation both in the Zamindari and Ryotwari areas. The space of sharecropping system was related to the indebtedness of small peasants. They were indebted to the village money-lenders, traders and rich farmers and the intermediaries. When the peasants lost their land, because of their failure to repay the loan in time, they were resettled on the condition that they would pay half of the produce. The Land Revenue Commission (Bengal) showed that in 1940 of the total land sold and purchased around 32% was brought under sharecropping system of cultivation.

It is important that when the indebted peasants were not resettled on their land as sharecroppers, they were incorporated in the category of landless agricultural labourers. Their number also sharply increased in this period. In Bengal their growth rate was tremendous. By 1901 they formed only 17.5% of the rural population of Bengal. Between 1921-31 their number increased to 49%.

In this period the tradition village and cottage industries were destroyed. A significant section of the village artisans and craftsmen joined the army of agricultural labourers since not other avenue of employment was left for them.

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Against this backdrop, the functioning of the economic structure of the agrarian society led to the concentration of the means of production in the hands of minority (landlords) and the driving majority was landless or semi-landless people. Hence relations of production were primarily determined by the privileged section of the rural society and transformed the agrarian society from subsistence to commodity production. Ramakrishna Mukherjee making an in- depth study of Bengal points out that in such a given situation, the functioning of the economic structure of the society laid a basis for the emerged of class I (composed of the landlords and supervisory farmers); and class III (composed of sharecroppers and agricultural labourers) at the expense of the decay of class II(composed of self-sufficient peasantry, artisans and traders.)

The continued aggravation of exploitation and social of the peasantry grew in course of time into a system and these became a feature of the existing social life all over the country and all these created a very serious and untenable social situation in India. The exploitation of the small peasants, tenants, under tenants, sharecroppers and agricultural labourers by the landlord class created underneath tension and conflict of interest between them. This situation also generated enormous discontent among the peasantry and this discontent was manifested in the form of peasant movements and organised mobilisation of the peasantry in the national movement in various parts of the country. We shall talk about the peasant movement in the next unit of this block. Thus, on the eve of independence the agrarian society emerged as an extremely poverty-ridden, stratified and disintegrated sector. It was reeling under the feudal social and economic bondages. Hence, the agrarian society was characterised by extreme inequality, subinfeudation in the landholding, high concentration of the land in the hands of rural rich, landlessness and land-hunger of the peasants, rackrenting and tenurial insecurity of the tenants and small peasants; destruction of the traditional village and collage industries, penetration of market and money economy in backward agriculture. Besides there were the surfaces tensions of conflict of interest between the agrarian classes which were manifested in the peasant movement and large-scale participation of the peasantry in the mational movement.

Chapter 6- Agrarian structure in post-independence period

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6.1 Introduction

The attainment of Independence, according to the National Commission on Agriculture, created the essential pre-conditions for restructuring the rural economy with a view to putting it on the path of progress and accelerated development. The situation called for far-reaching structural reforms in the agrarian system and basic changes in the socio-economic relations of production. Comprehensive land reforms and rural development programmes have been formulated by the national and the state governments towards this goal since independence.

6.2 Land reforms: Aims and objectives

In the First Five Year Plan it was for the first time that the land reforms policy was concretised at the government level. In the successive Five Years Plans also various measures have been undertaken to use land reforms as the effective instrument in attaining economic development with social justice in the rural areas. Hence the main objectives of the land reform have been:

(i) Abolition of intermediaries. (ii) Imposition of ceiling restrictions on landholding (iii) Distribution of surplus vested land among the rural poor. (iv) Tenancy reforms (v) Increase in agricultural production:

1) Land Reform Measure of 1950s –1960s:

The legislative measures for the abolition of intermediaries were introduced soon after independence in the United Province and were followed up in West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and some other states. The major facets of this land reform were the abolition of zamindari system, fixation of land ceiling, providing tenurial security to the under-ryots and the sharecroppers. For example, West Bengal Estate Acquisition Act 1953 abolished the intermediary rights of all kinds on land and fixed a land ceiling at 25 acres per individual holder. The under-ryots holding land from ryots were upgraded as ryots and came in direct relationship with the state (W.B.E.A. Act 1953). Again, with regard to the sharecroppers the West Bengal Land Reforms Act 1955 stipulated that i) The produce of the crops shall be divided between the sharecroppers and the landowners equally if the required inputs are supplied by the Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 475

landowners. In all other cases the produce shall be 60% in favour of the sharecroppers. ii) It, however, empowered the landowners to terminate the sharecroppers to bring their land under self-cultivation.

6.3 The Problem of Implementation of Land Reform Laws

However, all over India there had been a gap between the land reform ideology and the implementation of the same in this period. Neither the intended beneficiaries were aware of these laws nor had the Government taken popular initiative to implement these laws. Even where the tenants were aware of their rights they were generally in too weak a position both socially and economically to insist on their rights. All these in general led to malafide land transfer, termination of the sharecroppers by the landowners losing of lands by peasants aand insecurity of the rural poor. a) Malafide Land Transfer: Many of the big landowners transferred their land in the name of their close relatives or reliable persons to keep their land under ceiling restrictions. b) Termination of the Sharecroppers: The landowners took the opportunity to bring their name under self-cultivation. This led to large-scale eviction of the sharecroppers from land. c) Loss of Lands by Poor Peasants: Due to poverty and increasing burden of indebtedness many small and marginal cultivators lost their lands to village money-lenders and landowners. d) Insecurity of Rule Poor: There was no significant improvement in distribution of surplus still vested lands among the rural poor. Again there was unabated increase of the unemployment in the rural areas. These led to seasonal migration and destitution.

Under the given situation though the zamindars were abolished, many of the old landlords still remained in the agrarian hierarchy with unquestioned social and economic power. This class was united among themselves to protect their landed interest. They significantly influenced the political will and mechanisms of the government in weakening the implementation of the land reform laws rigorously they also introduced large-scale commercial farming, modern technology and multi-crop cultivation in land. However, the economic conditions of the lower strata deteriorated steadily in this period. Deprived of

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economic security and legal protection they were tied up with the landlords class with extreme dependency relations.

It is important that the extent of implementation of the land reform measures were relatively, higher in these areas where socialist movement was strong. ii) Land Reform Laws of 1970s

Experiencing the loopholes of the land reform laws, the gap between land reform legislations and their implementation and their resultant impact on the agrarian society many of the state government introduced new amendments in the land reform laws in conformity with the national guidance issued in 1972. The state governments introduced progressive land reforms laws. For example, West Bengal new land reform laws were introduced in the 1970s to (i) make the tenure of the sharecropper hereditary (ii) to raise share of the sharecroppers from 60% to 75% of the produce (iii) to impose ceiling restriction to 7 (approximately 17 acres) hectares and (iv) to empower the sharecroppers to be a ryot of the surplus vested land provided the amount of such land cultivated by him does not exceed one hectare. In the late seventies the newly elected Left Front Government of West Bengal introduced the Operation Barga programme for quick recording of name of the sharecroppers to provide them with all the institutional facilities of cultivators and the tenurial security. In this process the lower strata of the agrarian society were organised for the rapid implementation of Operation Barga, distribution of surplus vested lands among rural poor etc. All these affected the pre-existing organisation of production in agriculture and the agrarian class structure as well.

6.4 Rural Development Programmes

Besides land reforms, various rural development measures are undertaken to restructure the agrarian economy in India since the early fifties. The Community Development Programme (1952), National Extension Services(1953), Khadi and Village Industry Programme (1957), Intensive Agricultural District Programme (1960), Rural Industries Projects (1962), Intensive Agricultural Areas Programme (1964), High Yielding Variety Programme (1966), Farmer’s Training and Education Programme (1966), Tribal Development Block (1968), Small Farmers Development Agency (1971), Command Area Development Programme (1974), Integrated Rural Development Programme (1979), Jawahar Rojgar Yojana (1988) are only a few to name various programmes initiated for rural development. It is important to mention here various society in India experiences a phenomenal change in the mid sixties with the adoption of a new strategy of agricultural development which is widely known as the Green

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Revolution. This strategy opts for the introduction of modern technology in agriculture for high yielding variety cultivation. Indeed, the rural development helped enormously to bring change in the agrarian economy along with significant improvement in the infrastructural arrangement of organisation of production in many parts of the country.

6.5 Changing Class Structure in Agriculture

Agrarian reforms and rural development strategies in India which aimed at brining economic development with social justice in its agrarian society, in turn brought regional disparities and sharp inequalities among the agrarian people. In terms of agricultural mechanisation and extensive high yielding variety crops cultivation and other infrastructural facilities of rural development a few of the states like Punjab, Haryana and Western Uttar Pradesh have been ample variation in terms of technological advancement and agricultural development. For example, some districts of southern part of West Bengal have been highly agriculturally developed while others still remained agriculturally backward. Western Uttar Pradesh has been highly agriculturally developed, while the eastern part it is mostly the big landowners who has taken maximum advantage of the measures initiated for rapid agricultural modernisation and economic development. They have introduced all modern means of cultivation for the commercialisation of agriculture and their economic betterment. These altogether have led to the concentration of the means of agricultural production in the hands of a few. But the process of class formation has not been a uniform one all over the country. Examining the emerging class inequalities in the rural society scholars have identified various agrarian classes. (a) To Kotovsky, in the stratified rural social structure in India there have been the bourgeoisie landowners, sharecroppers and agricultural labourers (b) To Alavi (1974) the rural society of India has been highly stratified in the process of agricultural development and commercialisation of agriculture. He pointed out that rural economy of India has been a part of colonial capital. To him the major agrarian classes in India are the bourgeoisie landowners, colonial landowners, sharecroppers and agricultural labourers. In the agrarian society of West Bengal, (c) Chandra (1975) identified, the upper class landed families (including landlords. Jotedars, rich peasants, Marginal peasants) and the lower class (including poor peasants and the agricultural labourers) to be the conflicting agrarian classes. (d) Beteille points out that agricultural development has produced a class of progressive farmers’ in Punjab who invest significantly in agriculture and use all modern means of cultivation and have nexus with the wide markets. (e) Ashok Rudra (1981) suggest that agricultural development has brought polarisation in the rural society. To him there has been a class of landowners who occupy not only the vast areas of cultivable lands, but also

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posses all the modern means of cultivation. This class of big landowners reinvest a significant portion of their capital in agriculture to further their economic interest. Here he identifies two broad classes in the agrarian society of India viz. the class of big landowners and the classes of agricultural labourers. (f) Hayami (1981), after examining the major facets of the agrarian transformation in contemporary India, points out that there has been the emergence of upper and the middle strata of the peasantry.

6.6 Agrarian class structure

Against backdrop we can present a broad outline of the agrarian class structure in India. This is as follows: i) Rich Farmers

They own and control substantially big areas of cultivable land. However, they do not involve themselves in the process of cultivation directly. They employ mostly agricultural labourers to get their land cultivated and accordingly they may either be terms as the rentier class of supervisory class of landowners. Since the sharecropping system of land cultivation has been reduced substantially because of the eviction of the sharecropper by the landowner, the supervisory farming is getting more and more importance in the contemporary agrarian society. The economic position of the supervisory farmers has been strengthened enormously in recent years with the introduction of modern tools and techniques of cultivation by them. They introduced commercial crop cultivation in their land and the main motive their capital investment is to maximise profit. They reinvest a substantial amount of their profit in the process of commercial and cash crop cultivation. Indeed they give priority to commercial crop cultivation. They have significant control over the rural market. ii) Middle Farmers

They also own and control substantially large areas. However, their operational areas are smaller than the rich farmers which can be cultivated entirely by the family member. If they have excess lands they may lease them out to the sharecroppers. They themselves are not labourers. Like the landlords they also introduce modern technology and cash crop cultivation in their lands and they are left with a marketable surplus after meeting their household consumption requirements. In the agriculturally developed regions of the country they have got prominence in the recent years because of the command they acquired over modern technology and local market.

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iii) Poor Peasants

They own and control small and marginal areas of cultivable land. They cultivate it by employing family labour mostly. However, they cannot meet their household subsistence requirement from the produce of the land. Hence they are to hire themselves out in the labour market. If available they also lease in small areas of lands. Though usually they do not hire in labourers, in the peak season of agricultural operation they may have to hire in a few labourers. The poor peasants are mostly the subsistence producers. iv) Landless Labourers

They belong to the bottom of the agrarian hierarchy. They sell out their labour power for the maintenance of their subsistence. Various types of labours relations emerge in the agrarian society based on the duration of the work contract, basis of payment, frequency and medium of payment, interlink with the landowners in terms and credit etc. according to Bardhan and Rudra there are broadly two types of agricultural labourers: Unattached and attached labourers. i) Unattached Labourers belong to the category of casual labourers. They come into, day-to-day contract with employers. Their wage rates vary seasonally depending on the seasonal demand of agricultural operation. ii) Attached Labourers have continuity of association with a particular employer. However, there are various types of attached labourers. a) Extremely Attached: They are bonded labourers. They continuity of association with a particular employer for generations. They are indebted to a particular employer and have no freedom to deny the terms and conditions of work imposed on them by the landowner. Though bonded labour system has practised, though not openly. b) Fully Attached Labourers: They have usually a contract duration of around one year. They receive payment partly at end of the year or party in regular instalments over the years. iii) Semi-Attached Labourers: They have continuity for more than just a few days and they the freedom to work for the other employers for a part of the year. However, continuity of association with a particular employer also leads to the development of back and call relationship. Many a time poor labour household take advance loan in the loan seasons of

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agricultural operation from a particular landowner. The landowners, while giving loan to the labourers imposes a condition that the labourers would be obliged to work in their field whenever they need it at stipulated wage, whatsoever may be the market price. Usually this wage rate is much lower than the prevailing market rate. However, in those days when the landowner has no work for them, the labourers are free to work in others field at the prevailing wage rate of the market.

Irrespectively of the categorisation, agricultural labourers are extremely insecured economically. They do not get employment through the year. The situation is worst in the agriculturally backward regions. Since they don’t get full employment in these regions to earn the subsistence requirements of the family. You may be aware of the large-scale inter-district and interstate migration of the agricultural labourers. However, agricultural labourers don’t get even the minimum wage prescribed by law in most parts of the country. Indeed in the absence of legal protection and political commitment for their betterment they suffer from extreme economic insecurity, unemployment, poverty and ignorance. The benefits of growth have not reached this class.

6.7 Conclusion

According to A.R. Desai this process of development in fact created a setting where in large sections of the people belonging to various categories of poor, particularly in rural areas became poorer, as they were caught in the growing network of market relations, losing old securities and getting trapped more and more in the rapidly accelerating price rise. This had created enormous tensions in rural areas. Scholars have noted that in rural areas tensions and conflicts have been intensified between the upper strata and the lower strata of the agrarian hierarchy. They pointed out that the process of agricultural modernisation and rural development have consolidated the economic interest of the upper strata of the agrarian society. The extent of poverty, insecurity, sufferings and exploitation of the lower strata of the agrarian society have increased enormously. These altogether have led to intensify the tensions and conflict in the rural society. Agrarian classes in India have been a part of a long historical process. In this historical process the lowest section of the agrarian society has been subjected to utter poverty, insecurity, and unscrupulous exploitation. A large section of the rural population has been pauperised in this process. Many of the poor peasants were forced to sell off their land due to indebtedness and poverty. Many of the sharecroppers were evicted from the land, village artisans and craftsmen also lost the traditional avenues of their employment. They jointed mainly the army of agricultural labourers for their livelihood. On the other hand, the upper strata of the peasantry also consolidated

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their economic interest. In this process of class formation, each class in the agrarian society has a common objective position against the others. There also has been a good amount of subjective consciousness of each class against the other classes. This consciousness has been manifested in the agrarian movements in various parts of this country.

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Chapter 7- Agrarian structure in contemporary India

The Concept of “agrarian class structure” refers to the type of the class structure that prevails in an agricultural society or set up. Scholars such as S. Bhargava, D.R. Gadgil and others have stated in their studies that the agrarian classes did exist in pre-independent India. The agrarian social structure consists of agrarian classes which represent different social groups in rural india.

An analysis of the post-independent Indian rural set up reveals the existence of four classes. They are-(i) landowners, (ii) tenants, (iii) labourers, and (iv) non-agriculturists.

As A.R. Desai has stated (i) the landowners constitute about 22% (ii) tenants about 27% (iii) Agricultural labourers about 31% and (iv) non- agricultural about 20%.

It is also found that a large majority of the cultivators [about-60%] are marginal cultivators with less than 2 hectares of land, followed by small cultivators [about –16%] with 2 to 5 hectares land; medium cultivators [about 6%] with 5 to 10 hectares land, and big cultivators [about 18%] with more than 10 hectares land.

7.1 Daniel Thorner’s Classification of Rural Classes into Three Social Categories.

Daniel Thorner’s classified rural classes into three social categories namely; (a) maliks, (b) kinsans, and (c) mazadoors, on the basis of three criteria which are as follows:

(i) Income Obtained from the Land that is, through rent, one’s own cultivation or wages. (ii) The Nature of Rights that is, ownership rights, tenancy rights, share- cropping rights, or no rights at all. (iii) The Extent o Field Work Actually Performed that is, doing no work at all, doing partial work, doing total work, and doing work for others to earn wages.

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The three agrarian classes which Daniel Thorner spoke of are (a) Malik, (b) Kisan, and (c) Mazadoor. According to Thorner, the prevalent agrarian relations can also be analysed in terms of three specific terms.

(a) Maliks or Landlords

The term “Maliks” refers to the big landlords and considerably rich land owners who constitute the relative affluent class in the village set up. The Malik obtains his agricultural income mostly, but not solely, from property rights in the land. It means, a share of the produce of land, [i.e., the land over which he ahs his rights] is realised by him either in cash or in kind, or sometimes both. The Maliks sometimes cultivate lands personally by making use of hired labourers. They may employ mangers to supervise the cultivation of land.

The Maliks can be grouped into group, namely, the big absentee landlords, and the rich resident land owners. (i) Absentee Landlords, that is, those who do not stay in the village but in a far away town or city and get the cultivation done through the managers or supervisors. These Maliks are normally big landlords who have their rights over lands spread over several villages. They are absentee landlords for they do not have any personal interest in the land, and get it managed by supervisors.

(ii) The Rich Resident Land Owners, that is, those Maliks who reside in the village in which they own land. These people also do not work in the land personally but get the cultivation work done by others.

(ii) Kisans or Working Peasants

The term “Kisans” refers to the working peasants. They occupy the intermediary position in the three-tier agrarian class structure. This class consists of small landowners or tenants. In comparision with the Malik, the Kisan owns land which is smaller in size and unlike the Malik, the Kisan and his family members actually take part in the cultivation work that goes on in the field. Some of these Kisan secure relatively poor income and hence in order to compensate it they, along with their family members often work as agricultural labourers. They very rarely employ outside labourers, but often invite others to work in their fields on exchange basis. It is also probable that most o the Kisan belong to what are known as “intermediary castes”.

(iii) Mazdoors or labourers

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The term “Mazdoors” refers in the rural context to the landless villagers who work as labourers on wage basis. They obtain their livelihood primarily from working on other people’s land. The class of Madoors may consist of poor tenants, share croppers and landless labourers. The Mazdoors receive wages in cash and sometimes in kind also. These Mazdoors are often forced to migrate to the neighbouring villages, t o other districts or states, particularly when they fail to find enough work in their own villages. Some of them even turn out as construction or industrial or industrial workers.

7.2 Dhanagare’s Model of Agrarian Classes

Prof. D.N. Dhanagare has commented that Thoener’s classification of agrarian classes suffers its own limitations for it is not based on any specific theoretical assumptions. Dhanagare himself has suggested yet another model of agrarian classes. Dhanagare’s model consists of five categories or classes which are as follows: (i) rich peasants, (ii) rich peasants, (iii) middle peasants, (iv) poor peasants, and (v) landless labourers.

7.3 Agrarian Classes Based on the Size of the Cultivated Land

On the basis of size, the land possessed by the peasants and the other sources of income which they obtain, one can speak of a five-fold classification of agrarian classes. It is as follows:

(i) Big-farmers who hold more than four hectares of land. (ii) Medium –farmers owning 2-4 hectares of cultivable land. (iii) Small-farmers possessing 1-2 hectares of land. (iv) Marginal-farmers having land whose size is less than one hectare. (v) Agricultural-labourers who may [or may not] posses a small piece of land, and who mainly relies on wage labours as their sources of income. 7.4 Conclusion

The above-mentioned classifications of agrarian classes signify that a few more classifications are possible. It is very difficult to make a clear identification and analysis of agrarian classes in the Indian set up for it is highly varied and complex.

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CHAPTER 8- IMPACT OF MARKET ECONOMY ON AGRARIAN STRUCTURE 8.1 Introduction

Indian village economy was traditionally subsistence economy. Jajmani system served as the basis of the economic organisation. The advent of British, consequent modernisation, expansion of market economy, expansion of transport and communication within the country, introduction of western education and technology influenced village social organisation to a great extent. It caused horizontal social mobility, and upward vertical and downward vertical social mobility.

In the pre-British period the village social organisation or agrarian social structure in India was characterised by the absence of demographic pressure on land, strong control of village councils on land, effective Jajmani system and comfortable living.

8.2 Classes and structure

In the Pre-British period there were two classes: (i) Privileged exploiting class, and (ii) Underevileged exploited class. The privileged class consisted of kings, feudal chiefs, priests and rich merchants. This class led a luxurious life. It did not participate in productive labour. The under-privileged class consisted of peasants, workers, artisans, craftsmen and slaves. This class participated in productive work. They lived in miserable conditions. But at the same time the Jajmani system brought together artisan castes and agricultural castes. There was a delicate balance between the two classes.

8.3 New land policy and class structure

During the British period this agrarian social structure has undergone numerous changes due to changed economic, political and social conditions. The new land revenue policy of British, which introduced Zamindari system, Rytowari system and Mahalwari system altered the existing village social organisation

New classes emerged in villages. These can be classified as Zamindars (tax gatherers), tenants (real cultivators) and agricultural workers (labourer class)

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The new land revenue system of the British and payment of revenue in cash promoted monetisation of economy. It also facilitated the entry of land into market. Land became a saleable commodity and property.

Entry of land into market has its own impact on the social organisation of villages. It facilitated the land lords to acquire move land because they took over the lands to settle the farmers debts. As a consequence a landless class came into being. Land could be owned by any individual without distinction of high or low caste status, if he had enough money to purchase land. Land owning castes became numerous. The land-owning class could control the political power in the village. That means along with economic power, political power also changed the Lands. Thus, land became a source of secular power. All these developments created upward vertical mobility of the land owner class and the downward vertical mobility of the old land owner class and altered village social organisation.

8.4 Change in crop pattern and class structure

Introduction of cash crops like cotton, jute, indigo, and tobacco expanded market economy. The fluctuations in prices in world economy affected the rural economy. For example, the civil war and famine in USA in 1860’s, world war I and world war II generated a lot of demand for cotton from India. This led to prosperity of many agricultural families in India. But at the same time fall in prices in these commodities in international market ruined many farmers. Thus, Indian village economy was linked to world economy.

The expansion of market economy weakned Jajmani system. Firstly, the market was flooded with industrial goods. The factory-made goods undermined the demand for handicrafts and traditional services. Secondly, zamindars and farmers planted cash crops in most of their land. In only small portion of land grains were cultivated. This restricted the artisan and other service rendering class to take their payment in grains. Thirdly, the availability of shoes, shaves and textiles in market undermined the local crafts .and services Fourthly, many clients who lost demand for their crafts or services adopted agriculture as an alternative. Finally, some clients who got education simply migrated to towns for jobs. These developments brought changes in the rural class structure.

8.5 Change in production and class structure

The Government introduced. Modern means of transport and communication. This led to full-fledged extension of market to villages. Now urban factory products flooded rural market. The emergence of rich peasantry

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class created demand for such products. Even now industry produces certain goods exclusively to villagers.

Extension of market economy changed the nature of production and consumption in villages. The prime motive behind production is surplus production for market. A.R. Desai identified four major trends of change in Indian villages: Rapid transformation of agrarian (i) society from subsistence economy to market economy.

Rapid (ii) Transformation of agrarian society due to modern technology. Abolition of (iii) intermediaries like zamindars and biswedars. Emergence of associations and institutions (iv) having linkage with urban and national organisations.

Thus village social organisation which is promoted by market economy can be summarised as follows.

(a) It created new class of rich peasants, big traders, petty officials and political workers. (b) It created polarisation of rich landowning and extremely poor landless labourers. (c) Monetisation expanded the new avenues for social mobility. This intern disintegrated joint families into nuclear families (d) Caste barriers to economic mobility are crumbled. New avenues like health care, and education have entered rural life. (e) Finally, it indirectly promoted women empowerment.

However, the deep penetration of market economy into villages lead to over commercialisation of agriculture. This has its own effect on agrarian structure. A.K. Vasavi in his study pointed out how this is causing suicide among farmers. He said that promotion of commercial agriculture based on utilization of hybrid seeds, chemical manures, pesticides in semi-arid region has had several repercussions. He also says that the need to engage in commercial agriculture forced small farmers to go for credit. It is difficult for them to get credit from govt institutions. So, they take money from private individuals at high rate of interest. Failure of crops due to unforeseeable conditions made them to fall into debt trap. This ultimately led them to commit suicide to save themselves from oppression or social insult. Dr.P.V. LAKSHMAIAH, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Phone:9492556817: 7702441427 488

8.6 Conclusion

Thus, the market economy extended to village now in its ugly face. The need of the hour is to make this extended market beneficial to rural peasantry. In this direction, the govt has to take some protective measures. Minimum support price mechanism is one of the steps in that direction. It has to do more in terms of credit facility, irrigation facility etc. prosperity to village mass should be goal of govt, since this class associated with food security of the country.

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Chapter 7- Social consequences of green revolution

In 1967-68 and then in 1968-69 India witnesses extraordinary growth which was termed as Green Revolution. According to those who used this term, India has entered a stage of agricultural revolution. Agricultural production increased 22,2% in First Five Year Plan while in Second Five Year Plan this increase was only 21.2%. During the Third Plan period it fell upto 7.4%. but as compared to 1966-67 the agricultural production has been named green revolution.

7.1 Causes of Green Revolution

The most important causes of green revolution are as follows: --

1. Manure. The use of chemical fertilisers has been constantly increasing in India during five-year plans. In 1965-66 .5 million tonnes of fertilisers were used. This utilisation increased to 10.3 in 1967-68, 17.5 in 1968-69 and 20.8 in 1969-70. In 1980-81 as much 55.16 million tonnes of fertilisers were used. The utilisation of compost manure has also constantly increased. In 1980-81 more than 300 million tonnes of compost manure was used in Indian village.

2. Utilisation of improved seeds. The improvement of seeds in India started in 1966, particularly in the case of wheat, rice, millet, maize, etc. the utilisation of improves seeds resulted in spectacular increase of agricultural production per hectare. In Mysore the production of rice per hectare was formerly 5500 kg. Which now increase to 13000 Kg. by the use of improved seeds. The production of wheat increased 8.5 quintal to 12 quintals by the use of improved seeds. Similarly, millet and maize improved to 12.7 and 6.2 quintals per hectare respectively. The area under the improved seeds cultivation has constantly increased during several decades. While it was 1.9 million hectares in 1966-67, it has now increased to 34.5 million hectares. In 1979-80 7.41 million quintals of improved seeds were grown.

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3. Facilities of irrigation. The facilities of irrigation in 1965-66 were available to 32-million-hectare land. In 1967-68 this improved to36 million while in 1980-81 the total irrigated land was 58.8 million hectares.

4. Utilisation of modern agricultural implements. This has led to much facilitation and tremendous growth in the field of agricultural every where.

5. More crops per year. Due to the facility of irrigation several crops per year are now being grown.

6. Credit facilities. During 1967-68 and 1968-69 cooperative credit societies advanced loans amounting to 400 and 695 crores of rupees. In the same year the commercial banks advanced credit worth 100 crores of rupees. In 1970-71 this amount was further increased t o334 crores of rupees. In 1980-81 the amount was Rs. 199.02 crores.

7. Facilities of distribution. At present there are as many as 3166 big and small markets for agricultural production. In March 1961 the number of regularised markets was 46.5.

8. Improved techniques. The Centre and the State Government are providing training in improved techniques of agriculture. For example, intensive agricultural training on district level was started in 1961.

9. Protection of plants. The government is providing fertilisers to project from pests. In 1980-81 45000 tonnes of insecticides were used in India.

10. Agricultural Research. Rs. 85 crore were provided for used and education in Agriculture in the Fourth Five Year Plan. This was improved to 243.03 crore rupees introduction he Fifth Five Year Plan. Research is being conducted at so many centers in India concerning new techniques, soil conservation, protection of plants etc.

11. Soil conservation. Upto 1980-81, 2.44 crore hectare land was treated for soil conservation, involving a total expenditure of rupees 754 crore. Rs. 733.6 crore have been provided for this purpose in 6th Five Year Plan.

7.2 Influences of Green Revolution

The most important influence of green revolution are as follows: --

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1. Steep rise in agricultural production. Due to the influence of Green Revolution agricultural production rose very fast after 1967-68. A record production of 13.0 crore tonnes was realised in 1980-81. 2. Profit to big cultivators. Most of the profit from Green Revolution has gone to big cultivators. 3. Influence on foreign trade. India improved food grains worth 2218 crore rupees in 1956-66. This amount was reduced to 2007 crore rupees in 1967-68 and 1582 crore rupees in 1969-70. In 1979 no grains were imported. In 1981-82 the Quantity of wheat improved from America and Australia was equivalent to 330 crore rupees. 4. Industrial development. Industrial development has improved due to Green Revolution. 5. Agriculture a profitable occupation. After the Green Revolution agricultural is being considered as a profitable occupation. 6. Influence on employment. Due to fast mechanisation of agriculture unemployment ahs increased. 7. Check on Prices. As a consequence of Green Revolution and growth of production the growth of prices of food grains has been checked. 8. Self sufficiency. Due to Green Revolution the country is progressing rapidly towards the aim of self sufficiency. 9. Rise living standard. Green Revolution has increased per capita income of 80 per cent of Indian population and thus improved the living standard in the country.

7.3 Is Green Revolution complete?

Green Revolution however, is still incomplete. It cannot be said that India ahs made revolution in agriculture. The influence of Green Revolution has been limited to Punjab, Haryana, West U.P, Maharashtra Tamil Nadu and some districts of Andhra Pradesh. Again, it has been limited to the crops of wheat, maize, millet etc. It has not influences cultivation of rise and commercial crops. As it has been particulary useful to bigger cultivators, one finds a fast-growing conflict between bigger and small form holders. One finds black marketing in improved seeds and fertilisers. Even now India is far self-sufficiently in food grains.

7.4 Suggestions for success

The following suggestions have been advances to mark Green Revolution successful:

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1. More and more crops should be grown. 2. More and more areas should be brought under it. 3. Small cultivators should be provided additional facilities. 4. The facilities of credit should be improved. 5. Irrigation facilities should be improved. 6. The government should help in the sale of agricultural produce. 7. Land reformation measurer should be enforced.

QUESTIONS

1. Evaluate various changes in social organization of India's villages due to impinging pressures of the market economy on them. (2001) 2. What do you understand by Green Revolution? What are its economic and ecological dimensions (2002) 3. Village studies in India. (2002) 4. Globalization and Indian peasantry (2004) 5. Analyse how the village studies contributed in understanding the Indian Social System. 60 (2004) 6. Describe the significant contributions of village studies in India to the understanding of social transformations. (2009) 7. How has globalisation impacted agrarian relations in the last two decades? (2012) 8. Indian farmers are not slow to react to economic opportunities. – Discuss this statement. (2013) 9. Examine the impacts of green revolution on rural poor. (2013) 10. Examine the contribution of village studies towards the understanding of Indian social system. (2015) 11. Discuss the impact of globalization on village economy in India. (2015) 12. Describe the traditional patterns of settlement of Indian village. (2016) 13. Explain Indian village as a social system with suitable examples. (2016) 14. Give a critical evalution of any one anthropological village study in India. (2017)

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