INDIA TODAY STATE OF THE STATES CONCLAVE

Good morning Ladies & Gentlemen. Welcome to the eighth edition of the India Today State of the States Conclave. I request all our delegates, all our guests to kindly take your seats in the audience. We are ready to go once there is chorum. I request once again all our guests, our delegates to kindly take your seats in the audience.

Welcome to the eighth edition of the India Today’s State of the States Conclave. The Conclave was instituted back in 2003. It is India’s first ever ranking of the best and worst States to live in and work in. It is the premier indicator. It has become over the years premier indicator of which states in India have made the best use of liberalization and which are the ones that have fallen behind. It is an extensive study based on various parameters undertaken by economist Dr. Bibek Debroy and Laveesh Bhandari from Indicus. My name is Zakka Jacob. I am your host for the India Today State of the States Conclave and on behalf of the India Today family I would like to welcome each and every one of you to this morning’s function.

May I now invite the Chairman and Editor-in-Chief of the India Today group Mr. Aroon Purie for the welcome address. Mr. Purie, please.

Aroon Purie

Hon’ble Chief Ministers, Ladies & Gentlemen, Good Morning and welcome to eighth India Today State of the States Conclave. When we first came out with State of States Report in 2003, it was more than an innovative idea. It was part of an ongoing effort to make our journalism more participative and more collaborative. Then we were already into the second year of the India Today Conclave which is an international event in ideas and the first of its kind in journalism in India. By the State of States Reports, another first in Indian journalism, we wanted to create the gold standard for governance. We thought we needed more than conventional reporting to do that. At a time when perception overshadowed reality; when propaganda buried facts, we wanted to create a foolproof method to measure performance and governance. To do the job, we roped in two fine economists. They created a method, which I am proud to say is today the most accurate, objective and credible way to assess the performance of the States. Their study is based on each States performance in infrastructure, governance, health, education, investment, macro-economy, consumer markets and agriculture.

I must take this opportunity to stress on the most important aspect of our study, objectivity. It is this religious adherence to objectivity that delivers credibility and acceptability. Our methodology is transparent and auditable. The study is hundred per cent based on performance data without even a hint of subjectivity. Our experts, Professor Bibek Debroy and Laveesh Bhandari are in fact present here and will be happy to clarify any doubts or misplaced notions. Our aim is to present our readers and the nation with a complete picture of where the States stand in terms of performance.

In an age of sound bites and instant judgment our study provides the most definitive progress report on performance. With great pleasure and gratitude I want to say that it has been taken so by the Chief Ministers themselves. The presence of so many of them, all brand ambassadors of change, is a tribute to the credibility of the Report. It is an honour too. Their support and participation make the effort all the more worthwhile.

One thing is for sure that India is constantly changing. So every year the State of States Report has some surprises. I won’t disclose the winners of the various awards but just that there are new challengers to those who have been sitting, somewhat complacently, on top.

The slow and steady rise of Himachel Pradesh is a story in quiet determination. Interestingly States like Uttarakhand and Jammu & Kashmir have shown great result in investment. Surprisingly, Punjab, Goa, Haryana, Karnataka and Gujarat are lagging. In macro-economy, Jammu & Kashmir, Haryana and Punjab have shown notable improvement, though there is much to be expected from big States like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. In infrastructure, Tamil Nadu has registered a commendable rise from the sixth to the second. In primary education, there is still much to be desired from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and even Delhi. The role models are still Himachel Pradesh, Kerala and Sikkim.

In governance, I think it is time to give our comrades some credit. West Bengal has jumped from last year’s miserable twentieth position to respectable fifteen this year. This is a great leap forward indeed and Kerala is going strong and far ahead.

In primary health, Bihar may still have a long way to go, but it is catching up. And it is some good news for a State which is still at the bottom in its overall performance.

Another big surprise is from Gujarat, a State that never ceases to surprise us, and now- a-days with news, about governance. It was for so long the most investive friendly State in the country, but now Gujarat is on the rise in the agriculture sector too.

Ladies and Gentlemen, every year to bring a sense of immediacy and urgency to the Report, we add a new category. This year we have focused on a subject that poses the biggest threat from within to our national security, the Maoists insurgency. We have done an exhaustive study of the socio-economic and the law and orders situation in seventy-two Naxal affected districts, spread across nine States. The study assumes greater significance because the country seems to be at a loss in coming out with a clear minded policy on the bloodiest war within. The collaboration of the Center and the State to tackle this dangerous problem is of paramount importance.

Taken together, our Report is more than a reflection of the State of the States. It is, if I may say so, is the State of the Nation. It is a portrait of a country where the ruler can no longer win by words, but by actions that can make a difference to the lives of the people for the better; where the winner is not the manipulator of massed minds, but action heroes for whom development is not a slogan, but an article of faith; where good politics is all about good governance; where retrick is not an alternative to performance. This Report comes at a time when India’s international aspiration to become a global power is at its peak. But we need more than seat at the Security Council. We need to make better roads; we need to make primary education accessible to all our children; we need to make health care accessible to all. In short, we need to make development the national religion of the political class. India is not built from Delhi alone. The real work takes place in the States. We have with us the Chief Ministers, whom I would like to call the ‘Makers of Modern India’ in the two panel discussions we have planned focusing on development resources and dealing with Maoists insurgency. I am sure they will enlighten us with their ideas of how we can govern better.

Let me welcome you all once more. I am particularly grateful to the Chief Ministers, all winners and performers, who have joined us in our endeavour to make the India Today’s Sate of States Report a blueprint for effective governance. Thank you Sir.

Zakka Jacob

Thank you Mr. Purie. Like the Prime Minister said, if India has to achieve nine per cent growth, year on year / year after year, then the fulcrum of that growth has to be India’s states. And one of the critical issues which face our States is the issue of infrastructure. Now for a special presentation on Infrastructure Security, a new paradigm for accelerated development, may I call upon the Managing Director and the CEO of IL&FS, Mr. Hari Sankaran. Ladies & Gentlemen, Mr. Hari Sankaran.

Hari Sankaran

Hon’ble Chief Ministers, Ladies & Gentlemen, a very Good Morning. This is a presentation, a very brief one, to outline a particular model which we believe provides a platform for the accelerated development of regions under severe security threat and where the developmental outcomes have not as yet reached.

There are three challenges in a global sense that are facing this country. The first is that India’s urban incomes growing at more than six times faster than rural incomes, which in itself is putting huge pressures on the way in which our demography and our geographies work. One instance of it is that we forecast four hundred million Indians to move from rural India to urban India in the next thirty years. The already strained infrastructure of our cities will simply be unable to cope with this challenge. What is our response and what is the infrastructure that is required to be put in place to handle this crisis? Related to that are health issues, environmental issues, issues of skills, of employment and of overall development as a result of that. On the back of this kind of crisis, it is very difficult to see how a nine per cent strategy of growth can be sustained. And, therefore, it is critical that we find a solution to this problem in a integrated and holistic sense. And, therefore, the challenge is to find a way in which urbanization can be handled in this country, but perhaps much more importantly in the context of today’s debate, how we handle the issue of security, because rural India is exploding with frustration and lack of growth. The fact that incomes in rural India are not growing is the challenge that needs to be overcome. This presentation, however brief it is, is to give you a sense of that infrastructure play that would make this possible.

I want to use a particularly backward district of this country, Barmer in Rajasthan, a study that we did to understand how this may happen and what would be the impacts if we did this in this particular manner. Barmer has many challenges. It also has many opportunities. It has gas and it has oil, but those don’t necessarily come to the district from where they are harvested. And therefore, we tried to put together a project program integrated across different sectors, but predicated on one outcome. We want to increase employment, income and the standards of living in Barmer absolutely over the next five years. How would be do that? Today in 600 districts, Barmer is ranked 598. How do we take a district of that nature and, as exhibited in these photographs which you must have seen, to becoming amongst the top districts of this country in the next five years. We did a survey, over one year – very detailed household survey; very detailed economic survey and we cut across all sectors and the conclusion we came to was if Barmer has to be bootstrapped from 598th State of this country to within the top 25 States in the next five years, we have to address all of these issues together in one shot. The project cost, roughly estimated to about Rs.6000 crores and we found that the money that was required for this program was not difficult to raise with the context of Centrally Sponsored Schemes, State Sponsored Schemes and Schemes which could be implemented to public-private partnership. And this implementation program could be done within a period of 3-4 years. What would be its outcome? Number one, Barmer would be completely drought-proofed. The monies that the Government of Rajasthan spends In Barmer through drought would be completely eliminated, therefore, causing a saving to the Government in budgetary terms.

Per Capita Incomes by this investment program would increase by something like three times over the next seven years. Agriculture economy would be established and a value addition curve would be established for the people of Barmer transparently. There would be something like a hundred thousand jobs generated in Barmer in the primary sectors. And finally what it would is to convert Barmer from being 598 into the top 25 districts of this country, if it was to implement it all the way through.

It was clear that security can only be countermanded if you allowed development to reach the poorest of the poor. But achieving that requires a very significant reorientation in the way Government works. You cannot work on a road project to the exclusion of the villagers who live on that road. Their water supply systems, their water tanks, their schools, their hospitals also have to be with that road, improved. That integrated approach in governance is very difficult to implement. And therefore, the limit of submission, I am in conclusion of this presentation, is that the private sector in this country has grown; the financial markets have grown; you in Government have the responsibility of reaching development to the neediest parts of this country. It is possible if you work in partnership. Thank you.

Zakka Jacob

Thank you very much Mr. Hari Sankaran. And now, for one of the highlights of the State of the States Conclave every year, the panel discussion. It is indeed a pleasure to be discussing some of the most outstanding issues facing our nation today with some of the finest men and women who run our States. So to chair and moderate this morning’s first panel discussion, may I invite the Editorial Director of the India Today magazine, Mr. M.J. Akbar. Ladies and Gentlemen Mr. M.J. Akbar.

For the first panel, the topic of today’s discussion is ‘Development in Times of Insurgency’. We have got a fine panel of Chief Ministers this morning. May I invite the Chief Minister of Jammu & Kashmir, Omar Abdullah; they Dy. Chief Minister of the State of Bihar, Sushil Kumar Modi; the Chief Minister of Jharkhand, Arjun Munda; the Endowments Minister for the State of Andhra Pradesh, G. Venkat Reddy; and the Finance Minister of the State of Kerala, Dr. Thomas Isaac. We have just gotten word that the Chief Minister of the State of Chhattishgarh has just arrived, so I would like to invite Dr. Raman Singh to be part of our first panel discussion.

M.J. Akbar

Welcome friends and a particular welcome to those on the panel, those waiting to come on the next panel and those of us with the diligence and patience to hear what we definitely believe will be a discussion with elucidation. The most important aspect is that these are not theorists. The theorists have given their, sort of, assessment. But these are people who actually talk with their feet. They stand on the ground and they have to deliver where it really matters. Mr. Purie has actually given us a fine phrase which can be, kind of, totem pole that development is the national religion. And over and over again, those who have done politics without development have discovered that you don’t last very long in politics. I would like to first welcome Omar Abdullah, an excellent flag bearer of his generation; a person who when he sees ahead sees the kind of India that he can create, not simply the kind of India of our dreams. So Omar would you like to begin.

Omar Abdullah

Well, I belong to a State that has suffered the results of insurgency for more than twenty years now. What for a lot of States is a theory of how to deal with it, we have been dealing with it in practical terms for twenty years now and we have seen the effect on development; the effect on governance of insurgency. Now, while we have no experience with the Maoist insurgency, even though of late, we find an effort being made to build bridges between the Maoists and the Naxalites of India with the militants of Kashmir and also some left-thinking academicians and students in Jammu region as well. What we have lived through is the actual affect of violence and insurgency on every aspect of governance – on our ability to generate investment; on our ability to actually govern; on our ability to conduct an election in which people are free to vote as they wish to; in our ability to provide the basic services that people in a lot of other parts of the country take for granted, I mean something simple as an exam free from cheating or something that was almost impossible for us to achieve between 1990, 1996 and 1997. We had a situation where Omar Abdullah would sit the exam, but M.J. Akbar would get the certificate and come out with the degree. We had a situation where our hospitals were functioning only in name, the patients were out in the corridors and the militants were the ones occupying the hospital rooms. We had a situation where on paper a bridge had been built, but if you went there and actually looked for the bridge on the ground, it didn’t exist, because our ability to actually check whether governance was being carried out; whether development was actually happening on the ground, was threatened; our ability to conduct an election in which people desirous of participating, either as candidates or as voters, was seriously compromised; basic ability to generate investment. And what we have seen in Jammu & Kashmir over the years is a gradual shift from the traditional, sort of, insurgency involving violence with guns and bombs and things like that, to a new dimension that emerged over the last three years starting in 2008, which is a more orchestrated Civil Protest, sort of system which we have been trying to deal with and you are all aware of the situation that emerged in the valley this year again adding to our problems of being able to deliver. Now, how do you build roads? How do you build bridges? How do you actually ensure that your hospitals are functioning, if your Government officials can’t leave their homes? If they can’t attend office; if the basic derivables are not possible. But inspite of that, I think, Jammu & Kashmir has been able to steadfast in our commitment to actually delivering on things that matter. We know that we can’t compete with the big States. We know that in the glamour quotient we will never be able to match the Maharashtras, the Gujarats, the Andhra Pradeshes and even our northern neighbours, in terms of the perception. There is no way that I can match a State like mine to Himachal or Uttaranchal, simply because when you think of Himachal, you think of apples, you think of beauty, you think of an adequate supply of electricity. When you think of Jammu & Kashmir, you think of trouble. You either think of militant violence or you think of the stone pelting that we saw this summer. So recognizing the constraints that we have, we have tried to focus on the basic essentials – providing a better healthcare to people; taking advantage of the centrally sponsored schemes to provide better economic opportunities to people. The most difficult areas, you saw an example of Barmer, a similar district like that exists in my State, the erstwhile district of Doda in Jammu region, almost completely devoid of basic infrastructure like roads, people have to walk for six hours or seven hours to reach a motorable road where they can get a bus. So taking advantage of schemes like NREGA, we have tried to build on infrastructure so that connectivity can be improved. And we believe that while the political dimension of the problem needs to be tackled, whether it is the Maoists insurgency or whether it is the trouble in Jammu & Kashmir, it is also important to tackle the development paradigm. One cannot be sacrificed for the other. So while we do talk about the political dimension of the problem in Jammu & Kashmir, we are also equally aware of the need to take care of the development requirements of people, the basics – bijli, sadak, paani, sheath and taalim. These are the five core essentials that we are focusing on and we are hoping that over the next few years, we will be able to make a significant difference to people’s lives so that the affects of insurgency they felt over the last few years, are reduced significantly.

M.J. Akbar

Thank you very much Omar. Your optimism in the face of such adversity really is quite commendable. There was a point you made, I wonder if at some point we had like to amplify it – is there really a bridge being built between Maoists and insurgents in Jammu & Kashmir?

Omar Abdullah

We have seen evidence of it. A lot more effort to build a sort of interaction, a lot of movement of known Maoists sympathesiers now travelling to Srinagar and organizing seminars and conferences with supporters of the militant violence in Jammu & Kashmir as well. So there are visible links on public platforms and there are also invisible links that are sort to be built with universities and also the active militants on the ground.

M.J. Akbar

Thank you. Another problem for everyone’s plate. I had like to ask now Chief Minister who is actually sitting in one of the most volatile state in terms of Maoists insurgency, Arjun Mundaji.

Arjun Munda

Dhanyavaad Akbar Sahab. Jaise ki aapne bataya ki Jharkhand pradesh jahan Maoists se bahut bade pehmane par prabhavit hone ke karan, Rajya mein is samay bahaut badi chunauti Maoists ka hai. Mein iske thode se prishtbhumi mein jana chahata hoon ki Maoists samsya Jharkhand mein hein, par Jharkhand ke saat-saat desh ke kayi rajyon mein yeh bahaut badi samsya ke roop mein ban rahi hein. Ab ise hum is samay symptom kahein ya disease kahein. Hum apne rajya mein jin baton ka ullekh, mane jo anubhav kartein hein uska mein apke saamne ullekh karna chaahata hoo. Jaise Omar Abdullah sahib ne insurgency ke bare mein kaha ki unke jo sarhadi illake hein, unki kya samsya hai. Hamare rajya mein pichle kayi barson se yeh samsya bante hue dikhayi de rahi hain. Khas kar ke aap dekhenge ki desh ke andar waise chetron mein jaha bade paimane par adiwasi rahtein hein, chahe whoh Andhra Pradesh ka chetra dekhe, chahe Orissa ka dekhe, Chattisgarh ka dekhe, ya Bihar ke bhi un illako mein deke, Bengal ke un illako mein deke, to yeh bahaut gahraayi se pehel rahi hain. Aur iske pehelne ke jo kaaran hame samaj mein aata hai, whoh yeh ki desh ke andar in bhago mein, inki bhawna, inki awashyakta, inki samsyaon ko kabhi samajne ka prayatna, hum sahi dhang se kar nahi paye. Aur yheh baat sahi hai ki jo maulik suvidhayon ki baat hui hai, jaise Jharkhan ek most potential pure desh ke liye hai. Sabse jyade steel ka utpadan karti hai, sabse jyade bijli utpadan karne ki shyamta hai, sabse jyade khanij udaarit udyog hai, sabse jyade, aap kisi bhi, mineral ke shetra mein jayain to producing state hai, utpadan karnewala pradesh hai. Lekin usme wahan ke janta ki bhyagyadari nazar nahi aayegi. Pichle kayi varshon se yeh bataein hamne dekhi hai. Ye chunauti ke saat jab alag rajya bana, yeh logo ki adipatya ki ladai prarambh hui ki hum dominate karke chalenge to hamara zyada prabhav rahega. Vaise chunautiyon ka saamna karte huvein yeh rajya age bad raha hai. Is samay rajya me jo bhaugulik stithi hai, jo kanji sampadha par jis tarah ka kaarya chal raha hai, jis tarike se hum produce kar rahe hein, usme ek bahaut bada tapka hai jo nakush hai. Lekin iske bawazoodh bhi logon ko democracy pe bahaut adhik vishwas hai. Aur isliye, aaj in saari cheezein hone ke bawazoodh bhi vikas ki gati dheemi hai par woh aage bad rahi hai, logon ka vishwas hai ki iske madhyam se hum samadhaan ka raasta nahi dhuund sakte. Aapko aashcharya hoga ki Jharkhand ek aisa pradesh desh ka raha, ki aaj tak Panchayat chunav sambhav nahi hua. 2005 mein jab main Mukhya Mantri tha us samay meine notify kiya, kuch logo ne usko rajnitik drishya se dekh kar ke Supreme Court mein gaye, Supreme Court ne phir phaisla diya. Ab me aakpko usi ki baat yeh bata duun ki 2010 mein Panchayat chunav ke saare nomination ke jo formalities hein poore ho gaye aur December mein aapka naya panchayat chunav, after 32 years, Jharkhand mein sthapit hoga. To bathtees varsho ke baad ek nichle kayi mein lok tantra ki baat hain. Yeh Jharkhand ke liya aap saubhagya kahiye ya durbhagya kahiye, ki bathtees varsho ke baad jab panchayat chunav, adhiktar aaj 25 varsh ke yuva ko yeh maalum hi nahi hoga ki panchayat chunav kaisa hota hain. To hum yahan se shuru kar rahein hain apni sangarsh ko ki democracy ke aadhar pe jo vishwas hai logon ka woh vishwas kaise bana rahe. Yeh baat bilkul sahi hai ki jiske karan nichle sthar se kaam karne ka bahaut adhik, joh momentum hona chahiye who sthapit nahi ho paya. Panchayat chunav ke baad yeh speed up hoga. Lekin joh aadharbush sangrachna ki awashakta hai, rajya sarkar iske bawazyud yeh prayas ki hai ki health mein, education mein, drinking water mein. bijli mein, in sare shetron mein jaise hum gaon tak pahunche. Paanch cheezon ko jo gaon tak pahunchane ka jo sankalp kiya hai usme mein yeh kehsakta hoon ki shiksha mein hum kaafi aage bade hain, pichale kayi barso kit tulna mein. Faizal ki suvidha mein bhi hum bade hain, lekin pichle teen, chaar barso se lagaatar baarish kam ho rahi hain jiske vajah se hume kaafi dikatein wahan par hui hain, isske bavazoodh is baar hum logo ne joh yojna banaya hai ke hum kyon nahi ek badi yojna ke saat drought proofing program chala kar ke isko hum aage muqabala kar sake. To yeh yojna bahaut had tak chal rahi hai. Aapko ascharya hoga ki pichle, lagbagh 1978 mein jin yojnao ko praarambh kiya gaya tha un yojnao ka karyavan pichle rajya ban ne se pehle hi band ho gaye aur who tees pari yojna jiske madyam se hum bees pratishad atirikht bhoomi vikas kar sakthe theh, develop kar sakthe theh, woh kaam hua nahi. Abhi in yojnaon ko prarambh kiya gaya hai aur sabse badi baat hain ki rajya sarkar in chunauthiyon ka saamna kar rahi hai. Kai rajya is vishey par sawaal kadhe kar chuke hain. 2004-2005 ke dauraan jab hum in saari batoon ko kehte the desh ke saamne, ki naxalism ke mamlay mein, extremism ke mamlay mein, ek holistic approach pure desh ke liye hona chahiye. Kyonki ek rajya ko dekh kar ke hum agar baat karenge, to iska samaadhan shayad hum dhoond nahi payenge. Aaj hamaare rajya mein hai, Chhattishgarh mein hai, Orissa mein hai, Madhya Pradesh mein hai, saath hi saath Bengal mein hai, Bihar mein hai, kayi rajyo mein hai, toh yeh samasya ko sirf hum ekakink roop se ek pradesh yadi dekhenge aur kahein ki rajya sarkar – ab 2004-2005 ke dino mein yadi aap dekhenge to hamesha Bharat Sarkar ki taraf se yeh hi kaha jata tha ki rajya ki samsya hai, rajya in saare cheezon ko nipte. Mein is baat se sahamath hoon ki kuch cheezein, jaise maulik suvidhaon ki baat hai, usse rajya zimedaar hai ki un saare cheezon ko logo tak pahunchana chahiye. Woh nahi pahunchey. Isliye to alag rajya ki maang hamare jaise pradesh ke logo ne kiya aur lambe arse se sangharsh karne ke baad yeh cheezein hui. Lekin iske saath-saath hi pheli ugarwaad ki samasya, Marx waadi, Lenin waadi, Maoist ki samasya yahan par paida huyi. To ab isme hum logon ne hamesha is baat ko kaha hai ki ism eek bhaarat sarkar ki sabhi rajyon ko le kar ke kuch neeti is tarike se banna chahiye, jis neeti ko le kar ke hum aage kaam kare. Mujhe is baat ki prasannta hain ki Bharat Sarkar is baat se sahamat hai. Jab Bharat Sarkar yeh baat keh rahi hai ki yeh ek bahaut badi gambhir samasya is samay desh ke andar hai, desh ke Pradhan Mantri Manmohan Singhji swayam kayi baar is baare mein apna vichar de chuke hain, vaktavya de chuke hain. To ab mein samajtha hoon ki rajya sarkaron ko Kendriya sarkar ke madhyam se ek dono, jo Federal System ka sabse mahautwapurn kadi hai usko samaj kar ke log kar rahe hai, to mujhe lagta hai ki ab jo samaj ki duri thi woh dheera dheera khatam ho rahi hai aur mein yeh keh sakta hoon ki ab rajya theji se aage badega.

M.J. Akbar

Dhanyavaad Arjunji. Sir shanspit mein ek prashan. Agar aap ke rajya se rajnithi kam kar diya jaye to aapko suvidha hogi ki nuksaan hoga?

Arjun Munda

Yeh ek vishay raha hai Jharkhand mein jab rajya bana us samay se abhi tak, ki, stability nahi rahi aur mein hamesha ya hamaari party hamesha is baat ko kahti rahi hai ki aap kisi bhi dal ko chune, lekin aap bahumat ke liye chune ya kam se kam ye rakhe ki joh sahidhyantik taur se rajyo ko ya desh mein rajiniti karna hai, waise dalo ko aap mauka de – woh do dal bhi ho sakte hain, lekin is tarike se nahi ki kayi dalo ko mila kar ke sarkaren bane aur sarkaron mein phir conflict ho aur sarkarein giray aur beech beech mein yeh saree jeezein ho. To aap ne teekh kaha ki is baare mein vishesh dhyan dena chahiye.

M.J. Akbar

Dhanyavaad. I now ask Mr. Reddy. Mr. Reddy belongs to a State which has actually, I mean the naxalite problem in this State, Maoists problem in this State, begins in the history of India with Andhra Pradesh, with Telengana. This is I am talking back to 1948- 49 and in fact the first communist model for India was a revolution. This revolution was actually negotiated out of the way by Nehru, who persuaded the Congress party to adopt the path of Parliamentary Democracy, but there was resurgence. The resurgence had to be tackled and the previous few governments, this is a long process and one of the interesting of the aspects of this Andhra experience that this problem has been tackled across political parties, an essence by political parties, and I have to ask Mr. Reddy to give us his view of how Andhra Pradesh has settled this problem of development and violence.

G. Venkat Reddy

So, this is on behalf of the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh I am representing since he is otherwise engaged with so many important functions. I really congratulate India Today for organizing this type of seminar / conclave of all Chief Ministers and Ministers. I thank everybody for attending this Conference. But one thing I would like to mention here, this is the biggest problem as far as Andhra Pradesh is concerned. This started, as our Akbarji said, in the year 1948-49, Telingana, but naxalbari was movement started in the year 1969 in Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh. Then it spread to other areas also. Subsequently the steps that have been taken by the Government of Andhra Pradesh could succeed, almost 90-95% of curbing this extremism movement by various aspects. This the State Government never perceived as only law and order problem. This is also a socio-economic problem. Socio-economic problem means almost all the people those who are influenced by this – almost all these tribal areas are there and they have got poverty there, unemployment is there, no food is there, no shelter is there, these are the main aspects so far as this problem is concerned. That is why what we have done is we have distributed about twelve lakhs of acres for these tribal people so far as development side is concerned to solve this land problem. Further we also distributed sixty-seven lakhs of acres of land for other backward classes, adiwasis, harijans and other people, then we have given almost for the last five-six years, we have distributed 6.7 lakhs acres also. We have also provided employment also for them. Then the other aspect which we have to deal with is in the agency areas also we have got some difficulty that Chhattisgarh, Orissa is where the extremists problem is also there. That is why we have to take necessary steps to contain these by organizing border areas also between Chhattisgarh and Orissa and also we have to request the Chhattisgarh Government and Orissa Government also to tackle if firmly so far as this is concerned. Then we have provided some kind of project for rehabilitating surrendered Marxists or surrendered Maoists also. By improving the relief to the families of naxalities, killed in action. Another point which we have taken is we have invited the Maoists for talks / dialogues, two times, one at Chennari’s time, another at Chenna Rajshekhar Reddy’s time with all facilities to be provided to them, to provide employment, all things to be sorted out between Maoists and the Government. But unfortunately they could not clinch the initiative and hold meaningful dialogue with the Government. Further, another point which you have taken up already – suitable mechanism we have adopted in handling this problem, i.e. Greyhounds Force we have created. Another specialist intelligence branch is concentrated to tackle these top pole leaders of these extremists element and number of Central leaders have also been apprehended by us.

Another point for consideration is NREGA scheme type program we have taken up. We are putting, at least minimum 25000 income-based for these tribals and people those who have surrendered from naxalism. A remote interior development program has also started. So far as development activities are concerned, I will trace out Mr. Rajasekhar Reddy’s time we had taken two extreme steps. One is for taking up projects under Jalayagnam – 86 projects, 1,76,000 crores were taken up which is the most essential thing so far as the country is concerned, not only our State, it is a food production centre that is why we have taken this program. Then other welfare measures were also taken up irrespective of caste, creed and religion. We have provided housing for everybody and we have provided not only housing but also ration-cards we have provided. Not only that we have provided at the rate of four annas interest for self-help groups also. In addition to that the rare thing which we would not have come across anywhere else so far as States are concerned, the Aarogyasri Scheme. We are providing minimum two lakhs of rupees for treatment for poor people in Corporate Hospital. Another point for consideration is and we have developed so far as roads are concerned, READ program we have developed and RDF program we have developed. That is why we taken up all these things for thirteen districts which are very backward and which are also the extremism affected districts. These are steps we have taken so far as the curbing this extremism movement and still some parties are there now, we are not disputing about that, but some pockets in Srikakulam, some pockets in some kind of Khammam and other districts, but almost 90-92% problem has been solved by taking all these steps and the welfare measures for them; providing relief for the people, those who have surrendered to the Government; by providing employment for them. Like that we have taken the step by effectively organizing the police force also. That is why we have taken these steps to curb the naxalism threat. So far as state is concerned, our GSDP now we want to achieve 9.5%. Another point during the global recession under the economic trouble so far as State is concerned, we could lag behind so far as development is concerned, we are trying to get ourselves there. So far as performance is concerned, eleventh Five Year Plan, very good appraisal is there for our district and we are also thinking of producing, inspite of natural calamities, we are thinking of producing 204.21 lakh tonnes. Still we are having heavy rains, but we request, coastal area is there – 904 kilometers is there for us. We must necessarily protect this coastal area by external aggression, all other things. Necessarily the Central Government has to come forward to provide more police stations or security force so far as the coastal area is concerned. Not only that we are also requesting the Government of India to give aid for completion of these projects which are in beginning stage, not in beginning stage but almost all 1/3rd , 2/3rd, 3/4th completed, still we required more money for completion of these projects also Sir. The Government is, so many people may say so many things, Rajsekhar Reddyji and our Chief Minister started all these development and also the social welfare measures in the State and which has gone away and we thought that is one of the best period for the last 5-6 years, development side is concerned. Still our present Government also under leadership of Mr. Roshaiahji we are going on without eliminating any project or without eliminating the program that was initiated by Rajsekhar Reddyji. We are going ahead. What people may say, press may say, TVs may say, but one thing I can say is now we are concentrating much on the development of the State. But one thing, suppose if we could not curb this naxalism, development could not progress. That is one aspect you have to think over the matter. For that reason only, we have to take a large measure, large initiative, large steps to curb this, solve their problem also. And most of all what the naxalites are propagating; what the naxalites are requiring to cycle, all these land problems, unemployment. But what they are demanding now. For that reason only this extreme elements are not so aggressive in our State. Thank you very much.

M.J. Akbar

Thank you very much. Mr. Reddy, development then is the answer to violence. Did take a side swipe at the press. Our next speakers belongs to a very unusual State for this panel. He comes from a State with no naxalite violence. But the interesting part of the Kerala experience is that it has had a tremendously strong communist movement. The first communist government in the country in 1959 and the E.M.S. Namboodiripad was elected in Kerala and Kerala has had this model, a unity model, in which it took the help and partant later on replicated very successfully in Bengal. But two questions arise which I hope Mr. Isaac would address, one is the absence of violence synonymous with development and number two did the communist absorb Maoist anger in a way that your Bengal comrades have not been able to do.

Thomas Isaac

Yes. In Kerala we do not have the problem of insurgency. But we have had a long history of militant trade union movement; peasant movement and social reform movement for say basic needs, education, healthcare, and housing. As a result we have a fairly egalitarian society, relatively more egalitarian society. So answer to your questions is this egalitarianism helps to contain the social limits that dissentions that would inevitable come. But, there are certain danger signals. Given this egalitarian nature, rise in inequality is very much present. The recent reform in the past one decade has resulted in a frightening increase in the inequality. Say if we take the post independence period, the inequality measures in terms of inter-region inequality or inter- sector inequality or say in the household consumption expenditure, has been fairly declining. The Lawrence ratio for consumption expenditure declined from 0.35 in 1983 to 0.32 in 1995. But if you take the figure for 2004, it has increased to 0.39. And this is giving cause to lot of resentment and unrest. They say a two-pronged approach to tackle this. One is total security program for the poor, poor are about 50% at the household, which would include maternity leave with wages for the unorganized sector, and endowment for every birth to enable the child, when it graduates, health insurance program, not only rural employment guarantee, but urban employment guarantee and also a minimum income guarantee. Let us say for NREGA you get 205 Rupees, but if your work in Khadi you get 70 Rupees only. This is unfair. So a minimum income support program. And also old pension, minimum will be guaranteed to every citizen by the State, now it is 300 Rupees, with contributory scheme to have a higher pension. So the social security I hope we will be able to address the growing social inequality today. Second would be the community policing. We just had a very important major seminar on this. For the last two years we have been experimenting with it and we anticipate the participation of the local community in crime detection or reporting or say general police activities through a structured manner, that has to be very important is effective in containing in many of the governance problems that arise.

M.J. Akbar

Thank you very much. You just briefly touched upon it, where have the Bengal comrades gone wrong?

Thomas Isaac

In their social sector development. Now this is historically detriment to an extent. Kerala history is very different. History does not start with Congress, there is a pre- history to it. But I think is very-very important to focus on very rapid social sector advance.

M.J. Akbar

We can see the emerging commonality from Kashmir to Kerala that the same echo that unless you give the poor the due and make them part of the inclusive growth, you are going to have problems. Now I will turn to Sushil Modiji. Aap ke Bihar mein samsya thi lekin wahan samasya joh hi utni rajnitik nahi rah gayi, lumpen elements bhi kaafi aa gaye is samsya mein aur ek joh abhi election hua hai usme natija kya hoga to phir Election Commission bataayegi thodi deer baad, lekin ek joh hum dekh chuke hain ki is baar aapne joh violence tha, usko bahaut control mein kar diya hai. Toh aap zara hamein samajayein ki Bihar mein naxalites ki samasya, Jharkhand aapke nazdeek hi hai, usko kaise aapne kaaboo mein laaya hai, aur iska matalab kya hai aur auroon ke liye agar koi message hai.

Sushil Modi

Dekhiye pichle barso ki tulna mein, the number of naxalite violence has come down drastically. But still I am scared because one day more polling is there tomorrow and that polling is in the entire naxal belt. So they are most unpredictable people; anything can happen any time, but three or more efforts which we have made has reduced the number of naxalite violence in Bihar. Number one, giving reservation to the economically backward class of people and the Dalits in the Panchayat elections and the social analysts could not have gone into the details of impact of giving reservation to the EBC and the Dalits because Bihar was the only State in this country where Dalits were not given reservation in the Panchayat elections, though there is a provision in the Constitution. To jab hum logon ne Economic Backward Class or Dalits ko reservation diya, to joh naxal ka joh cadre hai, ground level pe joh unke supporters hain, they participated in those elections in a good number. And now they have been elected as a Mukhiah, as a Sarpanch aur woh ek bada karan raha hai Bihar mein naxal violence ko contain karne may, number one. Number two, humanitarian approach towards the naxalites. Iske pehle ki Government ka approach kya tha ki agar koi naxalite arrest hoke aaya jail mein, to uske saath torture karna usko, ill-treat karna, jail ke andar usko cell mein band karke rakhna, not providing them any medical facility. Hum logon ne is attitude ko change kiya and treating them as a political activist, aur kam-se-kam joh minimum human rights ki joh cheezein rahti hain, isliye agar arrest hoke aaye to uska message bahaut acha gaya aur uske karan joh naxal cadre, joh naxal groups the, unke bhithar iska ek positive message gaya, jiska faida kam-se-kam Bihar ko aaur mila hai. Aur teesra ek kaam hamney aur kiya ki hum logo ne identify kiya 76 Panchayats jahan sabse zyada naxal violence hai, aur ek karyakram chalaya “aap ki sarkar aap ke dwara”. And to saturate those Panchayats with the government programs e.g if there is a Indira Vikas Yojna, so it will not be only for a few people in that area, we will saturate those Panchayats with Indira Vikas, for the schools. Abhi tak kya ho raha hai ki development ke under aapne do school khol diya, chaar school khol diya, sau logo ko makan de diya, to saturate those areas, to identify those areas and saturate those areas with the government programs. To is karyakram ka aur hum logo ko kaafi adhik laab hua hai. Yeh teen approach ka hum logo ko laab mila hai, Mein yeh kheh sakta hoon ki pehle kit tulna mein naxali violence kam hua hai, but the area of operation has shifted from center of Bihar, five years back it was in Gaya, Jahanabad, Arwal, Aurangabad (that was the center of Bihar), now the area of operation has shifted from center of Bihar to adjoining Jharkhand, bordering Jharkhand, bordering Nepal. To isliye Nepal ka jo bordering ilaaka hai Champaran ka, Sitamahi ka, wahan par activities jyaada bad gayi hai. Jharkhand ka joh bordering ilaaka hai, wahan par zyada cheezein badi hai. Lekin kul mila kar, aur ek aur cheez ki don’t challenge them, yani we have not issued a single statement challenging the naxalites. Agar aap kisi aadmi ko challenge karte hai main aap ko dekh loonga, mein aapka mukaabla kar donga, mein helicopter se aap ko yeh kar doonga, then they take it a challenge because the government missions has its own limitations in fighting the naxalites, so silently walking instead of issuing threatening statements and giving strong statements. Toh hum logo ne uss tarah ke statements kabhi pehle bhi issue nahi kiya, but silently doing what you wanted to do. Iska bhi hum logo ko ek faida kul millake mila hai. To mein yeh kheh sakta hoon ki mein yeh daava nahi kar sakta hoon ki naxali hinsa mein yadipi kami aayi hai, pehele ki tulna mein kaafi kami aai hai lekin this is one of the biggest challenge even for a State like Bihar. Aur isliye jahan ek aur hum logo ne policing ko strengthen kiya hai, wahin doosri aur in saare measures ko hum logo ne aur adopt kiya hai, kyonki unke cadre may joh, 90% joh cadre hai that belong to Dalits and the extremely backward class of people. Mostly unke leadership may joh log hai, woh log iske andar shyamil hai. Is tarah ke kuch measures lene ka aur yeh pranam hua hai, isme kami aayi hai.

M.J. Akbar

Thank you very much Sushilji. You mentioned Champaran, Champaran to wohi jagah hai jahan se whole freedom movement started in 1917 when Gandhiji took up the Indigo workers as his first cause and it was the first time that the British buckled. So may be economic freedom of India will also begin in Champaran.

Sushil Modi

Election baare mein ek baat bata doon joh aapne ek line jikar kiya, joh mahilaon ko humne aarakshan diya Panchayat ke andar. Is baar mahilaon ke voting percentage mein 10% ka increase hai, aur joh violence bhi nahi hua hai, abhi tak not a single incident of booth capturing has happened in Bihar, still 26 seats are going to poll tomorrow. But for the first time, in the last election there was repoll in 1500 booths and in this election only 20 booths have repoll, who bhi kewal EVM machine ki kharabhi ke karan hua hai. Usme mahiloan ko joh ham logo ne Panchayat ke election may aarakshan diya hai, usne bhi bahaut bada role play kiya hai is peaceful elections ke andar.

M.J. Akbar

Yes, that is quite remarkable. Now for leader and Chief Minister, if you take victory in elections as a quotient for success or as a measure of success, then very few can match Raman Singhji. Yes, some electoral magic that he has created around his State and despite the fact that violence, Chhattisgarh has now become synonymous almost with Maoist violence, and what we are seeing is a national effort. So we really are looking forward to your experience ki aap ke yahan kaise kiya, aur aap ne development ka karyakram kaise in mazbooriyon ke hota huey bhi aap ne kaise kiya.

Raman Singh

Thank you. Sabse pehle to mein vilambh se aaya, plane 30 minute der se aaya aur shyama chahonga ki samay pe nahi aa saka. Dhanyavaad doonga India Today aur Akbar Sahab. Mujhe lagta hai ki jis shabd ka aapne use kiya hai, yeh mazboori nahi hai. Naxal andolan ke khilaf, naxaliyon ke khilaf kisi sarkar ko puri taakat ke saat, puri nishta, puri aatmavishvas ke saat, khada hona, na hi Chhattisgarh, na hi Raman ki majboori hai, na hi is desh ki democracy ke liye majboori hai. Yadi Chhattisgarh taakat ke saat khada hoke sattar ke dashak se chal rahe us hinsa ke khilaf, poore commitment ke saat, aagey bada hai to yeh, Dr. Raman ki majboori nahi hai. Jis Constitution ki, jis samvidhan ki shapath humne li hai, uske liye agar koyi Mukhya Mantri ke pad par baithatha hai aur daayitwa milta hai saat saal pehle to humne pehle din yeh tai kiya, kit aatankwaad, naxalwaad aur is hinsa ke khilaaf Chhattisgarh ki janata aur Chhattishgarh ke Mukhya Mantri ke naate mere kya daayitwa hai, mera kya kartwya hai. Mujhe is rajya ko shanty aur vikaas ke us deep ko phir se wapas laana hai. Jahan tak sawaal hai ki aaj sabse zyaada hinsa Chhattisgarh me kyon dikh raha logo ko, logo ko lagta hai ki Chhattisgarh may saare log aa gaye. Hum tezi ke saat us poore shetra mein tarbooza se lekar bastar tak, jis Chhattisgarh ka pachas pratishat forest cover hai, jis Chhattisgarh ke population ka 32% tribal population hai, joh Chhattisgarh hidustan ka nauvaa sabse bada ninth largest state hai, 1,36,000 square kilometer, joh cheh rajyo se saare taraf se hinsagrath alag-alag shetron se ghira hua hai aur sattar ke dashak se Chhattisgarh isse prabhavit hai, magar agar democracy ko bachaana hai, is desh ko bachaana hai, Chhattisgarh ko bachaana hai to mujhe to ek stand lene ki zaroorat thi aur mayne liya aur issme may aage bhi kayam rahoonga, kahi ek second ke liye bhi mujhe kisi bhi kaam ke liye na sankoch hai na paschyatap hai, may garv se kehta hoo. Bas democracy ki ladaai mein may saamne ladke may apni jawaano ko madat kar raha hoo aur Chhattisgarh ke tribal area ke logo ko. Unki ladaai may mera yogdaan hota hai, bus itni bhoomika meri hai. Isliye kanhi sankoch nahi, kanhi paschyatap nahi, poore vishvas ke saath hum is mudde ke khilaf lade. Sawaal yeh hai ki is raaste may hum dheere kyon chal rahe hai, hame safalta, Andhra ne safalta praapt ki, kafi humse beheter position may hai mein aaj keh sakta hoo, Chhattisgarh, isska karan hai ki satar ke dashak se lekar 2000 tak naxal mudde pe kabhi vyacharik roop se soch aur samaanta rahi nahi. May kisi mukya bantri, kisi pradhan mantra ke baare may baat nahi karta na ishaara karta hoo, kyonki aaj dayitva Dr. Raman ke upar hai, isslye may khata hoo ki neetiyaa bani nahi, vyacharik soch kabhi bana nahi, desh ke andar aur pradesh ke andar kabhi naxal mudde ko lekar gambhirta ke saath kisi forum may charcha karke police bal ki sthapna hui hai policing ke liye, basic jo need. Aapko may pehle line se shuru karta hoo, mere paas samay kam hai aapko may us vishay pe zyada nahi legja sakta, par police policing ke liya hai, guerilla war ke liye is desh ki police ko kabhi prashikshit kiya gaya hai kya? Aur yeh saare log apni peeth thap-thapa the hai ki hum yeh kar rahe hai. Sawaal isska nahi hai, pehle guerilla war ke liye, us jungki ladaai ke liye, ek Veerapan ke liye, dus saal tak, challis hazaar police bal ghoomti rahi jungle ki wajah se. Jungle ko jisne dekha nahi hai isliye junge ko samajne ki zaroorat nahi hai to woh police ko tayaar karna, mentally, physically aur saath-saath usse train karna gureilla war ke liye, chaalis saal ka, pachaas saal ka constable jisko training nahi hai, joh law and order dekhta hai, usko aap aat din, dus din ke operation ke liye junge may nahi bhej sakte, pehla kaam yeh karna tha, yeh humne kiya. Aakhir me gureilla warfare school ki sthaapna ki, 26000 naye police bharti kiya, unnko bahtar sthar ki training di, unko aatmva vishwas diya, unnke rehne ke liye joh thane bane hai, koi bhi laat maar ke ghus jayega udhar se nikal jayega, aise thane, aise chowki, joh asi-aski square kilometer may ek-ek than / chowki the. Chhattisgarh ko isslye bataana chah raha hoo ki in saare tyaari ko karne may hume char, paanch saal lage, aur aaj bhi hum kehte hai, aaj bhi mere paas abhi baayis hazaar se badke pachhas hazaar police bal ki humne niyukti ki hai, but area wise Chhattisgarh ke liye aap dekhenge to itna bada shetraphal hai aur itna dense forest se laga hua hai ki aapko abhi bhi pachaas square kilometer may thane aur chowki nahi hai, wahan aapko ghoomna hai, jungle may rehna hai to pehli baat to yeh ki police bal ki sthaapna aur humne poore taakat ke saat, growth ko, aap kehthe ho ki naxalwaad, aatankwaad ke saat-saat is saat saal ki yaatra may Chhattisgarh ne bhi 11.47 ka GDP ka growth is saal kiya hai, magar aap pichle paanch saal ka growth dekhengey to average humaara 10.45 ka growth hai, agriculture sector ka growth 4.92 humne ismey maintain kiya hai, per capita income, joh rajya chhote rajyo ki joh kalpna karte hai, may unnhe khehna chaahta hoo ki chota rajya kyo nahi, Chhattisgarh uska model hai, humne bana ke dikhaya hai, 10,600 per capital income badh ke 38,000 ho gaya, yadi saat saal, aat saal ki yaatra may, electricity ka consumption aaj national average 830 unit hai, Chhattisgah 836 units use karta hai, isska matalab hai ki power ke consumption may, per capita income aur humaara joh GDP ka growth hai aur usske saat his saat joh budget size humne raashtriya ke nirman ke saat saat hazar karod se badke chhabis hazar karod tak growth kiya hai, yeh apne aap may bataata hai ki chhote rajyo may joh growth hua hai aur growth ka asar antim wyakti tak pahuncha hai. Jis Chhattisgarh may 70,000 pump connection the, aaj 2,30,000 pump connection hai, parti pump connection hum 6000 units tak unko free power dete hai, raj banene ka fayida yeh hua hi 16% interest rate agriculture sector ko ghata ke humne 3% tak le aaya. Humne saare kisaano ko pump connection diye, SC or ST ke population ke saare pump connection energy free of cost hum unko dete hai. Aaj yadi GDP may growth ho raha hai to iski wajah agriculture sector ka jump, industrial sector may Chhattisgarh may bhi desh ke total mineral wealth ka 20% hai, 20% yadi hum power produce karte hai, 19% yadi hum cement desh ka paida karte hai, yadi power ke generation may 2015 tak 36,000 mega watt power generation akela Chhattisgarh karne wala hai, Chhattisgarh twenty-four hour power, electricity, desh Chhattisgarh ke do laakh dus logo ko, industry ko, agriculture ko, domestic sector may de sakta hai, aaj woh Chhattisgarh, dus saal pehle ke Chhattisgarh se aap kalpna karenge to raaj ke nirman ka chitr yeh hota hai, woh Chhattisgarh apne pair pe khada ho gaya hai aurj is desh ke log Chhattisgarh ko naksha may dhoonda karte the ki Uttaranchal hai ki Jharkhand hai ki Chhattisgarh hai, aaj Chhattisgarh ki aur investment ka flow isslye aa raha hai ki hum power ke liye unko guarantee dete hai, hamaare paas mines hai, hamaare paas minerals hai aur behetar watavaran ke nirman may. Log bolte hai bastar may aatank hai, chatees saal, chaalis saal se MMTC waha Hindustan ka sabse zyada loha ka utkanan kar raha hai, kaam kabhi band nahi hua, BEHAI steel plant ki chimney kabhi chaalis saal band nahi hui. Yeh saare development chalte rahenge. Sawaal aatank aur naxalwaad hai uske liye beheter ran-neeti banaane ka hai. Chhattisgarh jaise rajyo ko is kaaryogna ko bana kar hum beheter kaum, aur jahan tak aapne kaha chamatkar kiya hai chunav jeetna, Akbar Sahab, chunav jeetna chamatkar nahi hai. Dimaag se nahi, yadi dil se yojna banti hai to janta aap ke saat khadi ho jaati hai. Humne social sector may total Chhattisgarh ke 26000 karod hai, humne 50% humaara fund ka diversion social sector may hua hai. 3600000 pariwaar ko hum ek rupya or do rupya kilo chawal, paintees kilo meine unke ghar may darwaze may leja ke de rahe hai, 3600000 families ko namak 2 kilo hum unke ghar may leja ke de rahe hai, 1900000 adiwaasi bhaiyon ko charan paduka, unke size ke unke joote pehnake unko tendupatta ke logo ko de rahe hai, miner forest produce ka behatar value addition ka kaam kiya, employment ke saat, bastar se sarguja tak joda, yeh saari yojnaon ka janam hota hai to woh vyakti samajtha hai aaj tak joh yojnaon ke bare may kalpna nahi hui, 200000 se zyada logo ko, may aankade bata raha hoon aapko, zameen ke adhikaar patra, patte humne diye, Hindustan may jitney patte diye gaye hai usko sab ko mila le aur Chhattisgarh ko mila le to Chhattisgarh usse zyada hai. Yeh humne kiya, unke zameen ka development kiya, us zameen ko hamne unke khet ke laayak kiya, wahan pe sichai ke saadhan us tribal ko diya, usko agriculture ke loan ki vyavastha humne ki, yeh 200000 se zyada aise mamley joh pichle aat saal se chal rahe the, humne ek din may Chhattisgarh may samapth kiya. Saare travel ke cases, jitney bhi varsho se chal rahe the, ek din may humne unko samapth kiya, Yeh unke andar ki baat ko aur unke vishwas ko jeetna hua. Jahan tak sawaal hai democracy ki, may aapko bataon ki Bastar ke adiwasi, Sarguja ke adiwasi, is democracy, is prajatantra ke sabase bade rakshak hai. Raipur may election hota hain Lok Sabha, Vidhan Sabha ke, yahan 55% polling hoti hai, Dhantewada or Beejapur me jab election hota hai, 70% matdaan hota hai. RDX aur baroodi surang ko cross karke vote daalne jaate hai. Raipur ka matdata kam vote daalta hai, Bastar may Lok Sabha chunav, Vidhan Sabha chunav, Panchayat chunav, Mandi Chunav, pichle dus saalo may lagaatar hum chunav karate hai, lagataar wahan pe saare chune hua jan prathinidhi hai. Sawaal yeh hai ki mujhe vote kyon milta hai Bastar ke aur Sarguja ke logon ka to yeh prashan yeh hai ki humne unke liye kaam khada kar ke, unke beech jaake dikhaya. Aaj se teen din pehle may wahi tha, unke beech tha, sabse zyada prabhavit shetron may hai. May Chhattisgarh ke economic growth ki baat isliye keh raha hoo, is sab samasyon ke baad bhi vikas ki gati me, social sector me kiye gaye kaamo me kahi hume na fund ki kami hoti hai. Soch, kalpna shakti ho to paise mujhe nahi lagta ki bahut badi dikat aati hai. Chaliye may baat shuru kiya tha to khatam bhi kar doo. To may in do baato ko spasht roop se kehna chahata hoo ki Chhattisgarh jo kar raha hai, wahan ke mukhya mantra ke naate may jo kar raha hoo, hamari ladai naxalwaad, aatankwaad se nahi hai, hamari ladai gareebi se hai, hamari ladai bhookmari se hai, hamari ladai palayan se hai, hamari ladai IMR se peedit un baccho se hai, MMR ko kam karni ki ladai hai, potion ki ladai hai. Is saari ladai me joh saamne ayega woh mera dushman hai. Is ladai mein, school ke, college ke bhawano ko joh tod dega, hamari sadako joh damage karega, hamare neeche sthar ke gaon may rah rehenawalon ko joh takleef karega, aur is puri ladai may sarkar ki poori shakti jhok rahi hai, us shakti ke beech may koyi bhi taaqat aati hai, us taaqat ko may manuga ki woh democracy ke dushman hai, chahe naxalwaad ke roop may aye, aatankwaad ke roop may. Ladai iski nahi hai, hum koi ladna nahi chahete, hum sabse zyada ahimsa ke, hame koyi saukh nahi hai, hum to chahete hai ki Bastar may shanty ho aur unse baat-cheet ho, charcha ho, uska nishkarsh nikle, magar ek taraf aap 100-200 schoolo ko dwast karte jaate hai, aap hamari sadko ko dwast karte jate hai, PDI system ko collapse karna chahete hai, us pure Bastar aur Sarguja ki peedi ko aatarvi sadi may jeene ko mazboor karna chahete hai, yeh kaisa chaelga ki ek taraf to aap unke maseeha ban ke unke kranti ke geet gate hai magar kranti ke geet yeh hai yahan teen hazaar bacche hai jinke maa baap nahi hai, do hazaar se teen hazaar widhwa mahilayen joh ghoom rahi hai unke pati ko maar diya gaya hai, saare ke saare ghar jala diye gaye hai, assi saal ki buddhi se lekar cheh mahine ke bacche ko zinda jala diya, yeh yadi koi doosra chehra hai kranti ka to mujhe nahi lagta ki isme koi kranti ki baat hogi. Isliye hum democracy ke, prajatantra ke is ladai may Chhattisgarh puri imaandari se, pure beheter tarike se kaam kar raha hai. Jisko accha lagta hai, lagta hai, jisko bura lagta hai, mujhe koi dikat nahi hai.

M.J. Akbar

Thank you. Thank you very much. Clear, forthright and a national panel. Our second panel is equally interesting. We will take a short break now so that Zaka can tell us, show us the rest of the way. Thank you very-very much.

Zaka Jacob

Thank you very much. Can we have a round of applause for all the Chief Ministers, Dy. Chief Minister and the Minister for an enlightening panel discussion on development in times of insurgency.

Ladies and Gentlemen we are going to begin our second discussion right away, so I would request everyone in the audience to kindly be seated. Our second discussion is on ‘Governance and Resource Security’ and like Mr. Akbar pointed out we have a fine panel of Chief Minister, Dy. Chief Ministers and Miniters joining us on that panel. The topic once again is ‘Governance and Resource Security’. I had like to call Mr. Akbar back on stage for the second discussion. And for this discussion on ‘Governance and Resource Security’ may I now invite the Hon’ble Chief Minister of Gujarat Shri Narendra Modi, the Hon’ble Chief Minister of the State of Himachel Pradesh, Professor Prem Kumar Dhumal, the Chief Minister of the State of Uttarakhand Dr. Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank and we are hoping to be joined by the Chief Minister of Delhi Mrs. Shiela Dixshit. We would also like to invite the Chief Minister of Kerala Mr. V.S. Aschuthanandan.

M.J. Akbar

And now to our second panel, the subject is ‘Resources and Development’. Clearly without resources you can’t have development, but the catch is without development you can’t have resources and within this trap, I think there is so much effective stagnation that our economic growth, while very impressive statistically, is simply not going down fast enough. I would like to begin this part of the second panel discussion by asking Narendra Modiji to take the lead. I think you have managed both to create, internalize your resource system within your state and that has been in my view one of the key reasons for where Gujarat is.

Narendra Modi

Is samsya ke do pehloo hai, ek to bharat sarkar ka joh ravyaa rahtaa hai aur uske karan rajyo ki joh aarthik sthithi rahti hai woh kitna hi karne ke baad bhi kayi khatinayan paida karti hai. Zara ek chota udhaharan doo may. Sixth Pay Commission, agar kabhi baariki se dekhenge to pehle aisa lagta hai ki Bharat Sarkar ne Sixth Pay Commission diya. Reality yeh hai ki isse Bharat Sarkar ki aay badhti hai, bahaut kam logo ka dyaan jaata hai. Logo ko lagta hai Bharat Sarkar ki tizori se mulazim ko paise gaye. Reality yeh hai ki Bharat Sarkar ko paise aate hai aur aate isliye hai kyonki jab Bharat Sarkar Sixth Pay Commission se tankha bada dete hai to phir rajyo ko bhi wohi karna padta hai. Bharat Sarkar ke employee hai, usse rajyo ke pachees gunah zyada hai. Aur jab wahan tankha badta hai to income tax Bharat Sarkar ko jaata hai. Rajyo may tankha badne se joh income tax Bharat Sarkar ko milta hai woh Bharat Sarkar ko Sixth Pay Commission me dene padta hai, use zyada milta hai. To islye mera to sujhav rahega ki Bharat Sarkar jab bhi yeh Pay Commission wagera ghosit kare to rajyo may uske karan jo income tax milta hai woh return kar de. To ek sabsi badi samasya yeh rahti hai ki kitna hi aapkoshish kariye lekin poor mismatch ho jata hai. Doosra vishay hai ki akhir kaar sabse zyada vikas ki zimevari, kathinayia, day-to-day samsyaon ka jawab rajyo ko dena padtha hai. Kendra may jab Parliament Session hota hai tabhi kuch dikhta hai ki chalo unko jawab dena pad raha hai. Rajyo ki jimewari bahut badhthi hai aur vikas bhi karna hai to rajyo ko mazboot banana padega. Lekin durbhagya se in dino pure Federal structure ko tabah kar diya gaya hai. Bareeki se abhi to kuch pata nahi mujhe, media ke log kabhi is vishay par jaayenge to dhyan me ayega ki desh ke Federal Strcuture ko gambhir prakaar se khatra paida hua hai, saari vyavasthaon mein. May uski charcha aaj nahi karoonga lekin bahut bade khatre ki aur hum aage badh rahe hai. Jahan tak Gujarat ka sawaal hai mujhe yaad hai ki hamaare yahan 2002-2003 mein, Non Planned Expenditure aur Planned Expenditure ka joh hisaab khitaab tha woh bada ajob tha. Us samay tak Planned Expenditure se double Non Planned Expenditure tha. Through media perception, aap ke paas aisa hoga ki Modi ke yahan utsav bahut hote hai, abhut bada hota hai, aur reality yeh hai ki aaj 2010-2011 may mera Planned Expenditure double hai, jabki Non Planned Expenditure aadha kar diya hai. Ab yeh bahut bada achievement hai aur usse hume resource milte hai. Usi prakar se humne tax structure ko bhi bahut badla hai. Pichle kisi samay kisi shetra may stamp duty lena hai to saat prakar ke prakar the. Ab pehle mere yahan stamp duty 14% thi, ab meine 4% kar diya, leking meri income mein 115% grow kar diya. To humne usko simplify kar diya, usko thoda discipline may ley aaye, to in cheezo ke karan se – doosra hai ki agar logo ko bharosaa ho jata hai ki may joh tax pay kar raha hoo, uska mujhe return milne wala hai to anubhav yeh aa raha hai ki log tax dene ko tayaar hote hai, usko vishwas hona chahiye aur yeh kaam rajyo ki taraf se bhali banthi ho raha hai. Kuch joh discrimination ho raha hai, jaise mere yaha rural roads, ab mujhe Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak se paise nahi mil rahe, kyo nahi mil rahe, ki aap ne pehle se kaam kar diya. Ab hamaare yahan performance ek gunah ho gaya hai. Mere rajya ko kaafi nuksaan isliye ho raha hai ki bahut si cheezein humne pehle se perform kar di. Ab woh kahte hai ki aapka to ho gaya hai, aapko nahi milega. To mayne abhi kaha unko bhai mere yahan mujhe yaad hai, aaj se pandhrah saal pehle, gaon me jaate the to log memorandum de dete, kahte theh bhai akaal ke samay aap miti ka kaam hamaare yahan karwadijiyega taaki raasta ban jaye. Aaj may gaon mein jaata hoo to who kahta hai ki sahib yeh to kaise chalega, humme to pebble road chahiye. Ab uski expectation bad chuki hai aur mujhe Gram Sadak ko resurface karna hai, upgrade karna hai. To aapne un rajyo ko us roop se sochna chahiye, lekin may samaj nahi paa raha hoo ki Bharat Sarkar ke gale kab baat uthregi. Usi prakar se, jaise mere yahan agriculture sector may development hua hai, lekin agro infrastructure ek bahut badi need hai aur may samajtha hoon desh ko iski taraf bahut dhyan dena hoga. May ek chota udhaharan deta hoo, hamare desh may se 400 container agro product ka export hota tha. Pichle saal mere yahan 1500 crore export hua aur zyada tar humne kele export kiye, leking kele may jab export kar raha tha to mere dhyan may aya ki tribal belt may kele ka kaam ho raha hai, meine videshi technology ka upyog kiya, kissano ko tayaar kiya, garib kisaan ko tayaar kiya, lekin uska kela samudari that jaane se pehle hi kharaab ho jata tha kyonki raaste may agar thoda sa bhi jump aata tha, to uske kele dab jyate the, toot jyate the. Mujhe specially uske liye alag se road banane padhe, Kissan Padh Yojna banani padi. Iska matlab hai ki agro infrastructure ki aur hume bal dena padega aur aaj jo Gujarat ke agriculture sector ki charcha ho rahi hai, woh apne aap may ek bahut bada keertimaan sthapit kiya hai. Desh ka agriculture growth 2% se aage badh nahi raha hai, 4% ka target hai, woh poora nahi ho raha hai, Gujarat ka pichle paanch saal ka average 12.8% growth rate hai. Aur yeh aise nahi hua hai, hamare yahan kisaano ko yahi kaha gaya hai, tumko bijli muphat may denge, kyonki chunav jeetna hai, mere yahan baat aayi maine kaha may koi bijli muphat nahi doonga bhai, aap log pay na kare, lekin aap bijli bhool jaayey, paani par concentrate keejiye, aur meine Gujarat ke kisaano ko bijli ke moh se mukt kara diya aur unka paani par focus kiya. Paani par focus karne ka parinaam yeh aaya ki woh bhi rain water harvesting movement ka hissa ban gaya aur aaj meine six lakhs se zyada rain harvesting ke structure bana diye hai aur jis tarah Hindustan mein water table neeche ja rahe hai, Gujarat mein six meter water level upar aye hai. Ab Gujarat ek aisa pradesh hai jahan dus saal mein saat saal aakaal rahta tha, water scarcity rahthi thi, woh aaj water shetra mein surplus hota chala jaa raha hai, kyonki humne rain water harvesting ka ek bahut bada movement chalaya hai, uske liye budget kharch kiya hai aur public-private partner se model ko develop kiya hai. Doosra humne kaam kiya hai ki Gujarat ki economy ko hum single pillar par nahi chala sakte. Gujarat, originally, toh ek trader state tha, usme se humne industrial state banaya lekin hum waha rukna nahi chahte. Hum Gujarat ko teen part mein economical development ka model humne khada kiya hai, one-third industrial development, one-third service sector and one-third agriculture sector. Agar in teeno ko humne chalaya to kabhi bhi state ki economy mein giravat nahi aa sakti hai, aur usko balance karke chal rahe hai, aur us agriculture pe focus karne ke karan aaj sthithi aisi hui hai. Mujhe yaad hai ki mere yahan, saat saal, aat saal pehle, agriculture income 9000 crore tha. Aaj it has already crossed 50000 crore Rupees. Aur yeh paise aise hai ki jis par koi tax nahi lagta, daag nahi lagta, seedha kisaan ke zeeb mein jyata hai aur uske karan gaon flourish hote hai, gaon ki economy ekdum vibrant ban jaai hai aur jab gaon ki economy vibrant banti hai to chote- chote nagaron mein uski kharij shakti ka laab nagaron ko milta hai, to kul milakar ke balance economical growth hota hai. Aur is model ne hume bahut laabh diya hai. Doosra kaam humne kiya hai, agriculture sector mein knowledge ko transfer kaise kiya jaye. Humare yahan, by and large, agriculture department ek prakar se regulatory mechanism, jo ek prakar se rahtha hi hai, humne isko ek movement mein convert kar diya. Pehle humare yahan ek agriculture university thi, chaar agriculture university bana di aur usko climatic zone ke saat jodh kar ke Center for Excellency ke roop may usko convert kar diya aur itna hi nahi May June mahine ki 45 degree temperature jab Gujarat mein hota hai, 100 thousand government employees ko hum gaon bejhte hai. Ek lakh karamchariyon ko aur ek Kuri Mahaotsav manatey hai ek mahine ka. Khet aur gaon tak jaa kar ke unko aadhunic badlaav kya hai, unko train karte hai aur uske saare sawalon ka jawaab dete hai aur uske karan ek vishwas bad raha hai. Teesra ek mahatvapurn kaam hamne kiya soil testing ka. Hamaare desh mein manushya ke liye health card nahi hai, lekin Gujarat aisa rajya hai jaha kisaano ke paas soil health card hai aur soil health ke karan usko pata hai ki uski zameen may kya kamiya hai, kis prakar ke fertilizer upyogi honge, kis prakar ki dawaiyaan ki zaroorat ha, kis prakar ki nahi hai, kis prakar ke product ke liye who tikh hoga aur uske karan uska kaafi kharcha bach raha hai, woh productive hota jaa raha hai. Doosra focus kiya humne seeds par, teesra focus kiya market par, ab hamara focus hai value edition par. Value addition ki aur hum bal de rahe hai aur is prakar se pura chain hum karte hai to hamaare kissan ko laabh hoga. Aur humne kheti ko alag nahi kiya hai. Krishi ko bhi humne teen hisso mein baanta hai, one-third animal husbandry se joda hai, one-third regular agriculture sector se joda hai aur one-third hum usko tree plantation ke liye jod rahe hai taki woh apne baccho ke liye waise vriksh chod ke jaye ki zroorat pade ek ped bhi usne bech diya to parivaar ka avsad nikal jayega. To woh car khareede uske pehle woh usko banaye. Ab jaise hamaare desh mein pichle pachas saal mein kisi bhi breed ko national recognition nahi mila tha. Humne koshish ki pichle saal aur aaj hamaari Kutch mein Bani ki Buffalo, yeh desh ne recognize kiya hai, after fifty years, desh me ek naye animal ko joda gaya hai. Aaj Bani Buffalo itna valuable hai, ki aap ek Bani Buffalo bech kar ke do Nano car khareed sakte ho. To yeh wahan ke kisaan ka, to economy ko is prakar se karne se, mein samajtha hoo kaafi kuch pharak aa sakta hai. Samay kam hai, lekin mein zyada samay lena nahi chahata hoo. Bahut bahut dhanyavad.

M. J. Akbar

Yes, the aspiration level of this nation is rising at a much faster than the economic growth. This is really the dilemma. You can have 9 per cent economic growth, but is aspirations are rising at 20 per cent, you have a problem and the chief ministers know how difficult that problem can be. I’ld request now Nishank ji to give us his perspective on how he has managed his state

Nishank: Uttarakhand ki alag paristhitiyan hain. Balki desh ke sabhi pradeshon se bilkul bhinna uttarakhand hai. Kai maine mein rashtriya star par uska alag mahattwa hai.

Kyun ki wo desh ke sanskriti ka praan hai, duniya ke adhyatma ka sabse bara Kendra hai, ganga ka Pradesh hai, do do videshi seemayon se jooda hai. Awsatan ek parivar se ek vyakti sena mein bharti hokar rashtra ki seemayon pe qurbani deta hai.

Paryavaran ke drishti se wo desh aur duniya ko pran wayu deta hai. Abhi ham ne chota sa mulyankan kiya tha ki 32,000crore se bhi adhik lagat per, kyun ki 65 pratishat to

hamara van kshetra hai, 25-30 pratishat gaon shahar, dukan makan sab usi mein hota

hai. To aap yadi dekhenge, to poore desh ke paripeksh mein, uutarakhand bilkul ek

alag jaisa Pradesh hai. Char dham hai, gangotri, yamunotri, badri kedar, hem kund

sahib, lekin hum logon ne rajya banne se pehle hi, kyun ki main UP mein bhi do baar

cabinet mantra raha, parvatiya vikas mantri hone ke naate main tab bhi, uska budget

prastoot kiya that UP ke vidhan sabha mein. Aur jab rajya bana to pehle vritta mantri ke

naate mujhe saubhagya mila, is rajya ko chalane ka. Jis din hamara rajya bana, tab

hamara vikas 2.9 pratishat thi, aaj hamari vikas dar 9.41 pratishat hokar, desh ke

doosre number ka vikasshil rajya ho gaye hain. Jis din hamara rajya bana us din

hamara varshik ausat income thi, wo 14000 thi, jab ki aaj hum 9 varshon mein teen guna badhkar, 42000 ho gaye hain, yeh bhi rashtriya ausatt ka shayed upar ho.

Arthik prabandhan ki drishti se, humne apne tarike se uska prabandhan kiya, kyun ki chhote rajya ka abhi jab charcha ho rahi thi, to uska apna ek alag mahattva hai. Terah vitta ayog ne hamare sudrirh aarthik prabandhan se khush hokar hum ko 1000 crore rupaye inaam ke roop mein diya. Hum ne us disha mein bhi dekhe to kar aur karyatar rajasya mein bhi bahut teji se vriddhi ki. Akela yadi kar rajaswa ko dekhen to 165 crore se badhakar,hum 3000 cores tak le gaye. Aur kar aur karyetar mein 200 crore se badhakar hum4000 crore le gaye in 9 varshon mein. To yadi hum dekhe to humne aarthik disha mein bhi kafi pragati ki. Humara jo aarthik shrot aur jahan hum vishesh kar ke dhyan kendrit kar rahen hain. Humare samne do tin cheez aise hain jo desh aur

duniya mein aur kahin nahin ho sakti hain. Aur wo humhe saubhagya diya hain prakriti

ne, ek dharti ka swarg uttarakhand is abhiyan se hum wahan ke paryatan aur tal, phoolon ki ghatiyan, tamam usko vikasit karne ki disha mein jaise jal krida hai, auli sheet Kaleen krida ka Asia ka sabse bada sthan hai, us disha mein hum kafi teji se badh rahein hain. Hum udyaani ke aur vaaniki ke kshetra mein kafi accha humne kaam kiya hain. Udyani ki ksetra mein phoolon ki kheti ho aaj bhi toaatar aur matar humare jo chamba ghati se dilli mein sainkro trucks aate hain. Bemausami sabzi ka sabse bada utpadan Kendra aur shanka kisam ke bbejon ka, wahan mein bhi hum poore tarike se dhyan kendrit kiye hain. Hum login ne jahan paryatan par kiya hain, wahin chaar dhaamon par, kyu ki hum ne hawai sewa se char dhamon ko joda. Jab pahli baar kedarnath ji se hawai sewa joda to, jo hawai sewa dene wale the wo humare saath anubandh karte the ki 50 per cent seaton ka aap paisa dijiye to hum shuru karenge. Aaj humari sthiti yeah hai ki qatar lagi hui hain, wo kahte hain ki hum itna rajaswa aap ko de rahein hain, aap hum ko license di jiye.

To char dhamon ko bhi usi tareeke se hum vikasit karne ki deesha mein, eco tourism hain.

Ayurved ka jo sabse badao hai, shyad logon ko maloom hoga ki jab lakshman ji murchit huye the sri lanka mein, to hanuman ji wahin se sanjeevni le kar gaye the sri lanka. Wo uttarakhand mein sanjeevni hain aur is liye hum ne taye kiya hai ki hum isko harit

Pradesh banayenge, isko hum ayush Pradesh banayenge, hum jaribooti ka Pradesh banayenge. Is samay pharma city, desh mein is dhanga sabse bada dehradun mein

Pharma city ho gayi jis mein lag bhag 300-400 pharma units hain. Us disha mein hum

log aage badh rahe hain.

Hum siksha ke roop mein poore desh aur duniya mein pehle se hi abhinav rahe hai,

doon school ho, chahe dehradoon ho, mussoori ho, nainital ho, ranikhet ho, yadi in

sthanon par dekhe to keval desh ka hi nahi, poori duniya ka chhatra yahan padne ke

liye aate hain. Aur isiliye hum ne usko siksha ka hub banaya. Desh ka yeh pahla rajya

hoga jis mein desh ka, IAS Academy, IFS Academy, Sainya Academy, IIM, NIT, IIT,

AIIMS, yeh 7 rashtriya, antarrashtriya sansthan, ek hi Pradesh mein ho. Is ke atirikt humare garwal vishwa vidyalaya, kumaon vishwa vidyalaya, krishi vishwa vidyalaya, udyaniki vishwa vidyalaya, vaaniki ishwa vidyalaya, abhi Sanskrit vishwa vidyala, sanskriti vishwa vidyalaya, doon vishwa vidyalaya, muqt vishwa vidyalaya, mahila vishwa vidyalaya, vedic vishwa vidyalaya sahit duniya ek poore hub banana ke disha mein sab khol diya humne. Rajya jab bana tha sirf chaar vishwa vidyalaya tha, ab

humare paas 16 vishwa vidyalaya hain. Sikha ke disha mein bhi hum bahut teji se apne

ko aage bada rahein hain. Khanij ke disha mein aur van urja ke disha mein humari

prashaani hai. Hala ki, jis din rajya bana tha hum us din 1000 MW bijli utpadan karte

the, aaj hum 3000 se bhi adhik MW bijli utpadan karte hain. 30,000 MW bijli utpadan

karne ki us mein kshamta hain…

Audyogig kshetra mein bhi hum kafi pahal ki hain. Desh ki andar dekha jaye to jis din

humara rajya bana to 95 crore nivesh hota tha, aaj 30,000 crores ka nivesh karte hain

jab ki,agar bharat sarkar humare saath anyay nahin karti, idhar humare bhai saab

baithe hain hum dono lad rahe hain kafi samay se. Humko jo Vajpayeeji ne 2013 tak audyogik package diya tha, yeh itihaas mein pahla avsar hain koi agar na de to samajh mein aata hai, lekin cheena ho, desh ke itihaas mein yeh pahla ek udaharan hai jahan humara audyogik package cheen kar ke 2010 kar diya. To is liye us disha mein 56000

crore ka nivesh humara hota, yadi 2013 tak dete.

Yadi agar policy ka agar yeh hissa tha, to main sochta hoon ki hum PM se anekbaar

yeh anurodh bhi kiya, yadi purvottar rajyon ka aap 97 se 2007 tak de sakte ho, phi 2007

se 2017 tak kar sakte ho, kamse kam 2013 tak to de sakte the.

Doosri kathinayi hain humare vikas ki hai who paryavaran. Jaise duniya ke sari

paryavaran ka jimma uttarakhand ko hai. Hum sadak nahin bana sakte, paye jal nahin use kar sakte, raasta nahin bana sakte, jabki vanya jantu sanrakshan ki disha mein duniya mein humara alag nam hai. Van aur vanya jantu ke sangrakshan ke disha mein, shayed Uttarakhand ne, yadi 1975 ka aankra lete hain to, 6000 tigers hote the poore desh ke andar ab wo ghat kar ke 1500 ho gaye aur tab humare yahan sirf 40 tigers hote the ab wo badhkar, is samay 200 ho gaye. 5 Km ki parikshetra mein 1 tiger paya jata hain, desh mein 10-12 km ke parikshetra mein. Us shetra mein bhi hum jawani aur pani dono desh ko dete hain. Is liye PM ji se hum kehte hain ki ganga paar humari jitni bhi pariyojnaye, 30,000 MW bijli paida hoti, ganga ko hum rashtriya dharohar ghoshit kiya, jitni yojnaye udhar thi bandh kar di. Hum ne kaha kamse am 2000 MW to humko free dijiye. Kumbh jaise sabse bada ayojan humne haridwar mein kiya, aise hi Ganga ke prati bhi hamara aastha hai aur uske sanrakshan ke prati hum katibadh hai, hum koshish kar rahein hai ki vision 2020 mein, isko ek gift ke roop mein sunder aur sudrir rajya Uttarakhand ke roop mein de sake.

MJ Akbar: Maybe the answer to the issue between aspiration and reality lies in the bridge of education as an industry and that I think is one of the great growth areas that we are going to witness, almost explosive in its manifestation and implication. And now I ask Dhumalji aap zara sa is vishay pe…

Dhumal: Aapne sahi kaha, resource aur development ka sambandh kya hai.

Kathopnishad mein kaha hai, ki money is the 6th sense without which our 5 senses cannot work aur vishesh karke vikaas ke mamle mein to sansadhan atyant aavashyek hai. Himachal Pradesh ek chota sa rajya hai, iski tulna bade rajyo mein jab compete karte hain, bade rajyo mein karte hain. Historically HP ka yogdan vikaas mein siksha, swasthya kshetra mein jo hai, wo humaari bahut badi abaadi ex servicemen ki hai.

Jinhonne apni jawani desh ki raksha mein vyatit ki aur retire hone ke baad wo bahut aache nagrik ki taur pe vikaas mein bahut mahattva purn yogdaan dete hain aur am admi mein hi yeh iccha hai ki mera baccha pada likha ho, mere se badiya officer bane aage bade. Lekin humara durbhagya yeh hai, aisa lagta hai Kendra sarkar aage badne waale pradeshon ke peeche kheechkar sabko bara bar karna chahti hai. Jo peeche rahrahein hain unko aage kare, yeh to samajh aata hai. Main aapse kuch udharan dena chahoonga jinka zikar dono CMs ne pehle kiya. Ek to federal system hi khatre mein par raha hai, sari shaktiyon ko Kendra mein kendrit kiya ja raha hai, Kendra ki koi mantri raat ko ek khwab lega ki mujhe yr scheme lani chahiye, koi yojna layega, kendria yojna ki taur pe uski ghoshna ho jati hai. Uske liye shuru mein thoda sa sansadhan diya jata hai aur ultimately sari yojna state ko transfer kar di jati hai. Jiske karan pradeshon ke sansadhano pe bada uska bojh padta hai. 13 vitta ayog ki main charcha karna

chahoonga, states ko 5 saal ke liye grants nirdharit karta hai, average desh bhar mein

125 per cent ki vriddhi 12 vitta ayog per sab states ko mili. Kai states ko 150,155

pratishat bhi mili, HP jo har jagah thik kar raha tha, hamari vriddhi 50 per cent tha,

lowest in the country aur cut kahan lagaya gaya hai who bhi vichitra baat hai, hamara

salary ka actual burden 4500 crore tha, ab 5500 crore ho gaya 6th pay commission ke

baad lekin assess kiya gaya 3600 crore, naye log nahin laga sakte hain mein maan sakta hoon jo already service mein hain unki salary kam karke kaise assess karoge?

Pension 1850 crore thi use 1400 croe aanka gaya, jo interest on loans hai woh 2250 crore tha use 1600 crore aanka gaya. Is tarah federal system ka majaak ud raha hai,

Planning Commission hume 1731 crore rupaya annual plan ke liye loan raise kar sakte hain, Finance Ministry kehti hai ki aap ise 200 crore kam karo, Kendra ke hi do vibhag aapas mein agree nahin kar rahe. Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission keh raha

hai ki inki baat theek hai- jo baat Ramesh Nishankh ji ne kahi, mujhe yaad hai 1st

December 2002 ko us samay ke Pradhan mantri Sh Atal Bihari ji Himachal aaye the, humne North East ki tarz par North West ko – isme Uttarakhand, Himachal aur jammu and Kashmir shamil the- inke liye audyogik package manga, us samay J & K ke mukhya mantri Dr Farookh Abdullah the, Uttarakhand ke Dr Tiwari the, main dono ko saath lekar

Pradhan Mantri se mila- unhone 1st December 2002 ko 2013 tak ka industrial package

announce kiya. Kaam prarambh hua Kendra mein sarkar badli 2004 mein aur pahla

budget pesh karte hue uska jo time tha usko 2007 kar diya. Phir 2010 mein excise ki

exemption khatm ho gaye. Hum Pradhan Mantri ji se mile humne kaha ki aap naya to

kuch nahin de rahe jo purana mila usko wapas kyon ke rahe ho? Jo hamare limited resources hain unhe hum invest kar diye best infrastructure waha paida kiya, sadke

bana di, bijli sabse sasti hum de rahe hain, udyogpati wahan aane ke liye pareshan

hain, law and order position bahot achchi hai lekin Kendra ne kaha nahin aapko nahin

denge. Is liye main manta hoon ki kul milakar shayad Kendra sabko upar uthakar

barabar to nahin kar sakta hai par jo upar uth rahe hain unko kaise neeche barabar kiya

ja sakta hai- aise niti par chal raha hai. Apne badi achchi presentation banaye hai IL &

FS ki, unhone kaha ki itne log bahot badi sankhya mein shahar mein aa jayenge gramin kshtra se par mein samajhta hoon vicar ke liye sabse mahatwapurna hai gramin kshtra ka vikas karna jo baat Mahendra bhai nein kahi humne bhi apne rajya mein har kisan ko soil health card provide kiya hai jo baki bache hai unko kiya ja raha hai aur humnay dhyeye vaqya rakha hai sarak shiksha savasthya svarojgar, svalumban aur svabhimaan, bijli humnay isliye nahi rakha kuynki highest village of thte world have been already electrified, saara Pradesh electrified hai sabhi ko 24 ghantay bijli milti hai.

Koi cut nahi lagta koi udhyog mai nahi lagta lakin har gaon sarak say jura ho, har baccha jo paida layta ho usko best possible shiksha milay, har nagrik swasth rahe aur

durbhagya say agar bimar hota hai to ghar kay b\paas hi usko swasth seva uplabdh ho,

rojgar mile kyunki jayada industry nahi thi isiliye humnay chaha tha ki industrial package

kay madhyam say industry aaye, log sena mai, ardh sena may bharti hotay thay vahan

recruitable male population formula lagu kar diya gaya ki jitney aapka male population

bharti yogya hogi usmay jin pradesho mai log bharki nahi hona chahtay wahan bharti

karnay jatay hain aur wahan say khali aatay hain. Humaray Pradesh mai log sena mai

jana chahtay hain desh ki raksha karna chahtay hain hummay usmay recruit karnay ki

ijjajat nahi milti. To swarojgar isiliye humnay pundit Deendayal Kisan bagh aur van samridhi yojna shuru ki jismay kisan ko poly house laganay kay liye mahatva detay

hain, drip irrigation kay liye detay hain. To sarak say gaon jura hoga, insaan padha-likha

hoga, swasth hoga, rojgar ya swarojgar may laga hoga to swalambhi banker vo

swabhimaan kay sath ji sakey. Hum ek aisa himachal jahan par lagatar prayash log

apni mehnat say kar rahe hain sarkar ki neetiyon kay kaaran aur sabsay bari baat jo Dr.

Raman ji ne kahi jab neetiyan dimag se jayada dil say banti hain aam aadmi ki behtari ki

socha jayta hai. Hur neeti kay peechay humne hur yojna ka rukh, vikash ka rukh gaon ki

aur murh raha hai isiliye log na sahar ki aur bhagnay koshish nahi karty hain, apnay

gaon me rahe, vahin hur suvidha unko milay jo usko chahiye to vikas nischit taur pe

hota hai aur jab aam admi ka involvement hota hai ki ye yojna meray bhalay ky liye hai

mere Pradesh kay liye hai to un me janta ka bhi bahut sahyog milta hai. Ishliye Kendra

ka kai baar sahyog na miltay hua bhi aam aadmi kay sath hum safalta purvak unko

kriyanvayan kar rahe hain aur unmay safalta mil rahi hai.

MJ Akbar: Dhanyavaad Dhumal ji. Very crucial point for every government. Money is the sixth sense.

Samir Singh: I am a farmer based in Uttrakhand but my question is for Modi Ji. Agar aap Pradhan Mantri hotay aur ye telecom scandal hua hai to aap kya kartey?

Modi: Hota hi kyun.

Question: I am Sahana Kanodia and I actually hosted the vibrant Gujarat conference in

Boston and very impressed by how entrepreneurial delegation was in the state and was selling Gujarat like a company it was absolutely fantastic. Can you talk about what the state is doing and how it is running like a company? Modi: Pahli baat hum sell nahi kar rehe hain. Hum branding kar rahe hain. Mai

samajhta hun ki sarkaro ko bhi ek daur hamaray desh me chala jisme incentive ki

competition hoti thi, ek rajya jameen mufat dega to dusra rajya kahega ki mai jameen

bhi dunga aur tax bhi mufat kar dunga, koi kahta tha bijli mufat kar dunga to ish prakar ka ek mahol tha and by and large sabhi sarkaron ko uske peeche daurna parta tha.

Humnay 2003 mai tay kiya ki hum koi incentive kay chakkar me nahi paregay, hum development ke liye environment create karengay, hum policy driven state ke rup me bhi pratistha paida karenge, hum vo credibility paida kare gay ki ek aadmi investor ko koi risk na feel ho agar ye cheeje hum kar sakte hain to main samajhta hun ki ye hum achieve kar sakte hain aur uska parinam ye hua jab 2009 pura duniya recession mein fasi hui thi, mujhe yaad hai jab 2009 me main vibrant summit kar raha tha Mumbai ke industrial circle ke dost mujh par dabaav daal rahe thay ki Modi Ji aap 2009 cancel kijiye aapki Gujarat ki jo chavi bani hai vo khatam hojayga. Mainay kaha yehi to test period hai, mujhe is cheej se gujarna chahiye aur maine isko continue kiya aur 2009 kay vibrant summit me $ 240 billion ka investment humary yahan commitment aaya aur uskay baad kya hota hai ki government systems ko follow karti hai aur uskay karan jo chahtay hain Gujarat me investment karne valy unko koi kathinai nahi hoti hai. Dusri baat hai dekhiye Gandhi ji kabhi topi nahi pahentay thay lakin Gandhi cap puri duniya pahnti thi ye hum gujratiyo ki vishesta hai. Meray yahan raw material bilkul nahi hai lekin mai manufacturing sector mai lead kar raha hun. Mere yahan koi diamond ki khadan nahi hai, lekin duniya ka koi vayakti aisa nahi hoga jiskay sharir par dimond ho aur us diamond pay mere gujrati bhai ka haath na laga ho. 9 out of 10 diamonds meray yahan tayar hotay hain. Mere paas iron ore nahi hai lekin steel utpadan ka sabse bada kaam mere yahan ho raha hai. Duniya ka sabse bada steel pipe ka utpadan mere Gujarat mein ho raha hai. To raw material na hone ke bavjood bhi hum logon ne ek environment kiya hai, Gujarat ek aisa rajya hai jahan zero man day loss hai- no labour strike aur itna bada industrial state ho aur no labour strike wo apne aap mein ek family like environment hota hai tab hota hai. To yeh cheezen hai jo performanace ke aadhar par hum duniya ke samne jaate hain aur kehte hai here is the place aur aaj anubhav hamara yeh ho raha hai ki duniya ki, aur abhi hamara 12th aur 13th January ko hamara

vibrant summit ho raha hai aur mein dekh raha hoon ki kaphi positive response aaya hai

usme.

Ashok Suthan: I would like to just mention that I probably am the only person in this

room who is involved in Naxalite attack and have lived to talk about the story and of

course, gone to do what I have done and quite evidently then my question is really to

the previous panel and to all the CMs who are talking about development. I want to ask you do you really believe the development is going to be the antidote for all the violence you see? The Naxalite attack that I am referring to was in 70s in Calcutta and I would like to ask why can’t we learn from Mrs Gandhi dealt to stamp it out in Calcutta and why are we not learning from that experience rather than in of late letting it proliferate as it is?

Raman Singh: Aapne jikra kiya 70s ka aur West Bengal, Siddhatha Shankar Ray aur us samay Indira Gandhi but wo Naxalbari se janm lene wala ek aandolan jo seemit daayere mein us daur mein tha mujhe lagta hai ki Siddhartha Shankar Ray ne jin kadmon ko 70s mein uthaya aur Naxal aandolan ko samapt kiya aaj hum Hindustan ka map uthakar dekhte hain to more than 7 states aur 140 districts par affect hua hai aur iska reason ye raha hai ki Dilli mein baith kar clear cut policy ke framework ke andar ye

saari yojnaon ko liya nahin gaya, inter state ke saath coordination nahin hua aur alag

alag vishay pe, haathi ko alag alag tarike se dekha gaya, kisi ne soondh ko, kisi ne

poonch ko aur kisi ne pair se aur desh ke sabse badi samasya jisko Pradhan Mantri

democracy ke liye sabse bada threat kehte hai aur aaj bhi who ek chunauti hai. Aaj bhi yadi gambhirta se ispe intergrated action plan banake, jis karya yojana ki baat aapni ki hai ya Siddhartha Shankar Ray ne jiska kriyanvayan kiya aaj mujhe lagta hai ki Naxal ke khilaf dono khstro mein kaam karne ki jaroorat hai magar police ko aur police bal ko modernization ke saath jodke, training ke saath jodke aur guerilla war ke liye prasikshit karke jab tak rajyon ko jab tak sansadhan nahin denge tab tak ye samadhan-aap jo samadhan bata rahe hain vo abhi sambhav nahi hai aur hum us disha me aage badh rahe hain aur kahin koi nirasha nahi hai ki ye nahin hoga, ye Chhatisgarh aur desh mein shanti hogi, vikas hoga us raaste par hum chal rahe hain. Dheere dheere ab hum us samasya ke kaphi najdeek pahoch rahe hai.

Suthan: My response is Mrs Gandhi failed to stamp it out and that is why we had the

panel discussion today on the other hand development in Kerala has tackled this

problem.

Next speaker: Mera aisa manana hai ki development se keval Naxalism khatam nahi

ho sakta hai. It is an ideology, vo bhi ek rajnitik dal hai,keval development ho jayga to

Naxalism khatam ho jayega ye galat hai aur vo believe karte hai violence ke andar.

They do not believe in electoral and democratic process. Ish liye jin rajyon mai

development hua wahan naxalism khatam ho gaya ye avashyak nahi hai. It is not

antedote of development. Question: I have heard 3 chief Ministers talking about scarcity of resources but I would like to draw your attention to something which is more cheerful. This country is not poor, it doesn’t lack resources but the resources have been stolen by corrupt people and

$1500 billion of Indian money is stashed in foreign accounts and have you any solution, collectively or individually of how to deal with these dacoits who have converted this country into a poor country without resources?

Modi: Mein Gujarat kay udharan se batata hun, usko aap multiple scale me rakh kar parinaam nikal sakte hain, jab main pahli baar Gujarat ka CM bana aur sare desh main electricity company aur board ka kya haal hai ye sabhi jante hain, lakhon-karoro rupyon ke deficit se chal raha hai. Mere yahan Gujarat electricity board ka yearly deficit tha rupees 2500 crore. Pichlay 10 saal me humnay ek paisa tariff nahi badhaya hai lekin humny technology ko improve kiya, gadbad baji thi usko bandh kiya, leakages ko rok diya aur aapko jaankay kushi hogi aaj meray rajya me electricity company 2500 crore kay yearly deficit se nikal ke 500 crore kay profit me chale gaye hai koi tariff nahi badhate hua bhi. Agar hum chote example ke sahare cheejo ko badal sakte hain to hum bahut kuch badal sakte hain. Baadalne ka tarika by and large mai manta hun state individual driven nahi hona chahiye state policy driven hona chahiye agar state policy driven hai to grey area minimum rahta hai. Jab grey area minimum rahta hai to discrimination ke liye scope nahi rahta hai. Jab discrimination ke liye scope nahi rahta hai to ghaple baji ka dhanda band ho jata hai. Political will chahiye.

MJ Akbar: Lot of money is there in foreign banks, Swiss banks. How to solve that problem? How to get that money back is the fundamental question? Thank You all very much. It was extremely educative and I think I can speak on behalf of whole hall when I say that to all our panelists that made this an excellent morning.

Vice President Hamid Ansari: Honorable Chief Ministers, honorable Members of

Parliament, honorable ministers, Shri Aroon Purie, Shri M J Akbar and the India Today editorial team, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. I am happy to participate in the 8th India Today Chief Ministers’ Conclave on the “State of States Report” and I commend the India Today Group for initiating and sustaining a debate on the social and economic development of states through quantitative references, reference points so vital for policy making on a range of developmental themes. I take this opportunity to congratulate the states who have been awarded today for specific aspects of governance and of human and socio-economic development. It is universally acknowledged that one dimension of the Indian genius pertains to excellence in mathematics. This also manifests itself in our fondness for statistics. Quantitative data, however, often does not dwell on quality and tells the story partially. There is need, therefore, to exercise caution and ensure that such data does in fact reflect the actual benefit of developmental schemes reaching the citizen body in all its segments and age groups. This year’s report is on development in times of naxalism. The theme poses the problem and suggests a linkage between the two. The Prime Minister has noted that in many areas the phenomena of naxalism is directly related to under development and that exploitation, artificially depressed wages, inequity politico-socio circumstances, inadequate employment opportunities, lack of access to resources, under developed agriculture, geographical isolation, lack of land reforms, all contribute significantly to the growth of Naxalite movement. Same things have been said for years by distinguished police officers who have had first hand experience of working in naxal infested areas.

The naxalite movement emerged four decades earlier, its geographic spread covering

160 districts of the country makes it a developmental and national security concern. The

challenge of reconciling the imperatives of developments, equity and national security

continue to confront the state apparatus and the civil society. No analysis of the ground

reality can escape this centrality of this problem. Two, the seventy million tribal population of central Asia spread over ten states of the union. These citizens score the lowest in Human Development Index when compared with other population groups.

They suffer from geographical and social exclusion, high poverty rates and lack of access to appropriate administrative and judicial mechanism. Low level of infrastructural endowments and growing gap in infrastructure creation in tribal areas as compare to the rest of India has further diminished prospects of progress. Friends, I wish to highlight a few aspects of this question today. These relates to forest rights, the lack of effective implementation of constitutional and statutory provisions for tribal populations, the difficulty faced in their political mobilization and the need for a new development paradigm in tribal areas and the multiple vulnerability of the tribal people.

In the first place over 80 percent of the schedule tribe population works in the primary sector with 45 % of them being cultivators and 37 % being agricultural laborers. Land, thus represents the most important source of livelihood, emotional attachment and social stability in the tribal communities. The alienation of tribal land is the single most important cause of pauperization of tribes rendering their vulnerable economic situation more precarious. This is sought to be reversed by the Forest Rights Act of 2006. in our address to the parliament in June 2009 the president of India emphasized the need to ensure distribution by December 2009 of the title deeds to all eligible claimants under the Act. Sadly, while some states and some districts within the states have achieved excellent progress in the distribution of titles other states and districts are lagging far behind. Secondly, the constitution of India provides specific social economic and political guarantees to the schedule tribes. In its social dimension these are covered under Articles 14,15(4), 16(4), 16(4A), 338 A and 339(i). The economic provisions are covered under Article 46, 275(i) and 335. The political provisions are very elaborate and are spelt out in Article 244 and the 5th and the 6th Schedules of the constitution as also in Articles 330, 332 and 243(d).

The actual implementation of these constitutional provisions is a matter of some concern. The same holds for the manner of implementing the Indian Forest Act of 1927 and the land acquisition Act of 1894. thirdly, in comparison to other disadvantage communities and groups the Adivasis have also been less effective in constituting themselves as pan Indian interest group and in articulating their grievances through the formal political system. Many Adivasis also straggle multi dimensions of deprivation and vulnerability. besides being schedule tribe many of the Adivasis are also religious and linguistic communities. It is therefore essential that the protection afforded by the constitution to the religious and linguistic minorities be fully made available to tribal communities that qualify. Ladies and gentleman the violent manifestations of discontent and unrest in our tribal areas emanating from exclusion and alienation calls for serious introspection. Our developmental paradigm has led in the words of the draft national tribal policy to tribal communities witnessing their habitats and homelands fragmented, their culture disrupted, their community shattered, the monetary compensation which

tribal communities are not equipped to handle slipping out of their hands turning them from owners of the resources and well knit contended communities to individual wage earners in the urban conglomerates with uncertain futures and threatened existence.

Across the nation gigantic industrial, power, irrigation and mining projects representing

the current development paradigm have caused Adivasis protest against land

acquisition and displacement. An equitable solution to this has to be found. Inclusive

growth necessitates aligning our development needs with adivasi rights and enhancing

their Human Development Index. I am confident that the deliberation of this conclave would lead to a better understanding of the issues involved and hopefully better implementation of our constitutional and legislative provisions for safe guarding the rights of the tribal population and ensuring its socio economic development. I thank the

India Today Group, Sri Aroon Purie, Sri M J Akbar for inviting me to this conclave.

Thank you very much. Jai Hind.

M J Akbar: Thank you very much hon’ble Vice President for those inspiring words. Now we come to one of the highlights of the state of the states conclave every year-the release of the 8th edition of the India Today State of the States Report.

Which are the best states, which are the states which are under performing? May I

invite the chief guest for this morning’s function the hon’ble Vice President to release

the special report of the 8th edition of the India Today State of the States findings on the

best states in the Union of India.

The best and the worst states of 2010 We have got broadly 6 parameters on which states has been judged, we will begin with infrastructure

Awards

Big state in Infrastructure - Punjab

Small state in Infrastructure – Delhi

Big state in Health – J & K

Small state in Health – Goa

Big state in Education – Himachal Pradesh

Small state in Education - Sikkim

Big state in Governance - Kerala

Small state in Governance - Puducherry

Big state in Investment – Himachal Pradesh

Small state Investment – Sikkim

Big state in Macro Economy – Himachal PRadesh Small state in Macro Economy – Delhi

Fastest Mover state in Agriculture - Gujarat

Fastest Mover state in Investment - Uttarakhand

Fastest Mover state in Macro Economy – Chhattisgarh

Fastest Mover state in Education – Jharkhand

Best Anti Poverty Programes for Rural Roads – Gujarat

NREGA – J & K

Best State in fighting Naxalism – Andhra Pradesh

The best fastest mover state in the country – Bihar

The third best small state in the country – Goa

The third best big state in the country – Tamil Nadu

The second best small state in the country – Puducherry

The best small state in the country – Delhi

The best big state in the country – Himachal Pradesh