Umeå University Department of Geography Master Thesis in Human Geography (Spring Term 2021) Supervisor: Roger Marjavaara

Hosting Tour De France Under COVID-19: Bargain or Burden for New Stage Cities?

Cyril Herzet Master’s Programme in Tourism

14th of May 2021

RÉSUMÉ (Français)

Le Tour de France (TDF) est le troisième événement sportif au monde et la plus grande course cycliste en termes de popularité et de prestige. L’événement génère une exposition médiatique mondiale et attire chaque année des millions de visiteurs à court et à long terme. Le TDF est donc extrêmement attrayant pour les communautés à la recherche de profits. À l’aide de la Direction Moyenne Linéaire (MLD) et d’interviews semi-structurées (côté communauté et organisation), ce mémoire analyse l’évolution spatiale du TDF au fil du temps en comparant le parcours de 2021 à d’autres intervalles temporelles de la course. En outre, les raisons du changement potentiel en termes de distribution spatiale sont étudiées en tenant compte des problèmes actuels dus à la pandémie de COVID-19 ayant gravement affecté le secteur du tourisme et, par conséquent, les avantages que les communautés espéraient percevoir en accueillant le TDF. Les résultats ont montré que l’itinéraire de 2021 s’écarte des éditions précédentes de l’histoire du TDF en incluant 10 nouvelles villes étapes qui n’ont jamais accueilli l’événement auparavant. Le répondant de l’organisation a indiqué que la pandémie n’a affecté qu’indirectement le parcours du TDF et que l’emplacement du Grand Départ ainsi que les principales contraintes internes imposées aux organisateurs sont des éléments clés dans la répartition spatiale de l’événement. Les communautés interrogées ont reconnu qu’il y avait un risque à accueillir le TDF cette année en raison des mesures restrictives potentielles. Cependant, elles ont admis que les bénéfices apportés par la course surpassaient largement les impacts négatifs potentiels dus à l’épidémie. En effet, le TDF reste un moyen d’apporter des effets économiques positifs, de la cohésion sociale, du bonheur, de la fierté et de la satisfaction aux villes hôtes à un moment où l’industrie du tourisme est au point mort.

Mots clefs : Tour De France, Tourisme Sportif, Courses Cyclistes, Exposition Médiatique, Réputation des Lieux, Marchandisation des Lieux, Développement des Communautés.

ABSTRACT (English)

The Tour De France (TDF) is the third largest sporting event in the world and the biggest cycling race in terms of popularity and prestige. The event generates global media exposure and attracts millions of short- and long-term visitors each year, thus, TDF is extremely appealing for communities in search of profits. Using Linear Directional Mean (LDM) and semi-structured interviews (community and organization sides), this paper analyzes how TDF has spatially evolved through time by comparing the 2021 racetrack to other time intervals. Additionally, reasons of the potential shift in terms of spatial distribution are investigated considering current issues due to the COVID-19 pandemic that has severely affected the tourism sector and therefore, the benefits that communities were expecting to perceive by hosting TDF. Findings showed that the 2021 route deviated from previous editions time of the TDF history including 10 new stage cities that never hosted the event before. The respondent from the organization indicated the pandemic only indirectly affected the TDF route and that the location of the Grand Départ as well as the main internal constraints imposed to the organizers are key elements in the spatial distribution of the event. Interviewed communities acknowledged that there was risk while hosting TDF this year due to potential restrictive measures. However, they recognized that benefits brought by the race largely overweight potential negative impacts from the epidemic. Indeed, TDF remains a way to bring economic benefits, social cohesion, happiness, pride and satisfaction to hosting cities at a time when the tourism industry is at a standstill.

Key words: Tour De France, Sport Tourism, Cycling Events, Media Exposure, Place Reputation, Place Commodification, Community Development.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor Roger Marjavaara from the Geography Department of Umeå University for helping and encouraging me during this thesis, his precious advice allowed me to get through every step with more confidence. Then, I am very grateful to my relatives, my friends and my girlfriend for their unconditional support throughout the elaboration of my thesis. Finally, I am thankful to my respondents from A.S.O. (organization of Tour De France) but also from the communities that will host the event for the very first time in July 2021 namely, Céret, Changé, Chatou, Landerneau, Malaucène, Sorgues and Vierzon.

CONTENTS I- INTRODUCTION ...... 1 II- LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 3 1- The Commodification of Place ...... 3 1.1. Space and Place ...... 3 1.2. Place as a Product ...... 4 1.3. Tourism ...... 5 1.4. Destination Branding ...... 6 2- Sport Tourism as a Way to Promote Places ...... 8 2.1. Sport Tourism ...... 8 2.2. Impacts of Major Sporting Events ...... 9 2.3. Experiencing Place Through Sport Tourism ...... 10 2.4. Cycling Tourism ...... 12 III- STUDY CONTEXT: THE TOUR DE FRANCE ...... 15 1- The Story of the Tour ...... 15 2- Impacts of Tour De France ...... 17 3- The Making of the Tour’s Itinerary ...... 18 4- The COVID-19 Outbreak ...... 19 IV- METHODOLOGY ...... 20 1- GIS Treatment and Analysis ...... 21 2- Semi-Structured Interviews ...... 24 3- Limitations of the Study ...... 25 V- RESULTS ...... 27 1- The Spatial Evolution of Tour De France ...... 27 2- Interview with the Main Actors of the 2021 Tour De France: A.S.O. and the New Cities 34 2.1. A.S.O...... 34 2.2. The New Communities ...... 36 VI- DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS ...... 37 1- Causes of the 2021 Route Deviation ...... 38 2- Motives for Hosting the Tour During the Pandemic ...... 39 3- Tour De France as a Cure Against the Fatalism of the Pandemic ...... 41 VII- CONCLUSION ...... 42 REFERENCES ...... 43 Appendix : Questions for the Organization and Community Sides ...... 48

I- INTRODUCTION

For a long time, places have been trying to promote their image and to become appealing through various means in order to attract settlers, customers, traders, investors, travelers or visitors (Anholt, 2010). Major sporting events like the Football World Cup, Olympic Games or Tour de France are reputed for their uniqueness and for attracting many visitors (Getz, 2008). These events can generate a variety of negative or positive impacts (economic, social, political, cultural, environmental or psychological) among local communities. Indeed, when a locality hosts an event it might be perceived either positively or negatively and this will affect its willingness to host (or not) sport events in the future (Karadakis, 2013). Above all, sporting events are a way to promote places given the broad media attention they generate (Malfas, Theodoraki & Houlihan, 2004). Thus, every place tries to distinguish itself to provide the best possible image, outdoor sporting events are therefore an alternative to avoid unauthentic sportscapes since they occur in open spaces rather than being confined within a stadium (Relph, 1976 ; Augé, 1995). Consequently, cycling events, and especially Tour De France (also called TDF or the Tour in this paper), which takes place on public roads can be considered by local communities as a valuable branding strategy since its spatial distribution changes every year (Bačík & Klobučník, 2017). According to Bull and Lovell (2007), Tour De France is the biggest annual sporting event in the world (bearing in mind that Olympic Games or Football World Cup take place every four years), the race is free to view and is composed of 21 different stages taking place within the country and sometimes abroad.

In the context of this study, sport tourism will include spectators, officials and riders who are travelling in order to attend (passively or actively regarding the status) to Tour De France (direct or short-term impacts) but also, the tourists who will visit a destination because they saw it on TV during the event (indirect and long-term impacts). In short, sport tourism is here conceptualized as the touristic activities revolving around this major cycling event. Indeed, given the international media attention and the economic benefits generated by the race, hosting a stage start or finish can be appealing for localities although they have to make a bid for the coming of the Tour (Palmer, 2010). Thus, there is an intense competition among French and foreign cities to host the various stages for the prestige but especially for the various profits that the race creates (Bull & Lovell, 2007). In addition, its international popularity attracts millions of people who want to support the athletes and experience this feeling of euphoria alongside the most famous roads.

The COVID-19 outbreak is a complex and global phenomenon that affects the entire society. Academics from various domains have started to focus on the repercussions of such a crisis at different economic, political and social levels. The tourism industry is currently one of the most affected sectors by the virus, indeed, it has entailed a substantial decrease of both travel supply and demand (Nicola et al., 2020). Indeed, the COVID-19 pandemic is also having a major impact on sporting schedules given that many sporting events have been cancelled or postponed (Gallego et al., 2020). Visitors (spectators or participants) tend to significantly contribute to the local economy given that they usually stay in the host community before, during and after the event (Perić, 2018). Due to the sanitary measures established by the French government, the previous edition of Tour de France 2020, that was supposed to take place in July, was postponed and conducted in September. Also, in order to be able to organize such an event in these times of uncertainty where the virus is still spreading, Amaury Sport Organisation (TDF organizers) has had to adapt to very strict regulations that might have changed the race and its impacts on local communities.

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The main issue here is that local communities usually invest a lot of money in order to host a stage of TDF because they are expecting significant positive impacts on the short term as well as on the long term (Varnajot, 2020). The decision of applying for such events is generally made by local politicians and event managers, all these stakeholders held top positions in local organizing committees and had been involved in planning and implementing major sporting events in the region with public funding (Schnitzer et al., 2017). However, due to the COVID- 19 epidemic, the perceived benefits might not fulfill the expectations, and this might lead to a certain disappointment from local communities. Indeed, governmental measures on the race have implemented new restrictions that slow down visitors’ consumption and therefore reduces potential profits for local traders. Moreover, these new conditions might influence the attitude of the local decision-makers and could also affect locals’ perceptions towards the event which is usually considered as a bargain for tourism development.

Literature about Tour De France and elite cycling events in general is relatively scarce, a few scholars have attempted to depict and analyze the various impacts of such events in a community-based perspective (Lamont, 2009; Mignot, 2016b; Bull & Lovell, 2007; Desbordes, 2007; Balduck, Maes & Buelens, 2011; Varnajot, 2020). There are even less studies that have attempted to investigate the spatial distribution changes of TDF as well as the reasons for these changes in pattern (Bačík & Klobučník, 2017; Breteau, 2020). Also, in light of what has been mentioned before, the problem of the pandemic could be a game changer for both the organizers and the hosting cities. Therefore, impacts on the making of the racetrack as well as the consequences of the measures that can be implemented within hosting cities during the event deserve further attention. Moreover, as an ongoing phenomenon, the COVID-19 outbreak as well as its impacts on tourism are not yet a well-developed topic in the literature and requires more consideration. This is particularly significant when considering that the potential of sporting (and cycling) events for community development could be seriously altered by the pandemic.

Based on relevant literature emphasizing the importance of places and their specificities as key factors for the success of TDF but also the communities’ need for hosting such events in order to promote themselves, this study attempts to assess the potential implication of COVID- 19 on the upcoming edition of TDF. Indeed, this research aims to answer the extent to which the route of the 2021 Tour De France has spatially changed in comparison with the previous editions. Also, the reasons for those potential changes (considering the pandemic and place characteristics as potential factors) as well as localities’ motives for hosting the Tour during this period of uncertainty will be examined. In order to investigate these different strands of research, the study will aim to answer questions such as:

• To what extent is the 2021 TDF route spatially differing from previous editions? • What are the reasons for those potential changes and to what degree place characteristics and the COVID-19 pandemic are responsible for those alterations? • Why did new communities apply for hosting TDF this year and to which extent the event is still contributing to place/community development?

This would be done through Geographical Information System (GIS) which will allow to compare the stages’ distribution from the 107 previous editions with the 2021 racetrack but also with other time intervals of the Tour’s history. Afterwards, semi-structured interviews from both Amaury Sport Organization (A.S.O.) and community sides (including seven cities that will host TDF for the first time) will be conducted. The following paper will be divided into five main sections. Firstly, a review of literature summarizing the main concepts and theories

2 relevant for this study is necessary in order to identify research gaps. Secondly, a special focus on Tour De France and its main characteristics will be provided. Thirdly, the methodology used for this research will be explained in detail. Fourthly, main findings from GIS analysis and semi-structured interviews will be presented. Finally, the results will be discussed in relation to the main theory and recommendations for further research will be made before the conclusion of the study.

II- LITERATURE REVIEW

The first part of this study aims to review relevant scholar literature in relation to place branding or commodification occurring through tourism, sport tourism and sporting events with a particular focus on cycling events and Tour De France. In addition, major impacts entailed by sporting or cycling tourism have recently brought to the attention of academics as well as the ways in which places can be experienced through such practices. Also, the last section will be dedicated to the potential impacts of COVID-19 on tourism as well as sporting events in order to provide to this research an exclusive approach.

1- The Commodification of Place

1.1. Space and Place

First of all, it seems necessary to describe the geographic concepts of “place” and “space” since they are fundamental for the purpose of this study. One and all believes that being in one place (or site) instead of another makes a change, as well as being close to something rather than far does (Sack, 1993). According to Tuan (1979), the concepts of place and space are at the center of the geographical discipline. However, the concept of place holds a broader and a more intangible sense than location because of its unique entity, its specific set symbolized by meanings and its historical background. In a more physical approach, whether it is built or simply emerged, artificial or natural but also streets and minerals or vegetation, place is something, it is a compilation of things or objects located on a specific spot in the universe (Gieryn, 2000). Altogether, these parameters form a unique place and allow us to distinguish them from each other simply because cities and landscapes differ regarding their specific types of nature, climate, culture or physical structures (Agnew, 1987).

According to Tuan (1979), a location can turn quickly into a place through the creativity of engineers and architects. For instance, a remarkable monument or a special event can turn an abandoned and insignificant wasteland or field into a place (e.g., Disneyland can be seen as a permanent carnival created out of thin air). Therefore, biophysical characteristics are of prior significance in the creation of these personal meanings. In effect, landmarks and specific elements of the landscape can contribute to sense of place through their symbolic icons to which people can give meaning (Vanclay, 2008). Consequently, regional development organizations might establish promotional material as an attempt to transform the way individuals feel about a location (ibid.). As an example, local communities can organize festivals and other types of events that might influence people’s feelings about the place. In effect, as Low (2009) specified, places are socially created by the population that lives in and interact with them; therefore, they are politicized, culturally relative, and historically specific multiple constructions. It is then essential to consider place and space as embodied but also to understand that their materiality can be abstract and discursive, as well as physically located (Low, 2009).

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From a geographical perspective, place is a unique point in the universe as well as the distinction between here and there, hence it allows us to realize what is near and far (Gieryn, 2000). Nevertheless, this definition remains quite narrow since it does not include any other element than relative position and area. More recently, Thrift (2009) has provided a detailed definition of space. According to him, space emerges from the significant work of reinforcing collectives by bringing various things (bodies, fauna and flora, manufactured items and landscapes) into alignment. As a consequence, every type of space do exist, may they be linked to each other or not. Thus, he identified place as the process where spaces are organized in certain ways that allow affective and embodied potentials to open up. This can be related to previous definitions of place mentioned above where places and spaces are mainly influenced by the individuals’ perceptions (Tuan, 1979; Vanclay, 2008; Low, 2009). As Tuan (1979) claimed, the space that we perceive, build and that gives indications for our behavior is transformed regarding the person or the cultural group.

Crouch’s (2000) approach is in line with Tuan’s reasoning. According to him, “place” can be defined as a meaningful space, a physical picture or a landscape that people imagine and represent themselves, consequently, place is way more subjective than “space” which refers to a geometrical landscape characterized by its location, area or distance. This means that all places are not equal and that many parameters might influence the vision of a place as well as its position regarding other places. In this context, the fact that place, space and their location matter implies that localities do not share the same characteristics . As such, they can therefore be differentiated and marketed in various ways following their qualities. When seen as a product, a place can be more or less attractive following its unique attributes, relative location, individual relations, accessibility and complementarity (Ullman, 1956) but also following the type of economic activity established to develop it. Indeed, place distinction usually relies on various socio-economic and industrial factors which are also important in terms of competitiveness (Molotch, 2002). This said, it is furthermore relevant to understand the way in which places are seen, commodified and branded as products.

1.2. Place as a Product

The relations between places and products (whether a good or a service) are not a new phenomenon. Indeed, places have been trying for a long time to promote their image and to become appealing in order to attract travelers, settlers, customers, visitors, traders, investors and, more recently, “influencers” (Anholt, 2010). The concept of “strategic place marketing”, established by Rein et al. (1993), aimed to clearly demonstrate that places had to run and market themselves like firms in order to remain competitive within global market. In Rein’s early contribution, the issue of place image is addressed, and its importance recognized. Indeed, the concept of place marketing also means that the area is shaped in order to reach its market targets just like as one firm would promote any other product. As a result, increasing investments allow a place to enhance its attractiveness for living in, investing in and visiting (ibid.). Then, place marketing is still perceived fundamentally as a means for selling more efficiently the goods, services and attractions of a place (Anholt, 2010).

According to Hall (2008), place branding goes together with modern place competition, the latter being mainly based on accessibility and amenity. As identified by Kerr (2006), the development of transport and technology has allowed greater mobility of resources but also broader access to various markets. That is the reason why the competition between industries is now global and is occurring in a more open market as a result of the establishment of free trade policies. Also, locations are competing in order to both keep present industries and attract

4 new ones. In addition, some industries are now regionalized, and the development of clusters of industries or individuals implies that there are geographic winners and losers. By considering place as a commodity that can be revitalized, advertised and marketed, it can then be introduced as packages of social and economic opportunity competing against each other in the marketplace in order to get their part of mobile capital and people (Hall, 2005). This developing process of place branding and imaging can thus happen naturally whether it is through word of mouth or media exposure although there are some efforts to pass specific information by the private and public sectors at destinations. In the same lines, Anholt (2010) claimed that nowadays, due globalization, competition can be found at different scales; subnational and supranational regions, states or provinces, nations, towns but also villages since they are all competing for the same people, products and capital. In return, those very same products, services and people also compete externally for customers, prestige and media attention.

Therefore, place branding can also be related to place marketing as well as place imaging or reimaging (Hall, 2008). In effect, it is considered as a significant factor in the attraction and the retaining of mobile capital, firms, people but also in the branding and marketing of local products and services. According to Hall (2005), places are now produced commodities ready to be consumed and their branding or marketing operations require the establishment of specific identities, images and representations of places. Places can be branded or commodified in different ways and through various industries, however, it is broadly recognized that tourism has a strong connection with commercial marketing (Ritchie & Ritchie, 1998). Therefore, tourism is usually seen as a valuable way to promote places as well as to create destination brands.

1.3. Tourism

As stated earlier, there is a global competition between locations and the demand for the most successful place brand-building strategies has never been that high (Rein & Shields, 2007). For instance, place reputation is important when investors are searching for a suitable location to spend their money, but it can also be the same for migrants seeking for the best place to settle in. Moreover, a lot of small communities possessing limited resource capital have to make some difficult decisions regarding which brand strategies they should apply to their place (Rein & Shields, 2007). Consequently, tourism is often considered by hosting communities as an efficient way to meet these conditions (Andereck et al., 2005). For the purpose of this study but also in order to better understand the role of tourism in relation to destination branding as well as its contribution for community development, it would be thus relevant to provide a clear definition of the tourism concept.

In the words of Hall (2005), it is necessary to accept the numerous definitions of tourism as well as to understand the reasons why the concept presents those differences. In many countries, it is mainly recognized that the term “travel” is a synonymous of tourism and that both concepts are utilized to depict three main notions: the movement of individuals, a sector of the economy or an industry as well as a wide system of interacting relationships of individuals. Therefore, places are of central importance when thinking about tourism and leisure since it is where the whole touristic process occurs (Crouch, 2000). In an attempt to define the notion of tourism, Hall (2005) also identified the most common elements found in the literature body of the discipline. A first argument is that tourism is the temporary, short-term travel of non-residents along transit routes to and from a generating point and a destination. A second is that tourism usually affects the destination, the transit routes and the generating point of visitors in various ways. Thirdly, tourism has the ability to influence the travelers’ characters. Fourthly, the

5 tourism phenomenon is mainly for recreation or leisure purposes, even though business travel should also be considered as significant. Finally, the practice of tourism is a voluntary movement. In the same lines, Hinch and Higham (2011) insisted on the temporal dimension related to tourism since leisure travel is characterized by a temporal stay away from home of at least one night. As a result, excursionists and tourists are usually differentiated for statistical analysis, the former is visiting a destination for less than 24 hours whereas the latter visits it for more than a night. Another key dimension of tourism involves reasons for travelling or the activities practiced during the stay, since tourism presents various kinds of activities, many tourism research have emerged.

In terms of impacts, tourism can be induced by media exposure and is usually perceived as a potential source of economic growth contributing to the improvement of life quality such as work opportunities, tax incomes, economic diversity, festivals, restaurants, natural and cultural attractions, as well as outdoor recreation opportunities (Ritchie & Ritchie, 1998; Andereck et al., 2005). However, it is important to acknowledge that various categories of tourism exist and that the associated effects depend on the established type of tourism development in the community. Academics also pointed out that tourism might have negative effects on residents’ quality of life (Andereck et al., 2005). Indeed, negative impacts can appear in different ways such as crowding, traffic and parking problems, increased criminality and cost of living, tension between visitors and locals, as well as transformations in hosts’ lifestyle. Since the attractiveness of a place depends on the elements present in that specific area such as unique features, relative location, individual relations, accessibility as well as complementarity (Ullman, 1956), place as a product is then spatially fixed and connected to a specific location. The same is applicable to the potential effects of tourism on a location, indeed, if tourism is place-specific then each destination will experience unique impacts regarding its very own particularities. Considering all these parameters, academics have tried to frame the tourism phenomenon by contributing to the identification of numerous tourism categories or sub- categories (Tureac, 2010). As reasons for travelling to a particular location may vary, a more and more frequent motivation is to participate in or experience sport (Shipway, 2007). In addition, while practicing tourism, places can be experienced and branded in various ways and, as we shall see later on, Sport Tourism is undeniably one of them (Rein & Shields, 2007; Standeven & De Knop, 1998).

1.4. Destination Branding

In opposition to physical products that can be relocated to a place that presents advantageous production costs and more flexible legislations for private businesses, tourist destinations are deeply anchored in their geographical locations. Thus, tourism is place-specific (Page & Connell, 2009). In this touristic context, a geographical location includes a destination brand. Ritchie and Ritchie (1998, p. 17) have therefore provided a definition of this notion: “…a name, symbol, logo, word mark or other graphic that both identifies and differentiates the destination; furthermore, it conveys the promise of a memorable travel experience that is uniquely associated with the destination; it also serves to consolidate and reinforce the recollection of pleasurable memories of the destination experience.”

Closely related to destination brand, the concept of place branding has been defined by Mommas (2003) as the practice of applying brand strategy and other marketing techniques and disciplines to the economic, social, political and cultural development of cities, regions and countries. Thus, place branding can be understood as a process allowing the reflection upon the way in which the location is marketed for development purposes while a destination brand can

6 be seen as the resulting product from the very place branding process. Hall (2008) has depicted place branding as the development as well as the promotion of a place so the latter could be distinguished from other locations and receive benefits for its businesses, organizations, inhabitants, goods or services. Furthermore, Hall suggested that place branding is a multi- directional process with both internal and external forms. Internal place branding is about the development and building of the brand in relation to the identity of the place, which includes community pride as well as the creation and preservation of an attractive environment. In contrast, external place branding is about communicating the brand and its values, as well as place attributes, to external markets in order to achieve place branding goals and objectives.

Regardless which marketing strategies are used to differentiate them, locations as well as their landscape characteristics are unique in essence and, when seen as touristic products, they cannot be replicated somewhere else or replaced by any other places (Gotham, 2015; Page & Connell, 2009). Hall (2005) argued that locations within a spatial system are spatially fixed, in effect, cities cannot move away in order to optimize distance functions even though they evolve and adapt following new networks and patterns of accessibility over time. Likewise, tourist destinations are composed of items and infrastructures that are also spatially static (Hall, 2005). Therefore, in order to experience a particular destination that is spatially fixed, people have to move to specific areas through physical mobility (Ullman, 1956), as a result, leisure travel can occur, and the place can be consumed by visitors. In effect, given that tourism production and consumption are place-specific (Hall, 2005; Page & Connell, 2009), the co-presence of visitors and places is essential to the activity (Boden & Molotch, 1994).

Consequently, places are searching for different ways to promote themselves on the global marketplace but also to expose their particular attributes to the broadest possible audience. In this context, destination marketing organizations, often supported by the government, are traditionally responsible for promoting their own locations (Kerr, 2006). Place branding can be achieved through various tangible or intangible means (Jansson & Power, 2006). Tangible strategies consist of mechanisms such as flagship projects or iconic developments, often as part of wider planning strategies or redevelopment projects. Intangible strategies include the use of advertising, slogans, media positioning as well as the creation of new myths about places. Jansson and Power (2006) argued that regular events were a valuable strategy adopted by cities and their region to strengthen their brands but also an efficient way to attract important media attention that can be helpful to companies trying to be integrated into wider markets. In addition, they point out that cities are frequently competing in order to attract more frequent events such as renowned trade fairs that can improve their reputation as meeting points of innovation and quality. Furthermore, it is more and more difficult to reach an audience that is increasingly saturated with media and advertising (even for the most media-savvy and well-funded companies). Thus, displaying the right image in the right way through the proper media and channels is a challenge for urban branding initiatives (Jansson & Power, 2006).

Although Jansson and Power’s reasoning concerns specific areas such as urban agglomerations and specific events like trade fairs, it is also applicable to different kinds of locations and events. In relation to this, Hall (2008) argued that urban areas usually have enough capital to develop special events although it is much more complicated for peripheral areas to establish such projects given their smaller financial means. However, other branding elements can be found such as, the development of the Ice Hotel in Jukkasjärvi (Sweden) which turned out to be a better marketing brand for the region in terms of media exposure than the nearby mine in Kiruna. Therefore, many remote areas have to develop their place branding strategies

7 with the help of a natural feature, which can often be realized through a sport tourism-based development of a community.

2- Sport Tourism as a Way of Promoting and Developing Places

2.1. Sport Tourism

Sport and Tourism both share the capacity to provide experiences to individuals who consume them (Shipway et al., 2016). It is argued that the various inconstancies regarding sport tourism are due to the complexity in defining both sport and tourism disciplines (Gibson, 1998a). Indeed, a broad definition for both concepts exists, however, Hinch and Higham (2011) provided a valuable conceptualization of sport. They characterize sport as a structured, goal oriented, competitive, contest-based, ludic physical activity. The main components emerging from this perception are rules (playing area and time duration) competition (competing to achieve a goal), play (elite, amateur or casual) and physical activity (degree of performance). Considering the generated entertainment through place specificity, competitiveness, enthusiasm or athletic prowess, sport becomes a means to attract investors, events, media coverage, nation’s identity and visitors but also to brand and embody places (Rein & Shields, 2007; Higham & Hinch, 2018).

The practice of Sport Tourism is not a new phenomenon, indeed, the action of travelling away from home to attend (actively or passively) a sporting event was already made by Greeks in 900 BC during the Ancient Greek Games (Gibson, 1998a). The complexity of sport when combined to the complexity of tourism entails the emergence of numerous types of the sport tourism phenomenon (Hinch & Higham, 2005). Nevertheless, it has been settled that sport tourism is more than the sum of the separate entities of sport and tourism with the assumption that sport tourism is a unique phenomenon (Hinch & Higham, 2011). As a result, this category is a subfield of the tourism industry and its contribution to the tourism economy has grown significantly during the last decades, indeed, the sector is characterized by a broad range of offerings related to various services (Pigeassou, 2004). In the 90s the quantity and the variety of opportunities to take part in sport tourism have grown: travel magazines, newspapers, television and radio commercials are full of destinations, attractions, and events focused on sport, as well as physical activity (Gibson, 1998a). The economic outcomes are entailed by the craze of the consumption for those services (Pigeassou, 2004).

Following different definitions of sport tourism, niche markets are numerous and may involve a large part of the tourists (Hinch & Higham, 2011). However, a broad and basic definition of sport tourism would encompass active or passive participation in a sporting event, active recreation and nostalgia sport tourism (Gibson, 1998b). For instance, previous studies from Standeven and De Knop (1998) identified active sport tourism as a participation in sport during holiday. It included many recreational and physical activities associated with adventure and nature-based tourism like hiking, golfing, scuba-diving or fishing just as other types of participation in organized running, swimming or cycling competitions. On the other hand, passive or event sport tourism was associated to the passive participation in a sporting event as a spectator from Olympic Games, football games or tennis matches for instance. The major divergence between the two types of sport tourism remained in the degree of physical implication, namely the difference between taking part in the event as a competitor or as a spectator. Gibson (1998b) also included nostalgia and celebrity as another passive form of sport tourism in reference to the visit of sport-related attractions or the meeting of famous personalities during a vacation context with the aim to attract more sports fans. Thus, this large

8 definition of sport tourism highlights the significant potential markets that can be targeted by the tourism industry (Hinch & Higham, 2011). Furthermore, various sport tourists categories rely on specific types of sporting event (Duglio & Beltramo, 2017).

The existing body of literature concerning sporting event tourism presents a wide array of events ranging from small-scale, medium size, hallmark to mega sport events (Getz, 2008). Various studies from the sport event/tourism academy attempted to evaluate the impacts of sporting events of varying sizes on communities, whilst others were trying to highlight the importance in the choice of the event following the capacities of the destination. Therefore, several authors have tried to categorize these sporting events, but the main characteristics considered are the size, the scale, the cost, the duration of the event as well as its number of spectators, participants, tourists and its media aura (Higham, 1999; Gratton, Dobson & Shibli, 2000; Getz, 2008; Hinch & Higham 2011). Events necessitate investments of human, economic, and physical resources from areas that host them (Agha & Tasks, 2015). Human resources may be symbolized by the workers and the volunteers needed to organize the event. Economic resources encompass private and public investments. Physical resources include features such as locations, accommodation, private or public transportation, and food services. In general, large events attract more tourists as well as greater levels of business and government funding because of their global status, thus, they require more resources (Agha & Tasks, 2015). In contrast, smaller events usually bring less visitors and lower levels of business and government assistance, and require fewer resources (Gibson, Kaplanidou & Kang, 2012). A great advantage from which beneficiates sport tourism (especially major sporting events) on other forms of tourism is that media (television, newspaper, radio and internet) offers a broad diffusion of the sporting activities around the world and at all levels: local, regional, national and international (Hinch & Higham, 2011).

Thus, this aura from media exposure is a way to promote destinations and to attract more visitors in the future who will take part in many touristic activities including a sporting dimension or not. In addition to being a means of commodifying locations, sport-based tourism is a way to connect travelers to places by creating a strong feeling of attachment (Bale, 1993). These ties of affection between the tourist and the place can therefore be influenced by the type, the settings and the impacts of the sport event. Indeed, sport events appear to be an efficient option to entail tourism development in a community, however, there are several types of sport events that occur at different scales and their impacts can be either positive or negative (Taks, Chalip & Green, 2015).

2.2. Impacts of Major Sporting Events

Since this paper does not aim to review every type of sport event and their related impacts, mega-events and hallmark events will be discussed under the umbrella term of major sporting events. In general, most of the researchers have concentrated their work on economic and tourism impacts resulting from major sport events. Malfas, Theodoraki and Houlihan (2004) claimed that these large-scale events are characterized by the significance of the expenditures on required facilities and infrastructures, the incomes generated by the large number of visitors as well as the tickets and media visibility around the world. Indeed, major events are also important in order to achieve several objectives that contribute to tourism development and benefit the host community by attracting visitors, generating media exposure as well as international awareness for the destination with a positive image and by delivering benefits to local residents (Getz et al., 2012). Furthermore, reasons for hosting these types of events are numerous and policymakers often insist on positive impacts such as long-term economic

9 benefits, tourism development, sport development, urban regeneration or social cohesion among the host community (Agha & Tasks, 2015). Nevertheless, the actual reasons from the decisionmakers to host these sport events might be sometimes questionable and serve their hidden political aims without taking into consideration important aspects that may entail negative impacts (Agha & Tasks, 2015). As stated by Kuper and Szymanski (2009): “It turns out that hosting the World Cup doesn’t make your rich, but it does make you happy” which raises the question of who really benefits from these major events and suggests that some impacts (not only positive) may result from strategic planning (Taks, Chalip & Green, 2015).

Thus, it is commonly recognized among academics that major sporting events can contribute to community development with for instance economic, touristic and cultural benefits, urban regeneration and sporting legacy (Emery, 2001; Daniels, Norman & Henry 2004; Bull & Lovell, 2007; Fourie & Santana-Gallego 2011; Li & Jago, 2013; Schnitzer et al., 2017; Perić, 2018; Hinch & Ito 2018; Vega Ferri et al., 2018). However, negative social impacts might occur if the event and its interface with the hosting community are not under control (Schnitzer et al., 2017). Additionally, environmental negative effects can also appear if the magnitude of the event is not adapted to the local community (Li & Jago, 2013). As such, Andreff (2016a) applied the “winner’s curse” theory to the communities that obtained the rights to organize a major sporting event. This means that the local community has underestimated the costs and overestimated the profits of such an event and will experience a more or less significant deficit.

Ritchie (1984) argues that major events are recurring events of limited duration and claims that these events draw on their uniqueness, authenticity and quality but also have a potential to increase local pride, tourism development as well as international aura. Indeed, major sporting event as a tourist attraction became an institution and it earns stability over time. Furthermore, its traditions create a greater sense of community and place identity which entails a strong link between the event and the city images (Getz, Svensson, Peterssen & Gunnervall, 2012). Thus, sporting events vary in terms of size, attractiveness and significance which creates different impacts that may influence the residents’ perceptions (Karadakis, 2013). As a consequence, communities perceive an increase in terms of economic activity after hosting sport events and see these occasions as windows into their economy, culture, and health but also as an opportunity to enhance the brand of the destination.

2.3. Experiencing Place Through Sport Tourism

In order to understand how a place can be experienced and branded through Sport Tourism and sporting events, it is necessary to put into relation these main concepts. In a tourism context, when an individual leaves its daily routine in order to travel for leisure outside its geographical space it suggests that there are some experiences available at the destination that cannot be found in the home environment and which compensates the travelling costs (Hingham & Hinch, 2018). In effect, essence of tourism is deep-rooted in unique cultural experiences taking place away from home, these experiences present authentic and place-specific characteristics that are viewed, smelled, heard and touched by visitors (Standeven & De Knop, 1998). All together, they shape the tourist’s experience of the place.

In the words of Hingham and Hinch (2018), sport exerts an important influence on the meanings that people attach to a certain place. In addition, sporting engagement is undertaken to establish identity, give meaning to the participants’ lives and connect to place. Indeed, tourists that are engaged in sport while travelling experience place attachment in two different

10 ways: place dependence (the area presents particular resources or settings that enable certain sport activities and contribute to a strong attachment to the place) and place identity (the location where we practice sport activities contributes to our self-identity). In contrast, Tuan (1974) provided an alternative vision of place attachment, he employs the term “topophilia” in order to qualify the visitor’s feeling that ties affection with place or landscape. In relation to sport, the understanding of topophilia lies in the sentiment that many sports fans experience for their “home field” (Bale, 1993). In short, this concept refers to a strong attachment or even a love feeling for a place because of sport. Topophobia is therefore the dark side of a sense of place as well as the opposite version of topophilia (Tuan 1979). An example from sport is easy to find since we confine many of the sport spaces and activities inside massive stadiums because of fear (phobia). Indeed, crowds and inclement weather are often perceived as dangerous and risky, thus, if they are contained, fear is reduced, this is why sports organizers decide to enclose sports grounds in stadiums and arenas.

In a different way, Bale (1993) identified four instances in which tourists and places are interacting in a sport context. Firstly, the search for the sacred means that many people have changed their worship from a religion to a certain type of sport, in short, just like religious pilgrims, sport tourists travel from a certain point to the “sacred” sport site. Secondly, the development of homelike ties to a destination significates that a particular sporting site may be considered as “home” since fans or athletes develop sporting loyalties to the place. This interaction between sport tourists and place is quite similar to Tuan’s “topophilia” described earlier, by symbolizing the strong place attachment individuals can experience. However, it contrasts with certain concepts of tourism defining tourists as individuals leaving their home environment (without distance threshold) for a leisure purpose (Higham & Hinch, 2018). Thirdly, aesthetics are also a way to give sport spaces a meaning (Bale, 1993). In effect, the place acquires its meaning through aesthetics of various sporting landscape elements. For instance, football stadiums can be intricately linked to the perception of a place since they represent “live sites” and “fan parks” especially during major events (McGillivray & Frew, 2015). Lastly, Bale (1993) identified sport heritage places as an alternative way to create a meaning to a place. Thus, sport heritage can be related to the concept of nostalgia sport tourism since it implies visiting a historical place or a built environment dedicated to a certain sport such as museums, sporting facilities or arenas (Gibson, 1998b).

While place can be endowed by sports through various ways, several authors have demonstrated that more and more sportscapes (landscapes characterized by sporting facilities and structures), especially stadiums, courts and arenas, tend to become standardized (Relph, 1976; Bale, 1994; Gordon, 2013). This refers to the concept of “placelessness” symbolized by the unauthenticity of many modern and artificial sport settings that are required to guarantee spectators’ comfort and safety, to make the competition fair on an even playing field but also to respond to media’s technological needs as well as commercial attractiveness (Higham & Hinch, 2018). However, outdoor sporting events are an alternative to avoid inauthenticity within sportscapes since they occur in open spaces rather than being confined within a stadium (Augé, 1995). Once again, Page and Connell’s (2009) claim that tourism is place-specific is demonstrated here with the differences between experiencing sport within a built environment or in the nature. Therefore, enclosed arenas symbolize the removal of sports from unique place- specific weather conditions, however, these modern stadiums allow athletes to play regardless the time or the weather of the day (Higham & Hinch, 2018). Given that the sport tourism experience is entailed by the interactions between the tourist and the place (Standeven & De Knop, 1998), outdoor sporting events are a good way to provide a meaning to places but also to promote them. As claimed by Kulczycki and Halpenny (2014); “landscapes and settings are

11 important travel motivators, especially for sport tourism events. Understanding perceptions of sportscapes and travel motivations are essential for sport event organizers and destination managers’ to create sustainable and successful sport tourism events and destinations”.

Considering the concept of “placelessness” symbolized by the unauthenticity of modern and artificial arenas (Hingham & Hinch, 2018), it can be argued that, through their unique context, cycling events can provide meaning to places but also promote them. Therefore, cycling events are of great importance for local communities regarding the benefits as well as the media attention they might generate (Mignot, 2016a).

2.4. Cycling Tourism

The concept of cycling tourism has been subject to debate among academics since many definitions tend to exclude or overlook the variety of cycling-based activities relative to tourism, such as spectators at cycling events, and individuals who travel to participate in cycle racing events. Lamont (2009) highlighted this research gap and proposed his own conceptualization of cycling tourism in order to enable segmentation of the bicycle tourism market but also to measure accurately its size, economic value, benefits as well as its impacts. Therefore, he claims that a bicycle tourism definition should include: a cycling experience occurring outside a person’s home region, a single-day or multi-day trip durations, cycling as the main driver for travelling, active or passive participation in cycling but also cycling events’ competitors and observers (Lamont, 2009). As a result, other academics also started to include spectators and participants when studying cycling tourism events (Ritchie, Tkaczynski, & Faulks 2010; Kulczycki & Halpenny, 2014; Bursa & Mailer, 2020). Lamont (2009) justifies the inclusion of competitive cyclists and cycling events spectators (connoisseurs or not) by the great number of cycling tourists as well as the large benefits these two categories can add to this specific niche market. Indeed, he claims that their inclusion may favor increased expenditure on cycling infrastructures in the hosting communities which would serve the interests of tourism event managers. Thus, the latter would find advantageous measures of the benefits of cycling events organized elsewhere, useful for soliciting sponsorship or fiscal support for the organisation of their events.

Cycling is considered as a carbon-free activity that usually occurs in special places and from a touristic point of view, it can be seen as a sustainable way to entail tourism development (Dickson & Robbins, 2009; Kulczycki & Halpenny, 2014). Concerning road cycling events, place is also an important parameter since the landscape or transportation system (the road) is temporarily transformed into a racetrack for the length of the event (Hinch & Higham, 2004). Therefore, it is arguable that the place-specific dimension of tourism suggested by Page and Connell (2009) can also be applied to cycling events since location’s characteristics and destination’s image both contribute to the decision making of competitive cycling tourists (Kaplanidou, Jordan, Funk, & Ridinger, 2012). Additionally, although road bicycling is limited to specific terrain conditions and does not allow to travel through various landscapes, cycling riders are often choosing carefully beforehand a terrain that might favor their abilities (Kulczycki & Halpenny, 2014). The same reasoning can be applied to event organizers who meticulously decide on the future racecourse by choosing certain locations presenting specific attributes that can make the race more spectacular (Marchetti, 2003). A multitude of cycling events exists all around the globe and at various levels of participation ranging from amateur club competitors to international elite cyclists that travel the world competing in major cycle racing events. Also, it should be emphasized that competitive cycling is not limited to riding on the open road, but also includes velodrome (or “track”) events, mountain bike races, as well as

12 bicycle motor-cross (BMX) contests (Lamont, 2009). However, for the purpose of this study, only elite road cycling events will be examined.

In his attempt to synthetize the diversity of elite cycling races, Mignot (2016b) built a table showing the most important cycling events in professional road cycling (see Table 1). This valuable contribution shows us fourteen events of various sizes that occur in various locations and at different periods of the year. Although non-complete, Mignot’s table highlights the importance of certain countries (or places) in terms of event occurrence, indeed, five main nations host the most popular cycling events such as Italy, Belgium, France, Netherlands and Spain. These historical nations of cycling have therefore seen the first professional races appear in the end of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. Through the years, these traditional events have gained in fame until they became real “monuments” of the cycling discipline. A hierarchy is also noticeable within these events in terms of magnitude including one-day races, namely the “Classics” but also multiple-day races, the “Grand Tours” (see Table 1). Therefore, Classics are shorter in terms of length and time duration (a one-day event) but each of these races is unique in a sense, whether because of its cobbled sectors, its hilly sections or other features. The Grand Tours with a format of 21 stages are held over three weeks in France (Tour de France), Italy (Giro d’Italia) and Spain (Vuelta a España). Altogether, these Tours are the most lucrative events of the cycling calendar (Mignot, 2016b). Additionally, these events contribute to the UCI (Union Cycliste Internationale) world ranking system which determines the world’s best teams and riders of the year, based on the results obtained during the season.

Since sporting events are considered by many academics as an appropriate way to market and promote the specificness of a destination as well as to develop it, similar assumptions can be made for cycling events (Lamont, 2009). Indeed, bicycle competitions can generate economic revitalization and benefits for host communities but also boost the name of a place as well as media exposure (Lamont, 2009; Marchetti, 2003; Mignot, 2016b). Furthermore, in contrast with other sport events occurring in modern and similar stadiums, cycling events are a way to avoid the phenomenon called “placelessness” of sportscapes since they take place in unique natural environment settings (Higham & Hinch, 2018). Stemming out from place branding process, landscape uniqueness, media attention and the show provided by the athletes, many tourists are willing to attend to a cycling road event as spectators or to visit the places crossed by the riders. In addition, officials (organisation, journalists, commercials) and cycling teams (riders and staff) which are essential to the smooth running of the race as well as its broadcasting, can also be considered as part of the tourism activity generated by the event. Thus, it is possible to distinguish tourists induced by cycling events in three different categories. Firstly, it is necessary to consider the cycling tourists directly involved into the event such as the cycling teams and the officials, then, the latter represent the first type of tourists the number of which may be significant given the size of those events. A second level of attendance in cycling tourist includes the spectators themselves (alongside the roads), in this context, observers (incidentals or not) are usually much more numerous than the participants. After these two short-term tourist categories, it is therefore important to recognize the third class of cycling tourists represented by travelers coming to visit a place (previously crossed by the riders during a certain race) because they have heard about it through media (TV, internet, newspapers or radio) and therefore felt the need to make a trip to this location. The number of cycling tourists

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Table 1: Most Important Cycling Events in Professional Road Cycling (Mignot, 2016b)

14 indirectly linked to a cycling race is hard to assess since it would imply the questioning of every person riding a bike about their reason for doing it. However, these long-term benefits exist and justify why the event organizations are willing to expose the regions’ attractions crossed by the riders through television coverage and not only a breakaway, a race leader or the peloton (Marchetti, 2003). Among these cycling professional events that can bring such benefits, the Grand Tours are at the top of the ranking, however, one of them tends to surpass the others in terms of magnitude, aura and prestige: Le Tour de France (Mignot, 2016b). Although other studies have analyzed the significance, the impacts and the perceptions of major events in various locations, only a few of them have treated these issues in a Tour de France perspective which occurs in different communities.

III- STUDY CONTEXT: THE TOUR DE FRANCE

1- The Story of the Tour

The first edition of Tour de France occurred in 1903 and was organized by the French sports newspaper L’Auto in order to increase their sales and to be able to charge more for advertising (Lamont & McKay, 2012). Indeed, from the late 19th century, many cycling races organized by national sports journals started to appear in Western Europe (Mignot, 2016a). During the first years after its creation, the Tour de France quickly gained in popularity and other countries (e.g., Italy and Spain) started to develop their own cycling Grand Tour such as Il Giro and La Vuelta. Nevertheless, the Tour’s uniqueness lays in the fact that it was the first stage race (a road race run over several one-day stages), and it was by far the longest and the most spectacular of all races (Mignot, 2016a; Mignot, 2016b). Even nowadays, it is still considered as the most popular and prestigious cycling event in the world, its live television coverage has made it a symbol of the showcase that cycling can offer with a race full of twists and turns taking on an epic character and where the stages are seen as works (Chapel, 2007).

Since its creation, various owners of the Tour have succeeded one another and have always been searching for profits (Mignot, 2016a). Firstly, L’Auto founded and owned the race from 1903 to 1940, secondly, from 1947 to 1965, the race belonged to the journals L’Équipe and Le Parisien Libéré through La Société du Parc des Princes. Lastly, since 1965, the Tour is owned by the group Amaury Sport Organisation (A.S.O.), a French sporting event organizer that is currently the most powerful actor in elite road cycling in terms of influence and number of events (Mignot, 2016a). A.S.O. is a private company that organizes other major events such as the Paris Marathon or the Paris-Dakar and of which the Société du Tour de France is a subsidiary (Chapel, 2007). This organisation is also part of a holding company, the Philippe Amaury press group, which owns the newspaper L'Équipe. Nonetheless, as explained by Chapel (2007), A.S.O. is not alone in the organization of the event and is in direct contact with the French Cycling Federation and the UCI for matters of regulation and classification. In addition, they communicate with the stage cities and those located on the route for the smooth running of the race as well as with the sponsors of the teams or the publicity caravan for the funding and sustainability of the event. Although free for spectators, it is the most profitable bicycle event for organizers, sponsors and riders (Mignot, 2016b). This three-week stage race significantly increased the organizers’ profits by enhancing its circulation and by producing additional revenue sources: TV broadcasting rights, biddings from cities in order to host certain stages, and the sponsorship revenues from various companies that wish to promote their brand on the race’s route (Marchetti, 2003; Palmer, 2010; Lamont & McKay, 2012; Mignot, 2016a).

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In terms of characteristics, TDF occurs during a specific period (the first three weeks of July) and is a sporting competition with 184 cyclists (23 teams comprising eight riders), 21 stages, two rest days, rankings corresponding to the jerseys and records for speed, victories and other accomplishments (Chapel, 2007). In addition, TDF personnel regroups 4 500 workers including organizers, cycling teams, media, economic partners, publicity caravan and service suppliers (Tour De France Official Website, 2021a). In July 2021, the 108th edition of the race will occur, indeed, the event experienced only two breaks since 1903, namely during the two World Wars. As many spectators know, the Tour has a diversified geography (Marchetti, 2003; Bačík & Klobučník, 2017) but also a long sporting and cultural history (Mignot 2016a). The rich geographical diversity of France is showed to the world through the media, indeed, as Palmer (2010) claimed, “as the Tour unfolds, a range of new archetypal images is highlighted, the cumulative effect producing an enduring pattern of Frenchness”. As it has been explained before, it is commonly recognized that Tour de France attracts a lot of direct and indirect visitors to the destinations it crosses. Indeed, the entire Tour personnel (as well as spectating tourists) needs food and accommodation, and they spend money in bars and on souvenirs, therefore, they create incomes into the local economy (Palmer, 2010).

Television broadcasting indirectly brought substantial economic benefits to the Tour de France, by encouraging cities and sponsors to pay more and more to access to a wider, international audience (Mignot 2016a). In addition, technological innovations facilitated television channels to broadcast longer, better-quality and live images of bicycle races. According to the Tour De France Official Website (2021a), the race is broadcasted live for 100 hours on French television over three weeks. During the 2020 edition, the race broke its record audience, indeed, the event has been followed on the French TV by 40 million viewers (in total), In addition, an average of 3.5 million French viewers per day was registered during the event. The reason behind these records may be a consequence of the decisions taken by the organization to restrict or even ban spectators from standing along the roads which probably resulted in a higher share of fans following the Tour from home through TV. Globally, it is hard to assess how many viewers the Tour can generate since the race is broadcasted in 190 different countries with 15 countries offering a live coverage (Tour De France Official Website, 2021a), Andreff (2016b), estimated a total exceeding 20 million TV viewers worldwide per racing day. However, it is sure that, considering the various countries represented among the riders in 2020 (30 different nationalities), the TDF presents an international aura that makes it popular in many parts of the world in contrast with other sports such as rugby, hockey or cricket only famous in a few countries. Another prove that the event gained in international popularity can be found in its increasing tendency (after the Second World War) to visit foreign countries such as Belgium, Germany, Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Luxembourg, Switzerland, United-Kingdom or Ireland for the Grand Départ or just for a few stages (Mignot, 2016a). This also explains why the Tour has been able to attract more and more foreign teams.

Alongside the roads, the Tour also generates a significant attraction with a total of 10 to 12 million of spectators in 2019 among which 20 % were foreigners (Tour De France Official Website, 2021a). During the same edition, 92 % of the spectators came to support the riders and watch the show with their family, children or friends. This demonstrates how popular the event is for various generations of people. Indeed, the uniqueness of the Tour lays in the proximity that spectators can have with the riders (Palmer, 2010). In contrast with sporting arenas, the Tour de France takes place on shut public roads, meaning that it is free to watch and that it can be experienced from one’s own doorstep (Marchetti, 2003; Lamont & McKay, 2012).

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2- Impacts of Tour De France

There is a lack of focus on TDF from academics compared to other major events, this might come from the fact that it always take place in France, while the FIFA World Cup or the Olympics are held in different countries every four years. Thus, relatively few research have focused on TDF but many of them tend to agree on the fact that the event brings pride, media exposure, tourism attraction, social and economic benefits (on both short and long-term) on the local community (Bull & Lovell, 2007; Desbordes, 2007; Balduck, Maes & Buelens, 2011; Varnajot, 2020). However, there is also an existing potential for negative impacts and scholars usually include economic, social or environmental effects (Bull & Lovell, 2007; Balduck, Maes & Buelens, 2011; Varnajot, 2020).

Bull and Lovell (2007) have reviewed the likely social and economic impacts of TDF on hosting communities. In addition, they tested the locals’ perceptions and views about the event. Indeed, when it was known that the first stage of the 2007 TDF would end in Canterbury (England), Bull and Lovell decided to conduct interviews on local residents before the event in order to assess whether the community was aware of the event, volunteer to participate in and to what extent they will support it. Despite the likely negative effects (road closures and disruptions), their results revealed that most of the citizens were aware of the event and many were planning to watch the race as well as participating in some related activities. In order to evaluate the net economic impacts of TDF on communities, Desbordes (2007) has reviewed the existing studies concerning cost-benefit analysis as well as the economic effects of major sporting events and applied this model to the TDF. From this base, Desbordes created two surveys conducted for the TDF 2005 but decided to create a third one (including a demand/offer approach and a qualitative analysis of the media repercussions) for the 2006 edition given the methodological weaknesses of the formers. The three surveys created by the author showed to what extent regional development can be valuable when the community choses to host the TDF. Indeed, the event definitely affects the local economy and cities might experience pride and happiness while hosting TDF.

In a social-based approach, Balduck, Maes & Buelens (2011) have assessed the impact of the arrival of a stage of the 2007 TDF in Ghent (Belgium), however, they chose to conduct two similar questionnaires for the locals (namely one before the race and one after) in order to catch the residents’ perceptions before and after the event. Based on exploratory factor analysis, they found out that locals’ perceptions about the race have changed over time. Indeed, in the pre- TDF questionnaire, locals deemed the event as an excellent mean for city marketing and for obtaining cultural benefits, also, they admitted that hosting the event would have a cost. In the post-TDF questionnaire, they were still perceiving the cultural and image benefits as positive, but they realized that the negative effects (excessive spending and mobility problems) were less than they were expecting. Finally, Varnajot (2020) probably holds the latest contribution about TDF effects on local communities and includes both social and economic aspects. In a sustainable tourism perspective and while using MacCannell’s sight sacralization process, Varnajot explores the gradual development of the TDF as a major economic tourist attraction. He found that the TDF brings substantial economic benefits given the large number of tourists attracted by the event but also the ones who might visit the place afterwards due to the media exposure. Also, he points out that although the TDF entails some environmental problems, it can be used as a tool for promoting cycling as a sustainable way of transport among host communities, especially by improving cycling infrastructures. Scholars generally encourage a deeper focus on this topic as well as more effective methodological approaches in order to better understand the impacts and the intangible effects of the TDF on local communities. Thus,

17 hosting a stage-start or finish of the TDF is so attractive that the bidding communities are ready to re-order their urban spaces in order to follow organizers’ strict procedure in relation to the elaboration of the racecourse (Palmer, 2010). Indeed, according to Palmer (2010), the creation of the Tour’s route is not without limitations, this results in a particular shape of the course driven by space and time constraints.

3- The Making of the Tour’s Itinerary

The Tour de France occurs in different locations each year and it alternatively traverses a clockwise or anticlockwise route through France, this is the main difference with other sporting events such as handball, tennis, football or basketball games which are always taking place in existing and fixed sports settings (Bačík & Klobučník, 2017). La Société du Tour de France decides the itinerary for the Tour each year (Palmer, 2010). Since the first edition, there have been more than 2200 stages, and each one of them can be deemed unique in terms of its spatial characteristics (Bačík & Klobučník, 2017). During an interview with the ex-managing director of the Société du Tour, Marchetti (2003) found that in the Tour de France there must always be flat stages, mountain stages and time trials. In addition, mountain stages will always be in the Alps and the Pyrenees, which is unavoidable, and the race will always finish in Paris. Nowadays the organization has rules that set limits such as not being able to go beyond 3 500 km over 21 days and a maximum daily distance of 225 km (that cannot be exceeded more than twice) but also that imposes to have two rest days, in short, there is a framework. Moreover, Marchetti (2003) notes that the decisions regarding the racetrack are limited by the media that want to rapidly spread the results of each day’s stage. Therefore, stages usually finish no later than 17:30 to allow journalists to make their copy deadlines.

The bidding process among the cities keen to host a stage of the Tour is also a main parameter in the route making. In order to be selected, the towns need to fulfill certain criterion such as specific geographical locations meeting the public expectations (e.g., the Champs Elysées, the French Alps and the Pyrénées) but also appropriate space to accommodate the significant infrastructure and staffs that come with the race each day (Palmer, 2010). Given that the race has always been owned by a private company, it is logical that the efforts of the designers have been focused on maximum profits (Bačík & Klobučník, 2017). Once the bids are collected from potential host towns, La Société du Tour de France starts to draw up a prospective route, then, a preliminary reconnaissance is undertaken by the general commissioners but also the producer of France Télévision (Palmer, 2010). Indeed, the Tour should also be displayed with an eye for particular images that will allow for a visual representation (and narrative magnification) of the diverse French cultural, natural and historical heritage (Marchetti, 2003). Therefore, the TDF literally traces out a map of France that is both topographical and cultural (Palmer, 2010).

When a city is considered as appropriate for becoming a stage village, it then has a delay of twelve months to prepare for the arrival of the race. Local communities must prepare themselves in strict accordance with the specifications imposed by La Société (Lamont & McKay, 2012). Indeed, the latter invites each stage city to meet the requirements of a detailed report that includes, for instance, removing roundabouts and repaving damaged road surfaces (for the safety of spectators and riders), specific number of tables and chairs, telephone lines and flower bouquets (Palmer, 2010). According to Palmer (2010), the urban modifications and race infrastructures necessary for the event are all over the host cities since they become engulfed by the race. Indeed, traffic is cut off and diverted, barriers are raised, bars and restaurants are full of tourists, public spaces and gardens are transformed in the Village Tour

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De France (where the riders gather before or after the race), show rooms become the media center, sport grounds are turned into airstrip for helicopters and the air ambulance as well as spontaneous camping spaces for the invasion of spectators. In short, an entire town is spatially reshaped for the Tour. However, given the magnitude of the Tour both as a global event and a cultural institution, such spatial transformations are rarely an issue for communities (Palmer, 2010).

Previous studies concerning the evolution of the Tour’s route are scarce. Bačík and Klobučník (2017) have displayed all the locations that hosted the race as stage finish places. In addition, they identified winning riders from various nationalities at different stage finishes and thus showed the history of the most successful countries in terms of their number of stage wins. Their main findings were that the spatial distribution of the race has evolved including changes in the selection of finish locations. Also, it is noteworthy that some regions have been more visited than others, indeed, mountainous, coastal cities and Paris (the capital) seem dominant while Corsica has only been visited once in 2013, when three stages occurred there. This can be explained by the attractiveness provided by those routes from a racing and spectator point of view. During the first editions, the routes were almost identical (as were the finishing points) but it progressively became the trend to modify the itinerary each year with cut-out plots which affected the number of stage finish places. With the same aim but with different methods, Breteau (2020) established a list of the French departments crossed by the Tour from 1903 to 2021 and mapped them in order to see which ones were the most and the least visited. This time map shows the evolution of the departments crossed by the Tour, from a circular race with a dozen of stages that was mainly crossing the coastal and borderer regions until the 60s to a mountainous, shorter and more inland race where transfers between stages start to exceed 200 kilometers. Indeed, the search for more entertainment pushed the organization to privilege mountainous but also more short distance stages which has allowed the Tour to expand its spatial coverage through the years.

Although both studies have significantly contributed to the spatial representation of the Tour de France history, there are missing important elements. Indeed, Bačík and Klobučník (2017), only focused on arrival cities since they are interested in the share of wins per country. However, as mentioned before, start cities also invest money to host the race in order to perceive benefits and are therefore places where the event intensifies the economic activity. In contrast, Breteau’s (2020) study is limited on departments crossed by the Tour and does not consider the exact locations of departure/arrival, indeed, this does not generate as much profits as if the race were stopping in those prefectures. Also, the map prevents us to identify or compare the route of a specific edition (time interval of at least 5 years) as well as the order of the visited cities which affects the shape of the Tour. Even though Bačík and Klobučník (2017) recognize a transformation in the racecourse due to place promotion and entertainment, the current sanitary situation might affect the making of the racecourse as well as the perceived effects of TDF on hosting communities, thus it would be interesting to start investigating the various impacts of COVID-19 on the 2021 TDF from both organization and community perspective.

4- The COVID-19 Outbreak

The COVID-19 pandemic is a new global and complex phenomenon which begins to establish itself at the center of scientific thinking. Albeit it is too early to precisely determine the scope of such an unpredictable crisis on the long term, scholars are already considering different scenario across various economic sectors (Nicola et al., 2020). Duckworth, Krieger and Hunt (2020) have demonstrated that the sport industry has already faced several deadly

19 pandemics, indeed, rat invasion, flus, swine flu, Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS), Zika virus and norovirus have been spreading during major sporting events. However, none of them have entailed the postponement or cancellation of these events like COVID-19 did. In order to make sporting-events coming back safely, they encourage the sporting organization to implement basic safety measures, low and high-tech solutions as well as robust communication platforms to inform the public about sanitary policies. In line with these precautions, McCloskey et al. (2020) have also provided a broader list of security measures when planning for mega-events in order to limit the spread of the virus.

In a more sporting event-based approach, the early writings of Gallego et al. (2020) about COVID-19 impacts on Tokyo Olympic Games aimed to highlight the need for closer observations regarding the evolution of the virus in order to take adapted decisions and to implement the host country’s preparation and responsiveness. Parnell et al. (2020) also based their reflections on COVID-19 impacts on major sporting-events. They also provide strategies in order to mitigate the spreading of the virus on a particular event; the UEFA EURO 2020 competition which is supposed to be an itinerant tournament across Europe. According to them, the outcomes of these suspensions and cancellations are unknown, but many sport industry stakeholders expect this to fundamentally change the way the organizations operate in the future. Also, Parnell et al. (2020) encourage other scholars to analyze the effects of these changes in both elite and community recreational contexts from a socio-cultural, economic and political perspective. Major sporting events are source of numerous economic, social, cultural and touristic effects on local communities, but they also create unsustainable issues. Given the large benefits and the relatively small negative impacts it generates on hosting communities, the Tour seems to be a valuable way for promoting and developing communities.

With the arrival of the COVID-19 and the array of restrictions it has generated, the profits perceived by the residents working in the tourism industry could be seriously affected, also, the cost-benefit analysis made by local communities in their decision to host the Tour could become unbalanced. It would be therefore relevant to analyze the route of the TDF 2021 in comparison with the general pattern created by the 107 previous editions. In addition, it seems interesting to understand the reasons of these potential changes and whether they occurred or not because of the pandemic since all the previous studies have focused on rather “normal” circumstances. Thus, by considering locals’ perceptions from new starting and finishing cities of the 2021 edition as well as the opinion from the organizational side about these route transformations, it becomes possible to analyze the changes in perception regarding a major sporting event such as TDF by using the lenses of the COVID-19 pandemic (and its multiple effects) as a potential interfering factor in the locals’ expectations.

IV- METHODOLOGY

The following section aims to present the methods that have been used in order to conduct this study and to respond to the research questions but also their limitations. Based on both quantitative and qualitative data, the proposed methodology is divided into two main packages which will be described in detail, also, the related choices will be justified. Therefore, the methodology used for this paper is separated in different sections and the process can be divided into two main interconnected steps. Firstly, GIS (Geographical Information Systems) analysis was necessary to calculate whether the 2021 TDF was deviating from the pattern made by all the previous editions or not. For this purpose, a linear directional mean has been generated for the different edition routes. Secondly, semi-structured interviews have been conducted among

20 the organization side in order to find out the reasons of the changes in the 2021 route but also within the new hosting communities in order to understand their bidding given the current circumstances (COVID-19 pandemic). Before the beginning of the real study, it was necessary to review relevant literature in order to identify the research gaps but also to provide discussive material for the rest of the study. This was also essential in order to elaborate the questionnaire presented later on to the respondents during the semi-structured interviews. A particular range of topics (in relation to tourism) has been examined in order to cover the research question and frame the study: sport tourism, sport events, cycling events, Tour de France, various impacts of major events but also media exposure and place branding.

The research aims to investigate a topic that has not been treated yet in the literature, namely the factors influencing TDF spatial distribution and potential benefits under COVID-19. As a consequence, the study moves towards a more speculative approach that cannot be easily captured through quantitative surveys. Thus, interviews have the advantage to get broader and more open answers from the participants which was necessary for this case (Botterill & Platenkamp, 2012). Concerning GIS analysis, limited software capacities did not allow various choices for representing and simplifying such a dataset. However, the Linear Directional Mean tool appeared quite early to be an efficient technique to compare spatially different time intervals of TDF.

1- GIS Treatment and Analysis

The first package of this research, aiming to determine whether the route of TDF 2021 deviates from the pattern made by the previous editions, was mainly realized through GIS. The analysis was limited to the cities visited by the race that are mainly located in France but also in other neighboring countries (among which Spain, Italy, Belgium, Germany, Netherlands, Luxembourg, Ireland or United Kingdom). In order to create a pattern representing all the editions of TDF that will be used for the linear directional analysis, it was necessary to find the departure and arrival cities for each year since 1903. For this purpose, data representing the year, name of the location as well as the various stages corresponding to each edition were retrieved from the official TDF website (Tour De France Official Website, 2021b) and encoded in Excel. With the aim of obtaining the exact position of each arrival or departure city of TDF history (605 French cities/locations), a geocoding software was used (only valid for French cities) to assign latitudinal and longitudinal (X and Y) coordinates for each unit (adresse.data.gouv.fr, 2021). Concerning the 120 foreign cities, their coordinates were encoded manually. In addition, the dataset allowed to calculate how many times each city has hosted TDF since the first edition; therefore, a ranking and a map with proportional symbols have been created. Afterwards, following the chronological order of the stages as well as their direction (e.g., starting from Nice→finishing in Briançon and not the opposite), the routes for each edition were drawn by connecting the points (or the cities) to each other with straight segments (see Figure 1). Given that the aim of this thesis is not to reproduce the identical route of TDF through the years by including every locations crossed by the race for each stage but rather to give an idea of the overall itinerary, only cities that hosted TDF as starting and finishing points were selected (see Figure 1). This means that the model will be simpler than the reality although it is still an efficient way to reproduce the historical route of TDF. Indeed, certain routes have been taken more than 115 years ago and might not exist anymore which makes it difficult to reproduce an exact route for each stage. Moreover, straight lines (or segments) were drawn to connect each point (cities) symbolizing different stages rather than the real (and non-linear) pathway (see Figure 1). In order to differentiate an edition from another, it was necessary to

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Briançon

Start/Finish point Intermediate cities Simplified route

Real route City/location Nice

Figure 1 Example of simplified vs. real stage route between two cities. assign the right year to each segment (or stage) in the attribute table. During the digitization, several mistakes involving the coordinates of the various locations and hence affecting their position on the map, were noticed and corrected manually. An important choice that has been made concerns the stages and the time trials that starts and ends in the same place. To mark the passage of the race in these locations, a short segment was drawn from the city towards the real direction of the stage spotted on the map of the corresponding edition (see Figure 2). In order to not influence the final pattern, the same segment was reutilized when the city was experiencing a similar case. Additionally, this choice has not skewed the LDM process since those segments are oriented towards the stages’ real direction (see Figure 2), indeed, if the traced segment made a back-and-forth following the same straight line, the orientation of the

Start/Finish point Simplified route

Real route Berlin City/location

Figure 2: Simplified route for stages with identical start and finish points. stage would not have been considered in the model. As a result, although the location can be crossed twice or thrice by the cyclists during one edition, it only count as one in the model. The issue regarding this method is that the real distance of the stage is not accurate, especially when several stages are taking place in the same city, however, given the amount of time allocated for this research, the lack of available data as well as the age of certain routes, it would not have been possible to draw the exact course for each stage. Although the Tour tends to generate less

22 benefits in the intermediate cities than within the start or finish communities, it could be interesting to deepen the analysis by considering those numerous locations crossed by the race that are not investigated here (see Figure 1). A reason for this decision is that intermediate cities are secondary in the Tour organization since the event does not stop there, thus, the economic activity in relation to the race is lower than in the stage cities. Once all the editions of TDF were drawn, the final pattern (similar to a flow map with nodes) was set for the application of the linear directional mean tool. Indeed, this technique has been used to compare the 2021 edition with the others.

The linear directional mean method was useful in that case because the created output feature class is symbolized by a line feature (an arrow in that case) centered on the mean center for all input vector centroids (namely all the stages combined since 1903), with length equal to the mean length of all the segments and with either the mean orientation or the mean direction of all input vectors (ArcGIS Desktop, 2018a). In other words, when many linear features point in one direction (e.g., TDF stages); they have a starting point and an ending point. These lines often represent the paths of moving objects, the riders. Therefore, the linear directional mean tool allowed to calculate the average direction for a set of lines (see Figure 3). In this case, the overall number of stages from 1903 to 2020 was 2 250. Since the technique is useful for comparing entities for different periods, the same procedure was thus applied to time intervals of the TDF history; indeed, the 2021 route has also been compared to the last twenty, ten and five editions in order to analyze to what extent the new itinerary changed. In this respect, different numbers were attributed to the editions in order to calculate the linear directional mean for distinct time periods (e.g., editions from 2000 to 2020 were assigned a “1” in the attribute table while the rest from 1903 to 2000 were given a “2”).

Figure 3: Linear Directional Mean (Source: ArcGIS Desktop, 2018b). Despite the numerous simplifications made during this treatment, the final model could still offer a good overview of how TDF route evolved over time in terms of length, direction and spatial distribution. Nonetheless, it is necessary to mention that the map is based only upon official data on stage locations published in the race’s archives (Tour De France Official Website, 2021b). This implies that the stage start/finish places do not include stages prematurely ended due to bad weather or other extreme conditions. The model records the official stage start/finish place retrieved form TDF data base since it would be complicated to verify retrospectively other stages that were modified. Primary data collection enabled the elaboration of a very rich database on the history of TDF. Given the limited space that a map can offer to display the amount of data, the decision to present the other results from statistical treatment in the form of tables and graphs was made in order to allow further analysis.

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2- Semi-Structured Interviews

The second work package of this study aimed to identify the reasons for the potential route changes when comparing the 2021 Tour De France with the overall pattern created from the 107 previous editions. For this purpose, qualitative data have been collected through eight semi- structured interviews among both organization and community sides. The main criteria in the creation of the sample was that participants needed to be involved in TDF preparation or organization. Indeed, the interview sample encompasses one informant from A.S.O., namely the organizer of the Tour as well as seven respondents selected from the 10 new municipalities (identified during the GIS analysis) that will host the race this year (Figure 4). Firstly, it was necessary to question A.S.O. in order to understand the potential deviations between the 2021 racecourse and the overall model in relation to COVID-19. Secondly, it was relevant to include these new communities in order to understand why they have decided to bid for hosting the Tour for the very first time during this pandemic period. Reasons for this choice are that those cities never hosted TDF before and thus do not have experience for hosting an event of this magnitude. Therefore, contacted cities were Céret, Changé, Chatou, Landerneau, Malaucène, Pas de la Case (Andorra), Pontivy, Quillan, Sorgues and Vierzon, all included into the route of the 2021 edition (Figure 4). Another objective was to obtain cities from different locations along the Tour’s route, indeed, each region has its own economic, touristic, social, cultural and environmental parameters which is important to consider when dealing with the impacts of a sporting event on localities. In addition, the situation but also restrictions regarding the pandemic can vary from one place to another, hence it was important to include different cases. Among those 10 communities (representing six administrative regions), seven have accepted the interview, one has declined while two did not respond. Moreover, it has been possible to question cities from every region represented within the 10 new communities such as Occitanie, Pays de la Loire, Île-de-France, Bretagne, Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur and Centre, except Pas de la Case which belongs to Andorra and not France (Figure 4).

The interviewed participant from the organization side was the responsible for coordination and CSR (Corporate Social Responsibility) in the cycling department at A.S.O. Concerning the seven communities, the selected respondents were in close relation with the organization of TDF (including A.S.O. and the municipal services), therefore, mayors, deputies mayors, event managers and coordinators, general directors of the city's services and directors of tourist offices have answered the questions. These event managers are in direct contact with the local community but also the organization when making their decisions which results in a better understanding of the expectations and the needs of the locals in relation to major sporting events (Schnitzer et al., 2017). The use of key informants has been avoided, although some respondents might seem more informed and more valuable than others, the aim of the study is to get a broader view of the sample as well as the phenomenon. All the participants were contacted via email and received a short summary of the study with an invitation to respond to five questions. Indeed, townhall email addresses (found on their websites) were sufficient to get directly in touch with the local Tour officials. As stated before, semi-structured interviews were used to collect broad answers from respondents who were able to talk in their own terms given that the questions were not too specific. In addition, it has allowed to better appreciate and understand the perceptions from both organizers and communities.

Two slightly different questionnaires have been submitted including one for the organization and one for the communities (see Appendix). However, the questions were designed in order to get the informants talking about specific areas that are relevant for the study. Therefore, the organization was asked about potential reasons for spatial changes of the

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2021 racecourse, potential dilemmas in relation to the sanitary crisis that occurred when designing this route but also if there was any modification due to COVID-19 regarding their bidding process for hosting cities. In addition to this, various topics have been covered by both sides (especially the communities) including the potential downturn in consumption, the loss of earnings, the change in the number of spectators and potential customers, the impacts of the potential restrictions, the reasons for bidding for TDF and the profitability of this special edition. The interviews, conducted in French, allowed respondents to interact directly with the interviewer and thus to obtain more information about the purpose of the study and the subsequent use of the research results. In this case, the interviews also gave the opportunity to specify, together with the respondent, the nature of his or her relations with the other actors (regarding the organisation of the Tour) and to draw qualitative information on the different functioning of A.S.O. and the communities. Afterwards, the responses were translated and transcribed into English as accurately as possible.

Concerning the data collection, face-to-face interviews were not possible given the current circumstances but also because of the remoteness of the different parties. Thus, online interviews were the most appropriate and efficient way to collect the required data. Video conferences from 15 to 35 minutes were used to ask the questions and record the interviews. Also, General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) has been exposed to each respondent during the recording as a prove of confidentiality and protection of their personal data. Concerning ethical considerations, the personal data linked to the respondents and necessary for the interviews have been treated confidentially and stored as long as needed to guarantee research quality (Umeå University, 2021). This includes both recordings and contact information. As such, interviewees were all familiar with the aim of the study and asked about the interview mode in advance. To further ensure confidentiality, none of the participants are mentioned by name or title in the paper. This communication means also made it possible to interview the participants in a familiar environment (usually home or workplace) which made them more comfortable and facilitated the dialogues.

After having wrote down the key elements from each interview, the data were analyzed and gathered in order to identify recurring themes covered by the respondents (Fox, 2004). The identification of the common themes discussed by the participants was possible once the data was read through. These themes were then classified and related to the research question of the study as well as its theoretical framework. Indeed, the existing body of literature about tourism, place branding, media exposure, cycling and sporting events outcomes in general and the impacts of TDF on local communities provided a solid foundation for the discussion of the results. Thus, the potential evolutions and the changes in terms of impacts and perceptions due to the new circumstances were easier to spot. Furthermore, the data was used to test the central hypothesis of the study claiming that COVID-19 and place characteristics potentially affected the spatial distribution of the 2021 TDF. Moreover, findings allowed to analyze the extent to which the pandemic altered the side effects of the event. Thus, asking A.S.O. and local stakeholders (or event managers) about the future edition of TDF would give an idea of the potential factors that could have affected both spatial distribution of the 2021 edition and the attitude of hosting communities towards the event.

3- Limitations of the Study

Like any other research, this paper is not flawless, therefore, the approach as well as the used methods can be discussed. As mentioned in the methodology, available data did not allow to reproduce the exact route including intermediate cities for the 108 editions of TDF. In

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Figure 4: Stages and Cities of the 2021 Tour de France (Tour De France Official Website, 2021c)

26 addition, the time allotted was not sufficient to realize such a study. Therefore, the distances in the model are not accurate despite they remain proportional and relevant for the analysis, also, the inclusion of intermediate cities was not possible although the impacts entailed by TDF are lesser than within stage cities. Another limitation can be found in the interview sample; indeed, it could have been interesting to investigate why certain classic cities are not hosting the 2021 TDF and to what extent the uncertainty due to the pandemic justified this absence. Moreover, the sample for this study only represents seven of the 39 cities that will host TDF in 2021, hence it would also have been interesting to enlarge the number of respondents although this would require another qualitative approach for better analysis. Indeed, questionnaires for local shopkeepers could also have been a valuable way to assess their perception as well as their expectations regarding this particular edition.

V- RESULTS

The following section aims to describe the findings stemming from both the quantitative and qualitative approaches used for this study. The presentation of the results will follow the same order as the methodology with first the maps and graphs from the GIS analysis and then the summary of the various interviews.

1- The Spatial Evolution of Tour De France

The findings below come from the rich data base of the history of the TDF route, it has allowed to create various maps and charts showing the evolution of the direction, the length as well as the spatial distribution of the race. The first map illustrates the overall route of TDF from its creation in 1903 to its 108th edition in 2021 (see Figure 5). Indeed, the 2 250 stages are represented by light green segments while the 725 hosting cities are symbolized by yellow dots on the map. In addition, the metropolitan French departments are displayed along with the neighboring countries visited by the race (see Figure 5). The map shows how TDF has spread spatially over the years, therefore, it can be noticed that there are some areas with higher stage density than others. In effect, mountain ranges such as the Alps and the Pyrenees but also Paris and Northern France are the main foci of TDF in terms of number of stages and hosting cities (see Figure 5). Other concentrations can be found alongside the Mediterranean, Atlantic and North coasts of France, also, Belgium appears to be the most visited foreign country. In contrast, certain locations have only hosted TDF a few times such as the center of the country or the departments adjacent to Paris (to the East and West) where the dots and the stage flows are more scattered. The island of Corsica is the least visited region by TDF, also, neighboring countries such as Spain, Italy or Germany have only been crossed a few times. Finally, it can be observed that the race has also been oversea including in the United Kingdom and Ireland (see Figure 5).

On the second map, proportional symbols representing the relative significance in terms of number of visits for the TDF hosting cities from 1903 to 2021 are displayed (see Figure 6). Consequently, a leading trio emerges (in capital letters) with Paris as the most visited city (146 times) while Bordeaux (81) and Pau (73) complete the podium (see Figure 6). Moreover, Bagnères- de-Luchon and Grenoble are also important in TDF history since they have respectively hosted the race 59 and 43 times. Once again, it can be noticed that many large and medium dots are located within the mountain ranges, alongside the shores as well as around the Northern borders around Belgium and Luxembourg (see Figure 6). Additionally, Corsica, the

27 inland regions and the neighboring countries are underrepresented in terms of number of hosts with only a few small dots sparsely located around Belgium and Luxembourg (See Figure 6).

Figure 5: All-Time Route of Tour De France (1903-2021).

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Figure 6: Which Cities Hosted Tour De France the Most from 1903 to 2021?

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The decreasing length stage of TDF can be observed from the first editions to nowadays according to the model created for this study (see Figure 7). Indeed, while the average stage length was around 300 km in the beginning of the 20th century, it has progressively decreased until stability was reached in the 80s with an approximate average length of 93 km and about twenty stages per edition against about ten at the origin (see Figure 7). The last graph represents the total length of each edition since 1903 according to the created model (see Figure 8). While the first racetracks reached 3 500 km or more, the recent editions have decreased by half and vary between 1 500 and 2 000 km (see Figure 9).

350

300

250

200 Km 150

100

50

0

Years

Figure 7: Average Stage Length of TDF Over the Years (Tour De France Official Website, 2021b).

4000

3500

3000

2500 Km

2000

1500

1000

Years

Figure 8: Length Evolution of TDF Over the Years (Tour De France Official Website, 2021b).

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The table below represents the top 10 for both French and foreign cities the most visited by TDF (see Table 2). The overall ranking is based on the total number of times a city hosted the race by adding how many times a community has been “stage city” (meaning that the city has hosted the event as a finishing point and a starting point the next day), “departure city” and “arrival city”. It confirms the tendency of the event to stop in coastal, Alpine and Pyrenean regions but also the fact that Belgium, Switzerland, Luxembourg and Monaco are the most foreign visited countries (see Table 2). Indeed, 15 of the 20 most visited cities by TDF are located in the mentioned regions.

The third and last map shows the Linear Directional Mean (LDM) for different time intervals of TDF and can be analyzed parallelly to the two previous graphs (see Figure 7, 8 and 9).Thus, the map allows to compare the direction, the length and the position of the last 5, 10 and twenty editions with the overall pattern but also with the 2021 route (see Figure 9). Indeed, different colors have been assigned to the various periods and their corresponding LDM symbolized by an arrow: green for all the editions (1903 to 2000), purple for the last 20 editions (2000 to 2020), blue for the last 10 editions (2010 to 2020), yellow for the last 5 editions (2015 to 2020) and red for the upcoming 2021 edition (see Figure 9). Overall, all the LDM arrows are oriented Westward. The LDM for 1903 to 2021 is located at the center of the country and is the northernmost but also the longest arrow with an approximative length of 135 km which represents the average stage length for this period. Concerning the last 20, 10 and 5 years, it can be noticed that their LDM arrows are progressively migrating Southward as the time goes by (see Figure 9). Moreover, the average stage length for those three periods is almost identical and varies between 80 km for the most recent interval and 87 km for the oldest according to the simplified model. Lastly, the position of the 2021 edition LDM differs from the other periods since the red arrow is positioned further Southwest than any other time interval (see Figure 9). Furthermore, the average length stage for the 2021 edition of TDF is 82 km which follows the previous tendencies from the last 5, 10 and 20 years but is shorter than the average length for the 1903 to 2021 period.

To summarize, the model showed that TDF route has never been evenly distributed within France and the foreign countries. Firstly, Paris is the most visited place by TDF as a finishing point, hence there are a lot of satellite communities (most of them only hosted TDF once) that serve as starting points in order to reach the French capital. Secondly, the racecourse tends to visit cities located within the Alps and the Pyrenees, along the coastlines of the Atlantic Ocean, as well as the Mediterranean and North Seas. Thirdly, Corsica, the Center and the regions adjacent to Paris are underrepresented in terms of number of hosts and it is the same for certain neighboring countries such as Germany, Spain or Italy but also overseas nations such as the United Kingdom and Ireland. In contrast, countries such as Belgium, Luxembourg, Monaco and Switzerland are the most visited foreign countries. Regardless administrative borders, TDF has moved spatially Southward since its creation. In addition, the length of the stages has significantly decreased parallelly to the overall distance the athletes have to cover. Finally, following the LDM results, the 2021 edition of TDF differs significantly in terms of position from all the previous patterns. Despite the similar average stage length, the model is located more to the Southwest even when compared to the five most recent editions. Therefore, it seems relevant to investigate the reasons for these changes among the main stakeholders of Tour De France, namely the organization and the community sides.

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Table 2: Top 10 French and Foreign Cities that Hosted TDF (Tour De France Official Website, 2021b).

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Figure 9: Linear Directional Mean and Evolution of TDF from 1903 to 2021.

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2- Interview with the Main Actors of the 2021 Tour De France: A.S.O. and the New Cities

In order to understand why the previously observed changes occurred, it was necessary to question the organization of TDF as well as the communities that will host the event for the first time in July 2021. Since two different perspectives are adopted here both from A.S.O. and the local decisionmakers, this result section will be divided into two corresponding sub-sections and will summarize only the respondents’ claims.

2.1. A.S.O.

The responsible for coordination and CSR in the cycling department at A.S.O. was questioned about the reasons for spatial changes of the 2021 racecourse, potential dilemmas in relation to the sanitary crisis that occurred when designing this route but also if there was any modification due to COVID-19. According to her, the reasons why TDF generally tends to move Southward are multiple. Indeed, when the Tour’s director draws the route of TDF, there are some imposed elements. Firstly, there is a maximum of 3 500 km of race over a period of three weeks with two days of rest. Secondly, a forced passage into the Alps and the Pyrenees which are naturally located South of the country and which drive us Southward. Finally, TDF always has to stop in Paris. From that point, the director will work with his teams to establish the “Grand Départ” around which the route will take shape by itself. This year (2021), the Tour starts from Brest in Bretagne, which is the Westernmost region of the country, hence the race will be forced to go Southward in order to reach the mountains. Thus, the locations of the Grand Départ is important for the last editions and explain this tendency to move Southward. Moreover, it is important to consider the sport factor, indeed, the most spectacular and thrilling stages occur in the mountains when the route becomes steep. Since there is less relief in the North, this is probably the reason why the Tour heads further south. Also, the Tour’s Director always tries to bring the penultimate stage closer to Paris in order to keep suspense until the finish.

Concerning the new stage cities, the respondent mentioned that the director creates the route by choosing the stage cities among the 250 bidding communities. There are also certain cities that are priorities since the Director can promise to (re)visit them. However, TDF has the vocation to go and meet all the territories and cities which explains the new communities this year. There is a wish to visit communities of all sizes, from the smallest and most isolated villages to the biggest metropoles because the Tour allows this. For instance, among the 10 new cities that will be visited this year, Céret is a very tiny community difficult to reach, it is then necessary to check if a stage start/finish can be organized there, but in any case, the Tour has the vocation to go and find new places, to enlarge the family of the race's stage cities. So sometimes there are five or six new cities and sometimes more, it all depends on the edition.

She also mentioned that the route of the 2021 TDF experienced a major change due to the pandemic, indeed, the 2021 Grand Départ was supposed to take place in Copenhagen (Denmark) but it will occur in Brest instead. This is an indirect cause of the pandemic as the Euro football tournament was postponed to 2021, Copenhagen could no longer host the Tour and the Euro at the same time. Therefore, the organizers decided to switch two Grand Départs rather than cancelling which has entailed a change in the first eight cities because the race had to reach the mountains as soon as possible and could not go Northward. Regardless this major change, the Director has organized this Tour normally without considering the pandemic or avoiding major cities.

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According to the respondent who is in direct relation with the Tour’s boss, the number of candidatures has not changed for this edition and is the same as every year (more or less 250 biddings) although they could have experienced a slowdown since a community would rather chose to host the Tour with normal conditions than in a year where there are risks. In effect, it can sometimes be complicated for communities and even for the organization to prepare the event since the situation changes every day. Since TDF is the third sporting event in the world, communities want to provide a perfect welcome, thus, it is understandable that some would prefer to skip one, two or three years and wait for hosting the Tour. Since most of the candidatures are open they are valid for several years. However, as stated earlier, there may be cities that request a passage of the Tour for a certain year because it coincides with an anniversary or something remarkable. Regarding the price of the bidding, nothing has changed, however, communities usually understand that the cost they pay for hosting TDF is relatively low given the significant media exposure provided by the event broadcasted in 190 countries. Indeed, helicopter and drone images attract visitors which makes the Tour a “tourism accelerator”. For example, when the Grand Départ took place in Corsica for the very first time in 2013, the island felt the Tour's passage with a lot of people who saw the amazing landscapes on TV for three days and were like “I want to ride there”. As a result, there has been a significant cycling tourism development in Corsica thanks to TDF.

Another important claim from the respondent is that, despite the fact that pandemic restrictions may result in lower attendance, spectators tend to spread out more because TDF does not occur in a stadium but on the roadside. As a result, people may not all be in the city but rather on the outskirts since there are a less spectators, however, this does not mean that they will not go shopping in the stage city. Today, in general, all the communities that have applied for the Tour still want to have it and the pandemic does not change anything. When asked about the profitability of TDF under COVID-19, the coordinator argued that it was still a great source of revenues since the organization itself spends money in accommodation (1 500 nights per stage) and catering in every stage cities or in the surroundings when the community does not have sufficient hotel capacity. However, this does not include all the 4 500 workers who move with TDF every day which means that the benefits are not only for the townhall hall but also for the shopkeepers, hoteliers or restaurant owners. In all the impact studies that the organization has made, the Tour is profitable in any case and it is a ratio multiplied by at least three, four or five depending on the city.

Lastly, regarding the potential frustration or disappointment residents may feel if the race is held behind closed doors, the answer was that this feeling will always be present if such restrictions are applied. However, if the spectators are not able to gather within the stage city they will spread out somewhere else alongside the roads because people prefer to host the Tour in a slightly different way than not having it at all. Consequently, it is the lesser evil for locals, and it was visible last year (2020), although the race was postponed by two months and that there were a few locations without spectators, the majority of cities could still host them. Indeed, as some decisions are taken by the prefects, from one department to another the measures are not necessarily similar and therefore, in some cities the public could access the event. The frustration was thus limited and there were still way more benefits to hosting the Tour than not having it. In any case, the coordinator claimed that there is still the race, the riders, the publicity caravan, the celebration and that everyone needed it, that is what takes precedence over the pandemic. The Tour brings happiness to individuals and is beyond sport because it brings people together, they spend a moment together even if they see the runners pass by for a few

35 seconds, they will stay for hours on the side of the road to participate in this festivity and see this long caravan distributing goodies.

2.2. The New Communities

As mentioned earlier, the selected respondents from the seven new communities were in close relation with the organization of TDF (A.S.O. and the municipal services). Therefore, questions about the potential downturn in consumption, the change in the number of spectators and potential customers, the perceptions regarding the impacts of the restrictions and the overall outcomes of this event were asked to the respondents to get a better overview of their attitudes and perceptions. When asked if this was their first bid to host TDF, four communities answered positively while the three others made open candidatures a few years ago but they usually analyze the constraints by looking at the experiences of neighboring municipalities that already hosted the event. In addition, some communities already gained experience by hosting other cycling events also organized by A.S.O. such as Paris-Nice or the Critérium du Dauphiné which has probably influenced the organization’s decision to retain these cities. Also, some of them have contacted another community from the same department to make a 100 % local stage.

First of all, the prestige, the popularity, the fervor and the free access to the event were generally the most common reasons given that, following the locality, 15 000 to 40 000 spectators from all horizons are expected on the D-day and should consume on site. Then, motives for hosting TDF this year are multiple, most of them argued that in the context of the pandemic a positive event is important in order to mobilize the actors and the entire community but also to bring something positive. It was pointed out that interdepartmental collaboration improved because of the event, which does not usually occur in normal circumstances. Thus, they could already beneficiate from an efficient local dynamic around the event with ideas coming from all the services. Expectations from communities generally revolve around economic benefits, media attention, community reputation and international exposure but they also see TDF as an opportunity to talk about cycling as a whole. Indeed, profits can be perceived at broader scales than the community such as the surrounding area, the department and even the region. That is the reason why various projects are implemented by the communities such as rental services or purchase incentives for electric bikes, creation of cycling paths and other initiatives that promote the values of cycling (solidarity, effort or health). It is also seen as an ideal moment because there is a paradigm shift in terms of mobility. Indeed, in France, cycling as a means of transport is relatively weak, nevertheless, it has recently changed because of the pandemic. Respondents were particularly aware of the notoriety brought by the Tour since it is broadcast in 190 countries. Moreover, it is important in terms of image because they wish for a positive reputation by bringing the third biggest sporting event in their place. In effect, the sector of activity varies from one region to another, and the event is seen as an opportunity to highlight the assets of their territory but also to speak about their cultural, historical or environmental heritage. As such, they express their will to revitalize their territory and to make it attractive for investing companies as well as for tourists and cycling tourists through the aura of the Tour. Participants also highlighted that TDF will strengthen the locals’ sense of pride and will make them mobilize for the event. A few communities also mentioned that they beneficiated from the switch (due to COVID-19) of the Grand Départ from Copenhagen to Brest since they were initially not on the route for the 2021 edition.

Overall, TDF is considered by communities as a great advantage, especially in view of the sanitary crisis the society is going through because the Tour is very unifying and improves

36 people's morale even more than before. All of the new cities are preparing the event as for normal circumstances although they are aware that the situation can change quickly and that there may be no or few spectators. In this regard, decisions regarding the measures that will be in effect for this edition will be announced from mid-May, but communities remain positive and are ready to adapt to all eventualities. However, direct economic benefits are already perceptible in many places since officials, journalists, cycling teams and the Tour’s personnel have spent or are expected to spend money for their basic needs such as accommodation or catering. As a consequence, respondents mentioned that they experienced this take-off of the bookings due to the Tour. Given that many accommodations were already full for this period, the event can already be seen as a success. Other respondents emphasized on the Tour’s social perspectives because it creates jobs. In effect, local service providers are working on the organization in terms of decoration, animation, exhibitions, development, intervention, security agents or catering, also, many shopkeepers are actively working to offer events or products in connection with the Tour.

Respondents are aware of the COVID-19 threat that hangs over them and acknowledge that they will be frustrated if the public is excluded. Indeed, the closed door would also mean no animation or events in relation to TDF, no more shopkeepers and less attractiveness. Also, one respondent mentioned that this feeling can already be experienced among certain shopkeepers since they have been used to see events getting cancelled. This makes locals unable to project themselves and generates a lack of enthusiasm for the Tour. Nonetheless, most of the communities remain optimistic and believe that spectators will be there. Indeed, a few participants count on the fact that the vaccination campaign will already be well underway in the French population. Furthermore, it is an opportunity for them to prove that they are capable of hosting the Tour even if conditions are not optimal (restrictions). Additionally, every respondent see TDF as a celebration that unifies people from all horizons. One of the new stage city argued that they would prefer to see the event postponed with normal conditions rather than having to organize the race behind closed doors.

Although they have already started to earn profits from TDF, most of the communities are expecting a shortfall in revenue due to limited attendance and tend to focus more on the long- term benefits the event will generate thanks to its broad audience. Indeed, many tourists are likely to visit the communities after the Tour’s passage because they saw the destination on TV. Another important point is that stage cities see TDF as a low-cost international communication campaign. Although the overall cost for hosting is comprised between 200 000 € and 250 000 € (bidding and imposed specifications), communities usually receive subsidies from various state agencies but also private sponsors which reduces the price to 50 000 € to 100 000 €. Finally, hosting cities are usually investing money on sustainable infrastructures which will be used for future events. In sum, both organization and communities argue that, despite potential restrictions that may arise, it is still profitable to host TDF for localities. Indeed, long-term benefits due to media attention, local pride and unity, direct profits generated by the Tour’s personnel but also subsidies from public and private actors counterbalance hosting costs and potential health restrictions due to COVID-19.

VI- DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS

The analysis of the research findings helped to understand how the spatial distribution of TDF evolved over time and more specifically the causes of the changes between the main pattern created by more than 100 editions and the 2021 edition. Moreover, respondents from

37 both organization and hosting sides allowed to consider the COVID-19 dimension as a potentially responsible factor of those deviations but also to discuss about the motives for new communities to take the risk of hosting the race with such uncertainties. In this part divided in three sub-sections, the main findings mentioned above will be discussed and analyzed in relation to the theoretical framework.

1- Causes of the 2021 Route Deviation

The reasons regarding the changes observed in the spatial distribution of the Tour’s route since its creation in 1903 are numerous. GIS analysis showed that the routes are unevenly distributed in space and time (see Figure 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9). While the race was literally following a perimeter around France until the 60s forming a thick and empty hexagon inside (Breteau, 2020), a few traditions started to appear in order to make the race livelier (Marchetti, 2003). As indicated by the responsible for coordination in the cycling department at A.S.O., there are places not to be missed such as Paris, the Alps and the Pyrenees. This is due to the fact that, as pointed out by Marchetti (2003), the Tour will always finish in Paris and has to visit mountainous regions for more suspense. As claimed by Bačík and Klobučník (2017), since the event has always been owned by a private company, it is logical that the decisionmakers’ efforts have been focused on maximum profits. This also means that the choice in the routes that the riders will have to follow is important because it will make the race more or less spectacular and will therefore determine the success of a stage in terms of audience. Physical attributes as well as location of places discussed by Gieryn (2000) are hence determining factors in the making of TDF route. Through the years, a shortening of the stages has been noticed (see Figure 7 and 8) together with an increase in the number of stages per edition, this is also related to the profit-based dimension of the race in order to create more dynamism and pace to the race (Marchetti, 2003). Moreover, improvement of transportation means allowed organizers to move the race efficiently from a place to another which allowed the Tour to visit more remote areas such as the island of Corsica which hosted the race only once in 2013 or other European countries (Breteau, 2020). As claimed by the organization, TDF aims to make discover and promote new territories every edition, which implies the inclusion of a few new communities in the route making.

In addition to the sporting aspect of the race, the landscapes are important in the route making, as explained by the A.S.O. cycling coordinator, images are essential to promote the French regions and to make the spectators want to visit them. In effect, TDF should be displayed with an eye for particular images that will allow for a visual representation and narrative magnification of France (Marchetti, 2003). Thus, TDF literally draws a map of France that is both topographic and cultural (Palmer, 2010). In order to obtain these thrilling stages, the race has to find steep and panoramic roads which are mainly located in the South of France with the Alps and the Pyrenees but also along the Atlantic and Mediterranean coastlines. Indeed, the way the Tour is shown on television is essential to promote the cultural, natural and historical heritage of the country (Marchetti, 2003). Given the media exposure provided by the race, hosting one of the stages is a bargain for communities (Palmer, 2010). In this context, it is demonstrated that place’s characteristics matter and are therefore decisive for their attractiveness (Agnew, 1987). As such, those cities can develop their place branding strategies with the help of cultural and natural features that makes their reputation as a unique destination (Hall, 2008). Thus, TDF has this tendency to go Southward in order to reach those regions and then redirect to Paris for the final stage which explains the high density of hosting cities and stages around those areas (see Figure 5 and 6). As mentioned by scholars (Ullman, 1956; Hall, 2005; Page & Connell, 2009) if destinations are spatially fixed, the riders, the staff and the

38 future tourists will have to travel physically towards those specific places in order to experience, consume and visit them. Places are thus positioned as essential factors in the making of TDF and the touristic activity that comes with it. This justifies the existence of cities through which the Tour is almost forced to pass such as Bordeaux, Pau, Bagnères-de-Luchon or Grenoble (see Figure 6) and which alone account for 256 stage hosting (start and finish) since 1903. Their ideal attributes as well as their loyalty have allowed the emergence of strong links, mutual long- term trust and common interests between both organization and hosting parties (Chapel, 2007). According to Palmer (2010), the bidding process among communities that wish to host TDF is a main parameter in the route making. Thus, the numerous constraints and criterion that must be met by the bidding localities can sometimes seem daunting especially in this period of health crisis when other measures can be added. Additionally, those occasional stage cities must follow very detailed specifications compared to classic stage cities (Chapel, 2007), however A.S.O. did not deplore any decrease in terms of biddings for the 2021 edition.

Reasons specific to the changes in the 2021 edition compared to the overall pattern are therefore not entirely due to COVID-19 given that place characteristics have influenced the Tour’s itinerary since its creation. Indeed, as pointed out by the organization, the epidemic has affected the race indirectly with the switch of Grand Départ that will occur in Brest instead of Copenhagen. Since the European Football Cup has been postponed to June-July 2021 because of COVID-19, Denmark authorities could not host two major events at the same time and decided to postpone the reception of the Tour to 2022. This modification has entailed some adjustments from A.S.O. regarding the first eight stage cities because the race had to reach the mountains as soon as possible and could not go Northward. As a result, a few communities have beneficiated from those changes and have been selected to host TDF for the first time in 2021. Indeed, respondent from A.S.O. claimed that the 10 new communities were illustrating the organization’s will to meet remote territories. Furthermore, Brest is located in the extreme West of the country (Bretagne) which has mainly influenced the spatial distribution of the stages and thus the deviation of the 2021 LDM in comparison with other periods (see Figure 4 and 9). This point was mentioned too by the organization who argued that the place where the departure occurs is a determining factor in the form that the rest of the race will take according to the constraints mentioned earlier.

2- Motives for Hosting the Tour During the Pandemic

All participants claimed that hosting TDF was above all a matter of prestige, popularity, fervor, positive place image benefits, media exposure and international aura. The fact that major sporting events usually tend to bring visitors, media exposure as well as international awareness to the destination with a positive image is widely accepted in the literature (Getz et al., 2012). As Desbordes (2007) claimed, the Tour contributes to regional development in the cities that chose to host it and in their surroundings. Moreover, TDF affects the local economy and cities might experience pride and happiness by hosting such an event. Respondents from both sides have largely confirmed these claims. In fact, the organization itself spends significant money in housing and food in every stage cities and even in the surroundings when there is no sufficient capacity in the hosting community. In addition, the large number of workers moving with TDF every day and consuming in the locality represents a great source of revenues for shopkeepers, hoteliers or restaurant owners. Hosting cities are also expecting numerous spectators on the D- day, and it is assumed that the profits they will generate will be perceived at broader scales than the locality such as the surrounding area, the department and even the region.

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Communities are fully aware concerning the magnitude of the event (third sporting event in the world) and the extent of its popularity throughout the world with 190 countries broadcasting the race. In relation to this Jansson and Power (2006) argued that regular events are a useful strategy adopted by cities and their region to strengthen their brands but also an efficient way to attract important media attention. In addition to the direct incomes generated by the organization and the spectators on the D-day, tourists who might visit the place afterwards due to its broad media exposure will also bring economic benefits on the long term (Varnajot, 2020). Cultural and image benefits are also positive outcomes that go hand in hand with TDF (Balduck, Maes & Buelens, 2011). This has been pointed out by the communities that will use the race as a low-cost international marketing campaign to brand their territory as well as their cultural, historical or environmental heritage. Although those cities are hosting TDF for the first time, they are well informed of the potential impacts the event will have on them because they usually manage to get positive feedback from neighboring towns that have already hosted the Tour and therefore have more experience in this domain. This word of mouth between localities means that the event is seen by previous stage cities as a bargain and that positive impacts largely compensate negative impacts. However, respondents remain conscious that the epidemic situation is still far from stable and that restrictions can still be imposed by the government at any time (Parnell et al., 2020). This would generate a change in the number of spectators as well as potential customers resulting in a loss of earnings. Communities recognized that this situation could be a source of frustration and disappointment for locals on the D-day since their preparations will have been in vain. However, all of them see TDF as a long-term investment that will be more advantageous to them in the future. In fact, most of the spending made to host the race in terms of roads, cycling infrastructures, decorations and urban facilities will be useful for local citizens as well as for upcoming events. Also, as mentioned earlier, the bidding price for hosting the event remains relatively low since it can be funded in large part by private and public organisms. Rein et al. (1993) identified these types of investment as a way to brand destinations (as well as their products and services) but also to enhance attractiveness for living in, investing in and visiting places. Hence communities use the Tour for the same purposes, namely the positive image, the revitalization and the attractiveness of their territory.

TDF is extensively used by localities to create a real dynamic around the bike in order to encourage physical activity but also the use of an eco-friendly means of transportation. As a matter of fact, many localities see an opportunity to promote cycling as a sustainable transportation means (Varnajot, 2020). Indeed, several respondents claimed that they will use the race as a way to showcase various projects such as the promoting of electric bikes or the creation of touristic cycling paths. The pandemic is thus considered by local decisionmakers as an ideal moment for implementing those initiatives since many of them have experienced an increase of cyclists during this period. Lastly, participants argued that such an event was necessary in order to remobilize local actors but also to bring something positive. It was pointed out that interdepartmental collaboration improved because of the event, which does not occur in normal circumstances. This confirms Palmer’s (2010) claims regarding the fact that the entire locality works to prepare to provide a perfect welcome on D-day. Also, it is an opportunity for those communities to receive a spotlight in the eyes of the world. Thus, although certain direct benefits might not be perceived due to potential restrictions, every respondent stayed optimistic and acknowledged that TDF remains profitable in every respect, especially after the society suffered such a crisis.

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3- Tour De France as a Cure Against the Fatalism of the Pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic has severely affected the tourism industry; indeed, it has entailed a substantial decrease of both travel supply and demand (Nicola et al., 2020). As a consequence, both sport tourism and sporting events had to adapt accordingly to governmental restrictions in order to limit the virus spreading (Parnell et al., 2020). Tour De France was no exception to this rule, A.S.O. had to postpone the 2020 edition to September and to limit or ban spectators in certain places which prevented certain local shopkeepers to perceive the benefits they were expecting. However, unlike many types of sporting events that are enclosed within an arena, road cycling events have the particularity of taking place in an open space using public roads (Hinch & Higham, 2004). Consequently, TDF is seen as way to promote landscapes and heritage not only in France but also abroad (Palmer, 2010). Thus, as claimed by Higham and Hinch (2018), cycling events can avoid “placelessness” of sportscapes since they occur in unique natural environment settings. This is considered as a great advantage during the epidemic by both organizers and communities since spectators have the possibility to spread alongside the roads to watch the race while keeping their distance from others and being able to consume within the location.

As Agha and Tasks (2015) argued, major sporting events are source of social cohesion. Indeed, it was noted by community respondents that every actor in their entire cities were implicated in the preparations for hosting TDF and that the cooperation between local services was stronger than ever. As explained by both A.S.O. and the stage cities, the Tour has this capacity to bring people together whether during its preparation or during the event itself where the closeness between riders and spectators of all horizons creates a unique feeling of unity. Furthermore, all the parties justified the coming of TDF under COVID-19 as a good means to improve citizens’ moral. Although it might be hard to make people project themselves into the future after they had to attend the cancellation of numerous events and the closing of their businesses, TDF is a way to give hope to populations that have endured intense hardships due to sanitary measures.

Celebrations, animations and expositions related to the event as well as the publicity caravan and the race itself are contributing to the festivities. Even though local celebrations might be prevented on the D-day, the show provided by the riders remains and the destination will still be exposed to the world for a day. In the future, this may generate tourist flows contributing to the recovery and the relaunch of the tourism sector. As explained by one respondent, TDF is an event that no one is opposed to and can even attract non-cycling fans, as such, citizens tolerate negative impacts such as road closure and congestion or parking difficulties on D-day. These potential negative effects entailed by the large number of visitors are mentioned in the literature by Andereck et al. (2005). Indeed, although towns crossed by the Tour will be blocked for hours in order to see the caravan and the riders for a few seconds, they would do what is necessary to receive it as it should. The reason is that, as Palmer (2010) claimed, the Tour engulfs and boosts the cities where it passes. Lastly, many respondents based their assumptions on the 2020 edition which occurred without too many restrictions. While waiting for final governmental decisions concerning the effective restrictions during the coming of the Tour, all stakeholders remain optimistic by already considering the event as a success and are confident regarding long-term profits.

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VII- CONCLUSION

The data obtained via GIS analysis and LDM demonstrated that the 2021 route of Tour De France deviated from previous editions as well as from other intervals of time of the Tour’s history. Moreover, the 2021 edition includes 10 new stage cities that never hosted the event before. After having questioned A.S.O. about the potential implications of COVID-19 in these variations, the respondent indicated that the pandemic only indirectly affected the TDF route. Indeed, the tendency of the 2021 Tour to head Southwest is mainly due to the location of the Grand Départ this year as well as the main internal constraints imposed to the organizers. In order to make the race more thrilling and attractive for spectators, riders have to visit specific places which are located in the mountainous regions and along the coastlines. As such, this study demonstrated the importance of place characteristics and specificness in the making of a major event as TDF (Marchetti, 2003; Palmer, 2010; Bačík & Klobučník, 2017; Breteau, 2020). More generally, the focus is on the role of places in the branding of destinations as well as in the marketing strategies that can be developed in other sectors (Ulman, 1956; Agnew, 1987; Vanclay, 2008; Gieryn, 2000; Anholt, 2010; Rein et al., 1993; Hall, 2005; Hall, 2008; Andereck et al., 2005). Finally, when asked about the reasons for their first candidature for this year (2021) despite the pandemic, new communities mentioned that they were aware of the risk taken. However, they recognized that benefits brought by TDF largely overweight potential negative impacts from the epidemic. Above all, despite the current pandemic that affects our societies, this study has confirmed academic theories identifying TDF as a means to generate economic benefits, social cohesion, happiness, pride and satisfaction wherever it goes (Bull & Lovell, 2007; Desbordes, 2007; Balduck, Maes & Buelens, 2011; Varnajot, 2020). In light of this, it can be said that TDF is still perceived as a contributor to community development and that cycling events are seen as efficient strategies for relaunching tourism activity in the short and long term. Thus, given the specific settings they require (low investment, public road, large spaces for spectators, international media exposure as well as sustainable benefits) cycling events are a valuable alternative in comparison with other types of event.

The Tour De France has this power of unification and is a way to boost the tourism activity during and after this outbreak. Indeed, the race has gone through many periods of conflicts and has adapted itself according to various constraints in order to preserve its popularity and its international aura. However, this paper demonstrated that the Tour is still perceived by hosting communities as a bargain but also as a way to recover from the impacts of the pandemic. Although a few communities mentioned their wish to host TDF again, it would have been interesting to find out the overall share of hosting cities that will reconduct their candidatures in the future. Since the 2020 edition of TDF took place under quite similar circumstances (regardless the postponement), it would have been relevant to investigate how hosting cities perceived the race as well as its outcomes in a post-event context. Moreover, qualitative approaches only allow to collect perceptions and assumptions about the impacts of TDF under COVID-19, thus, further research should also focus on more quantitative approaches in order to measure more accurately these outcomes. Another interesting research path in relation to TDF media exposure concerns doping cases and their negative impact on the reputation of the event which has already led in the past to a boycott by German channels and could therefore affect the will of certain localities to host the event if such scandals were happening again. Finally, this study might be also applicable for events of various sizes or types (music, art or exhibitions) and at different spatial scales. Thus, scholars should start investigating those avenues of research as we are now in a decisive period where the vaccination campaign is underway in many countries and when it is time to prepare for the aftermath of COVID-19 including the resumption of tourism activities.

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Appendix : Questions for the Organization and Community Sides

Organization:

1- In your opinion, what are the reasons for this tendency of the Tour's route to move more towards the South of the country in comparison with other editions? In particular this year (2021) with 10 new start/finish cities never visited before? Is there a link between these changes and the COVID-19 pandemic?

2- Did you face any dilemmas (related to the sanitary crisis) when designing the route of the 2021 Tour De France?

3- The Tour is often perceived by communities as a source of benefits (economic, tourism, social, cultural etc...) that make it popular and push localities to bid for its coming. However, given the sanitary crisis we are facing, these benefits could be greatly affected (few or no spectators, limited workforce and staff etc.). Have there been any changes in the number of bids and the amount to be paid by communities to host this 2021 edition in comparison with previous years?

4- Do you think that, despite such circumstances (restrictions due to COVID-19), the Tour remains a "profitable" event for the municipalities that host it? Does the event still meet the expectations of local elected representatives?

5- If so, why do you think localities should continue to bid to host the race even under these conditions? Is there not a risk of frustration/disappointment from local people that could tarnish the image of the Tour?

Communities:

1- As a community, is it your first application in order to be a starting/finishing city for Tour de France? If yes, what are the reasons for your bidding?

2- What are your expectations regarding the impacts (economic, touristic, social, cultural, environmental) the race will bring in your community?

3- The Tour is often perceived by communities as a source of benefits (economic, tourism, social, cultural etc...) that make it popular and push localities to bid for its coming. However, given the sanitary crisis we are facing, these benefits could be greatly affected (few or no spectators, limited workforce and staff etc.). Do you think this situation will affect the benefits you were expecting to perceive? Can this situation generate a feeling of frustration/deception among local shopkeepers?

4- Do you think that, despite such circumstances (restrictions due to COVID-19), the Tour remains a "profitable" event for your municipality?

5- If so, why do you think localities should continue to bid to host the race even under these conditions?

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