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Watchdog for the Future
Global Challenges Foundation Global Challenges Quarterly Report Watchdog for the future: the journalist as pioneer of a new global narrative GLOBAL CHALLENGES QUARTERLY REPORT WATCHDOG FOR THE FUTURE: THE JOURNALIST AS PIONEER OF A NEW GLOBAL NARRATIVE Quarterly report team Project leader: Carin Ism Editor in chief: Julien Leyre Researcher and project coordinator: Waldemar Ingdahl Art director: Elinor Hägg Graphic design: Erik Johansson Contributors Netta Ahituv Katie G. Nelson Journalist, Haaretz Newspaper. Journalist and photographer. Kristine Angeli Sabillo Dina Samak Journalist. Journalist, Al Ahram. Peter Berglez Amanda Siddharta Professor, Media and Communication Journalist. Studies, Jönköping University. Lynn Walsh Janine di Giovanni Journalist. Edward Murrow Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations. Amy Wilentz Writer and professor, Literary Journalism Katharina Kloss program, University of California. Editor in chief, Cafébabel. Cristina Manzano Director, esglobal. THE GLOBAL CHALLENGES FOUNDATION works to incite deeper under- standing of the global risks that threaten humanity and catalyse ideas to tackle them. Rooted in a scientific analysis of risk, the Foundation brings together the brightest minds from academia, politics, business and civil society to forge transformative approaches to secure a better future for all. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors. Their statements are not necessarily endorsed by the affiliated organisations or the Global Challenges Foundation. 2 Global Challenges Quarterly Report 2018 Contents Preface 7 Executive Summary 8 Part 1. Watchdog for the future 12 1.1 A front row seat to history – Lynn Walsh 15 1.2 The journalist and the UN – Janine di Giovanni 21 1.3 Keeping powers in check – Amanda Siddharta 27 1.4 Reshaping climate reporting: four challenges and one sign of hope – Kristine Angeli Sabillo 33 Part 2. -
Luxembourg Income Study Working Paper Series
Luxembourg Income Study Working Paper Series Working Paper No. 529 How Can the Decommodified Security Ratio Assess Social Protection Systems? Georges Menahem January 2010 Luxembourg Income Study (LIS), asbl 1 ECONOMIC WELL‐BEING AND SOCIAL PROTECTION IN SOUTHERN EUROPE: CHANGING POLICIES AND TRENDS 15‐16 November 2007, Madrid How can the decommodified security ratio assess social protection systems? Georges Menahem 1 Director of research at CNRS-CEPN, Paris 13 University and IRDES With a view to better assessment of the roles played by social security and social policy in determining well‐being, this presentation introduces the ”decommodified security ratio“ (DSR), an instrument for evaluating an important duty of the social State, namely to maintain and improve peopleʹs economic security. To that end we describe the conventions for its use and analyse its main components in 24 countries in 1999‐2001, by using the wave V of Luxembourg Income Survey database. From an analysis of the sources of economic security we then distinguish five different rationales. What will tomorrowʹs social protection look like? What tools can assist us in shaping it? We may have to rethink social security when we consider the social shifts which we are currently experiencing: changing patterns of work, breakdown in the wage structure, developments associated with unemployment, precarious employment and exclusion, family instability and countless other factors which jeopardize the individualʹs security. In such context, we are more and more allowed to refer to Articles 22 and 25 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights emphasizing the need for the individual within a society to have ”economic security”, ”social security” and, very specifically (Article 25), ”security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control”. -
Gradualism": the Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE The industrial meaning of "gradualism": the Labour party and industry, 1918-1931 AUTHORS Thorpe, Andrew JOURNAL Journal of British Studies DEPOSITED IN ORE 03 March 2008 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/19512 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication The Industrial Meaning of "Gradualism": The Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931 Andrew Thorpe The Journal of British Studies, Vol. 35, No. 1. (Jan., 1996), pp. 84-113. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9371%28199601%2935%3A1%3C84%3ATIMO%22T%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4 The Journal of British Studies is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. -
Red Bengal's Rise and Fall
kheya bag RED BENGAL’S RISE AND FALL he ouster of West Bengal’s Communist government after 34 years in power is no less of a watershed for having been widely predicted. For more than a generation the Party had shaped the culture, economy and society of one of the most Tpopulous provinces in India—91 million strong—and won massive majorities in the state assembly in seven consecutive elections. West Bengal had also provided the bulk of the Communist Party of India– Marxist (cpm) deputies to India’s parliament, the Lok Sabha; in the mid-90s its Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu, had been spoken of as the pos- sible Prime Minister of a centre-left coalition. The cpm’s fall from power also therefore suggests a change in the equation of Indian politics at the national level. But this cannot simply be read as a shift to the right. West Bengal has seen a high degree of popular mobilization against the cpm’s Beijing-style land grabs over the past decade. Though her origins lie in the state’s deeply conservative Congress Party, the challenger Mamata Banerjee based her campaign on an appeal to those dispossessed and alienated by the cpm’s breakneck capitalist-development policies, not least the party’s notoriously brutal treatment of poor peasants at Singur and Nandigram, and was herself accused by the Communists of being soft on the Maoists. The changing of the guard at Writers’ Building, the seat of the state gov- ernment in Calcutta, therefore raises a series of questions. First, why West Bengal? That is, how is it that the cpm succeeded in establishing -
India Today State of the States Conclave
INDIA TODAY STATE OF THE STATES CONCLAVE Good morning Ladies & Gentlemen. Welcome to the eighth edition of the India Today State of the States Conclave. I request all our delegates, all our guests to kindly take your seats in the audience. We are ready to go once there is chorum. I request once again all our guests, our delegates to kindly take your seats in the audience. Welcome to the eighth edition of the India Today’s State of the States Conclave. The Conclave was instituted back in 2003. It is India’s first ever ranking of the best and worst States to live in and work in. It is the premier indicator. It has become over the years premier indicator of which states in India have made the best use of liberalization and which are the ones that have fallen behind. It is an extensive study based on various parameters undertaken by economist Dr. Bibek Debroy and Laveesh Bhandari from Indicus. My name is Zakka Jacob. I am your host for the India Today State of the States Conclave and on behalf of the India Today family I would like to welcome each and every one of you to this morning’s function. May I now invite the Chairman and Editor-in-Chief of the India Today group Mr. Aroon Purie for the welcome address. Mr. Purie, please. Aroon Purie Hon’ble Chief Ministers, Ladies & Gentlemen, Good Morning and welcome to eighth India Today State of the States Conclave. When we first came out with State of States Report in 2003, it was more than an innovative idea. -
Incomplete Decommodification: Art, State Subsidy and Welfare Economics
15 Incomplete Decommodification: Art, State Subsidy and Welfare Economics DAVE BEECH Dave Beech is PARSE Professor of Art at Valand Academy, University of London. He is the author of Art and Value: Art’s Economic Exceptionalism in Gothenburg. He is an artist in the collective Freee (with Andy Hewitt and Classical, Neoclassical and Marxist Economics, (2015). He has written widely Mel Jordan), as well as a writer and curator. His work has been exhibited at on the politics of art, including The Philistine Controversy (2002, co-authored the Istanbul Biennial; the Liverpool Biennial; BAK, Utrecht; Wysing Arts, with John Roberts) and Art and Text (2011). He is a founding co-editor of the Cambridge; SMART Project Space, Amsterdam; the ICA, London; Centro journal Art and the Public Sphere (2011-). He also curated the exhibition We Are Cultural, Montehermoso, Vitoria, Spain; the Collective Gallery, Edinburgh; Grammar at the Pratt Institute, New York 2011 (co-curator Paul O’Neill) and International Project Space, Birmingham; and at 1000000mph Gallery, edited a special edition of Third Text on “Art, Politics, Resistance?” (2010). 16 PARSE JOURNAL HE DEVELOPMENT OF WELFARE ECONOMICS socialist movement by guaranteeing national health between 19121 and 19592 not only propelled insurance, a pension, a minimum wage, workplace T unrivalled social reforms that had been regulation, vacation and unemployment insurance, sporadically underway since the 1880s, and not together comprise the historical origin of the welfare only reimagined the state as an economic -
From Democratic Socialism and Rational Planning To
NORDIC COUNTRIES IN FINNISH PERSPECTIVE FROM DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM AND RATIONAL PLANNING TO POSTMODERN IDENTITY POLITICS AND MARKET-ORIENTATION Ideological Development of the Social Democrats in Sweden and Finland in the Late 20th Century Sami Outinen D.Soc.Sc., University of Helsinki Democratic socialism and planning of term goal was a “socialist society” and “equality the economy between people”, which would be achieved by This article will deconstruct the ideological de- seeking the support of the majority of citizens. velopment of the Swedish Social Democratic Finland’s Social Democrats also favoured the ex- Party SAP (officially, “the Social Democratic pansion of public services, state companies and Workers’ Party of Sweden”) and the Social cooperatives, “democratic economic planning Democratic Party of Finland SDP. This will […] including the effective regulation of capital be done by analysing their own alternative movements” and “the societal control of com- scopes of action in relation to the concepts mercial banks and insurance companies”.1 The of major ideologies and economic theories SAP committed similarly in 1975 at its Party such as socialism, capitalism, economic plan- Conference to long-term planning of the econ- ning, market economy, postmodernism and omy (planmässig hushållning). It positioned Keynesianism as well as researching how Nor- itself as the representative of democratic social- dic social democrats redefined their conven- ism between communist planned economy and tional ideological meanings. capitalism.2 Accordingly, one of the motives for The SDP stressed at the Party Conference in stressing democratic socialism by the SDP was 1975 that democratic socialism was the basis to win the support of the radicalised post-war of its programmatic identity. -
Political Parties and Welfare Associations
Department of Sociology Umeå University Political parties and welfare associations by Ingrid Grosse Doctoral theses at the Department of Sociology Umeå University No 50 2007 Department of Sociology Umeå University Thesis 2007 Printed by Print & Media December 2007 Cover design: Gabriella Dekombis © Ingrid Grosse ISSN 1104-2508 ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 Grosse, Ingrid. Political parties and welfare associations. Doctoral Dissertation in Sociology at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå University, 2007. ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 ISSN 1104-2508 ABSTRACT Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
Europe on the Borderline © Photographer© Join Us for Progressive Thoughts on the 3Rd
N°02 /2011 | QUARTERLY MAGAZINE Europe on the borderline © Photographer© Join us for progressive thoughts on the 3rd EUSONET I ended up on a “death list” put The late Stieg Larsson’s column together by a Swedish Nazi group. I later from 2003 proves that we were warned got hold of a copy. It states that I’m an about the growth of rightwing extremism anti-racist (true); it has the address of (page 25). We are proud to have been my parents’ house (now sold), and our given permission to posthumously pub- landline phone number (still used by my lish a text that highlights the closeness mum). But the scary calls, made at night between Larsson’s work as a journalist, at the weekends when the Nazis had had and an underlying political message of one beer too many, stopped long ago. his Millennium trilogy. EDITORIAL “Uuuh, you must mean my son. I’m This magazine aims to become a ref- voting for the liberals.” That was my dad’s erence point for progressive politicians, answer to the accusation of being a red so it should not be a surprise that we bastard – which was a mixture of being asked Norway’s Prime Minister Jens sleepy and very probably feeling a little Stoltenberg to address our readers. His “We’re going to kill you, you red bastard.” scared. If so, the 22 July 2011 showed message reflects profoundly the impres- My dad was the first to get to the phone that my late father was scared of the vio- sive way in which he handled a national when it surprisingly rang in the small lent extreme right for a reason. -
1986 Peace Through Non-Alignment: the Case for British Withdrawal from NATO
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified 1986 Peace Through Non-Alignment: The case for British withdrawal from NATO Citation: “Peace Through Non-Alignment: The case for British withdrawal from NATO,” 1986, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Ben Lowe, Published by Verso, sponsored by The Campaign Group of Labor MP's, The Socialist Society, and the Campaign for Non-Alignment, 1986. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110192 Summary: Pamphlet arguing for British withdrawal from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. It examines the origins of NATO, its role in U.S. foreign policy, its nuclear strategies, and its effect on British politics and national security. Original Language: English Contents: Scan of Original Document Ben Lowe is author of a book on NATO published in Spain as part of the campaign for Spanish withdrawal during the referendum of March 1986, La Cara Ocuita de fa OTAN; a contributor to Mad Dogs edited by Edward Thompson and Mary Kaldor; and a member of the Socialist Society, which has provided financial and research support for this pamphlet. Ben Lowe Peace through Non-Alignlllent The Case Against British Membership of NATO The Campaign Group of Labour MPs welcomes the publication of this pamphlet and believes that the arguments it contains are worthy of serious consideration. VERSO Thn Il11prlnt 01 New Left Books Contents First published 1986 Verso Editions & NLB F'oreword by Tony Benn and Jeremy Corbyn 15 Greek St, London WI Ben Lowe 1986 Introduction 1 ISBN 086091882 Typeset by Red Lion Setters 1. NATO and the Post-War World 3 86 Riversdale Road, N5 Printed by Wernheim Printers Forster Rd N17 Origins of the Alliance 3 America's Global Order 5 NATO's Nuclear Strategies 7 A Soviet Threat? 9 NA TO and British Politics 11 Britain's Strategic Role 15 Star Wars and Tension in NA TO 17 America and Europe's Future 19 2. -
Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway
Reconsidering Politics as a Man's World: Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway Anne Krogstad and Aagoth Storvik Researchers have often pointed to the masculine norms that are integrated into politics. This article explores these norms by studying male images of politics and power in France and Norway from 1945 to 2009. Both dress codes and more general leadership styles are discussed. The article shows changes in political aesthetics in both countries since the Second World War. The most radical break is seen in the way Norwegian male politicians present themselves. The traditional Norwegian leadership ethos of piety, moderation, and inward orientation is still important, but it is not as self- effacing and inelegant as it used to be. However, compared to the leaders in French politics, who still live up to a heroic leadership ideal marked by effortless superiority and seduction, the Norwegian leaders look modest. To explain the differences in political self-presentation and evaluation we argue that cultural repertoires are not only national constructions but also gendered constructions. Keywords: photographs; politics; aesthetics; gender; national cultural repertoires 1 When people think of presidents and prime ministers, they usually think of the incumbents of these offices.1 In both France and Norway, these incumbents have, with the exception of Prime Minister Edith Cresson in France and Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland in Norway, been male (and white). Researchers have often pointed to the masculine norms which are integrated into the expectations of what political officeholders should look like and be. Politics, it is claimed, is still very much a man’s world.2 However, maleness does not express general political leadership in a simple and undifferentiated way.