How do African Americans in Queensbridge organize and perceive their security, in the context of the ‘Stop-Question-and-Frisk’ program in New York City?

Christian Do Rosario Jr (SN: 12524689) 26th June 2020 Word Count: 26,855

Supervisor: Dr. Floris F. Vermeulen Second Reader: Dr. David Laws

MSc Thesis, Conflict Resolution and Governance University of Amsterdam

Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements (3) 1. Introduction (4) 2. Literature Review (11) 3. Research Design (30) 4. Theoretical Framework (33) 5. Other Side of America (42) • An Ongoing Crisis (59) • Social Movements & Police Brutality (62) 6. Conclusion (71) • Turning Point for Real Change (75) Bibliography (77)

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For those who took the time to tell me their stories and memories During these unprecedented times I thank you

For the African American community in Queensbridge and Queens, New York Thank you for allowing me into your lives Your determination to fight and voice injustice has been encouraging I look forward to making a change in our city

To my family Who have unconditionally believe in me and supported me during this process I love you

Rest in Peace William Antonio Daniels “Kiing Shooter” 1992 - 2020

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3. Introduction Michael Bloomberg’s “Stop and Frisk” policy was a policing strategy that deployed officers to stop and frisk individuals, particularly in minority communities. The majority of those arrested, 80 plus percent were people of color, usually young African American or Hispanic men. The police encounters during stops were, at times, violent, cops throwing kids against walls or on the hood of police cars while shouting and using profanity (Lopez, 2020). The intention behind this practice was to deter people from carrying firearms and other forms of dangerous weapons in public. The policy enforces New York City’s strict gun laws that disallow residents from obtaining, carrying, and possessing firearms in public spaces. This has caused disagreement between advocates of proactive crime practices ⎼ those being in support of the program for its intention to minimize crime in public places ⎼ and civil rights activists, who argue that the program violates the Fourth Amendment which is the protection against unlawful police searches and seizures (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015).

In the years following Bloomberg’s departure from office, New York City’s continued drop in crime, suggesting that aggressive use of police stops was not critical to the city’s safety. This controversial policy contained lasting effects on both the NYPD and residents of NYC. Specifically, affecting the practice of everyday life for many African Americans. Increased incarceration, death of Eric Garnier, black lives matter, police body cameras, and DNA profile of non-criminals are many of the consequences and outcomes from the policy. Evidence has emerged of harm created by a system dedicated solely to control and confinement of its targeted residents. Andrew Hicks, a doctoral candidate in public policy at Harvard, claimed that “there are, in fact, long-lasting effects of exposure to high levels of stop and frisk.” Students exposed to aggressive policing were most likely to drop out of school and not attend college. This is because these students went to schools where the frequent stops and police presence was pervasively establishing a fear or distrust of authority, which might have impeded their education. Researchers found that increased police stop and chronic absenteeism correlate. All these kinds of disadvantages occur and build over time, worsening racial achievement gaps in society (Badger, 2020).

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I am studying Conflict Resolution and Governance because I want to find out how the causes and consequences of conflict are examined in relation to the dynamics of public governance. Galtung’s concept of structural violence provides a framework in which to analyze persistent inequalities in outcomes and the impacts of controversial practices like stop and frisk. I think this is worth inquiring about in my thesis due to continued oppression and racial disparity in American society. I believe that all citizens deserve to be treated equally; however, in the United States, African American’s are excluded from social institutions that shape their lives. Additionally, I intend to link structural violence to social movements, being a primary social form through which collectivities organize their security by voicing out their concerns towards social institutions. My ambition is to continue addressing the systematic racism and social injustice in the United States. Equally essential to seek the truth and justice behind cases or policies that provoke doubt.

In my research, I want to focus on minorities, specifically African Americans, as they are incredibly marginalized and put at a disadvantage in American society. The case I will be examining is the discourse around the ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy and its long-lasting effects. Specifically, looking at how the policy, as mentioned earlier, affected practice in the daily lives of African Americans. I am interested in how African Americans in Queensbridge, New York organize and perceive their security in their community. I decided to study Queensbridge as I perceived it to be a compelling case for my thesis due to my familiarity with it. Growing up near Queensbridge and knowing many individuals who grew up there made it all more meaningful. Furthermore, I am also interested in exploring how the following motto “to protect and to serve” is comprehended differently by both the New York Police Department and residents of Queensbridge? So then, the gap in my knowledge pertains to why did the policy make it seem as being African American equals crime when in retrospect, African American’s are most affected by crime. This is compatible with how the ‘Stop, and Frisk’ policy changed the practice of everyday life in the African American community in Queensbridge and other parts of the city—as a result, making the intent and delivery of the policy as ineffective.

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Research Topic The stop-question-and-frisk program, in New York City, an New York City Police Department practice for temporarily detaining civilians.

Since its inception, New York City’s ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy has been subject to controversy. This pronounced debate comes from a system that permits police officers to stop, question, and frisk individuals who are suspected of committing, having committed, or in the action of committing a crime. The initial purpose of the policy is to protect the police and society. State officials and courts have reviewed the plan, recognizing racial profiling and violations of civil rights, but allowed the continuation of policy in New York City. The extension of ‘Stop and Frisk’ increased during Mayor Bloomberg’s tenure between 2002 and 2011. The number of individual stops in New York jumps from 97,296 to 685,724, creating public criticisms and calls for police oversight. However, Mayor Bloomberg defended his policy and argued that ‘Stop and Frisk has led to a rapid decrease in crime in New York City and rejected the notion of federal efforts to monitor the NYPD’s practice of the policy (Evans, D. N., Maragh, C., & Porter, J. R, 2014). This caused an attribution of causality, as Mayor Bloomberg indicated that the decrease in crime in New York City was due to the high numbers of stops.

Individual rights advocates stressed their concern regarding police behavior, suggesting the effects of police biases. Higher rates of ‘Stop and Frisk’ were correlated with specific neighborhood characteristics or demographic traits. Conversely, this leads to the discourse around racial bias in the NYPD’s policing tactics. Studies by both researchers and police departments proving that police stop racial and ethnic minority individuals more than whites. These studies support perceptions that once African Americans are stopped, they are more likely to be searched or arrested (Gelman, A., Fagan, J., & Kiss, A, 2007).

There is an inverse relationship between the Constitutionality and effectiveness of New York City “Stop and Frisk.” There are two different narratives based on New York City’s fight against crime. First narrative rails against New York City Police Department aggressive and racist tactics. It is shedding light on what is wrong with the criminal justice policy. The police force violates the free Fourth Amendment case law, as well as placing a burden on crime control on poor

6 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 minority youths. The second narrative, New York City, set an example as being a primary American jurisdiction that reduced crime while reducing the number of residents sent to prison. Both stories are supported by empirical evidence. As a result, evidence suggests that aggressive policing, crime reductions, and decreased incarceration may all correlate. Even though New York City’s aggressive policing tactics did reduce crime without increasing incarceration, it exacted a societal tool that is proven to be morally unexpectable to New Yorkers and politically unconstitutional. “The NYPD brought a taste of prison to the street.” Thousands of innocent New Yorkers endured hostile police practices that one would expect in confinement (Bellin, J, 2014).

Research Question Within such a protracted and complex history of violence, discrimination, strife, and lose, how do African American people organize their security? Moreover, what specific role does perception play within the context of security? What is the correlation between organizing, resistance, and the perception that leads African Americans to successfully obtaining their security? In answering these questions, this paper will aim to pursue the research question of:

How does African American in Queensbridge organize and perceive their security, in the context of the ‘Stop-Question-and-Frisk’ program in New York City?

The main component elements of this research are as followed: organization, perception, and security. These elements will establish the foundation of this paper and serve as the central guiding elements to the research and data gathering process. The objective of the paper will then be to obtain a deeper and more distinct understanding of how African Americans in Queensbridge interlink organization, perceived security, and security, within the context of the ‘Stop and Frisk’ program. Organization relates to perception and security as they help shape perspectives and process knowledge in obtaining protection. This will happen by engaging with the African American community residing in Queensbridge, New York, via a series of interviews aimed at getting narratives of organizations and their perception of security.

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Outline The first chapter of this thesis will present a literature review, through which precedent literature and theories will provide a critical evolution concerning the long-lasting effects of ‘Stop and Frisk’. In doing so, this literature review will outline the relationship between the organization, perceived security, and security, as well as show how the misuse of the policy has contributed to the perpetuation of conflict. My research only adds to the scholarly conversation of police brutality and its impact in underserved communities, such as Queensbridge, New York. Furthermore, it will be highlighted that the inherent link between race, neighborhood, and police stop all help form the perception of security of specific collectives. As some perceive, they are targeted by the police instead of being protected by them, creating a public opinion. However, this chapter will also shed light on the phycological distress resulting from police encounters, causing significant trauma and humiliation.

The second chapter will plan a research design to engage with African Americans in Queensbridge. I will be exploring how they organize and perceive their security within their practice of everyday life in a community with oppressive police occupation. In doing so, I will highlight the critical information pertinent or relevant in the literature review and use that to formulate my semi-structured interview questions. The use of semi-structured interviews will justify my central method of data collection. The precedent literature review will contextualize the case selection (stop and frisk) and how the nature of security legitimizes for the study of the Queensbridge community. The research design will then address the COVID 19 pandemic, which altered the interview process, shifting to online interviewing. Finally, reflecting on the impact of COVID 19 on my research method and how it was conducted.

The third chapter will establish a theoretical framework grounded in theories of structural violence and social movement. This chapter will be used to limit the scope of the relevant data on ‘Stop and Frisk’ by focusing on structural violence and social mobility. Through this specific viewpoint of my framework, I will use it to analyze and interpret the data gathered in my interviews. The first section will provide a framework based on Galtung (1969) article Violence, Peace, and Peace Research. Indeed, essential in understanding the concept of violence wherein some social structure or social institution may oppress people realizing their full potential in

8 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 society. The second section will seek to transition from structural violence to social movement, through which minorities organize in a specific context to resist structural violence and help manage their security. As many underserved neighborhoods have tarnished relationships with the police, residents turn to social movements, such as community centers, to help with their security. Due to the collateral consequences resulting from the misuse and overuse of ‘Stop and Frisk,’ collectives voice their injustice through social movements. Snow, Soule, and Kriesi’s (2004) literature The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements will seek to operationalize the central characteristics of social action and how each feature is exemplified. I will use their approach in chapter three and describe the book and its framework in more detail. Within this, I will be focusing on the following aspects: mapping the terrain, resources, and social movement mobilization, and leadership.

The fourth chapter will present how the interviewees develop their stories around how they organized and perceived their security based on their encounters with New York City Police Department officers. Also, how deeply the ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy continues to impact individuals, groups, and communities in New York City. In doing so, the interview stories will be inductive, providing specific examples, formulating most of the context of this chapter to be quoted. Their quotes will be characteristic of how the interviews developed their stories by highlighting patterns and themes within their accounts.

The fifth chapter will serve to analyze the data of the preceding chapter in linkage with the outlined theoretical framework. The first section will present both theoretical and empirical evidence to analyze the data collected through a structural violence scope. The second section will build on the precedent by showing the ways in which African Americans can organize to mobilize their resistance towards structural violence and perceive security. The last part of this chapter will argue that the interviews jointly constitute to what Galtung (1969) attested to, “structural violence often breeds structural violence.” This can be seen in New York City, specifically Queensbridge, where the NYPD continues to use an old illegal police tactic to maintain authority between the residents and the police force. Moreover, individuals subject to ‘Stop and Frisk’ stops must live with the emotional, psychological, social, and economic impact on their lives.

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Lastly, the last chapter will be concluding and summarizing the findings of the paper in relation to my research question. Identifying limitations and suggesting areas that need future research. Overall, this paper will argue that by incorporating theories of structural violence and social movement, it will help contextualize African American’s everyday life in relation to organizing their security within an environment enacting aggressive police tactics, such as ‘Stop and Frisk’. Racial profiling and searches based on illegal profiling is a violation of the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition against unreasonable searches. NYPD stop and frisk program impacts New York City, harming many of underserved communities in the city. This discriminatory and harmful abuse must end, and the NYPD should be held accountable, as their role is to “Serve and protect.”

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2. Literature Review

Bias (targeting vulnerable populations)

Since the 1990s, a public debate immersed in the United States, there was a troublesome impression throughout the country regarding police harassment of vulnerable minority groups in their encounters with officers. Concerns were based around police stopping individuals based on their race. More matter was stressed on racial bias in pedestrian stops of civilians by police. This was a form of policing strategy, based in minority communities, attempting to enforce quality of life crimes by targeting illegal guns or drugs (Gelman, Fagan, & Kiss, 2007). The lasting effects of stop and Frisk have translated into years of angry reactions within minority communities, as a result breaching trust with the police. This provoked a crisis of legitimacy, as the police motto ‘to protect and to serve’ became apprehended differently by minority groups. In New York City, the New York Police Department (NYPD) used aggressive stops and searches of civilians for numerous crimes as their crime-stopping strategy in the 1990s. The NYPD was recognized for the decrease in crime, however towards the end of the decade, a large number of complaints of misconduct towards minority communities were filed (Gelman, Fagan, & Kiss, 2007).

Previous studies imply the relationship between racial characteristics and racial composition of the suspects’ neighborhoods influence police to engage in stops, searches, or arrests. Gelman et al. (2007) identified the central role that behavioral cues play in policing and how their employment varies along with differences in identifying suspects. Police are most likely to not rely on behavioral cues when gaining suspicion of a minority suspect leading to a stop. Yet, police rely more on behavioral cues when viewing a white citizen as a suspect. Then, the spatial concentration and disparate impacts of crimes committed by minorities vindicate the police to use aggressive policing in minority communities (Gelman, Fagan, & Kiss, 2007).

People of color, especially Black and Latino young men, are the groups of people most impacted by ‘Stop and Frisk.’ The Center for Constitutional Rights analysis of ‘Stop and Frisk’ data showed that race is the primary reason in determining who the NYPD stops, predominantly in neighborhoods with people of color. Even in areas where the population is racially mixed or white-dominant, Black and Latino are still more likely to be stopped than white people (Zamani,

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2012). When dealing with similar crimes, Blacks and Latinos receive harsher treatment than Whites, being more likely to be arrested and have force used against them, whereas Whites would be given a summons instead (Zamani, 2012).

The lasting effects: The impact of Stop and Frisk on individuals Scholars stress that the use of stop and Frisk has come at the expense of racial and ethnic conflict, compromised police legitimacy, and devastating effects on citizens’ emotional and physical welfare. When the police exercise ‘Stop and Frisk’ in a racially biased way, they are engaging in a violation of the constitution. Stop, and frisk tactics have overly targeted minority citizens in mostly poor communities. In 1999, New York state attorney general Spitzer stressed that 15% of the stops examined did not entail reasonable suspicion, thus unconstitutional. In 2006, the NYPD requested that RAND Corporation conduct a study on claims of racial bias. Results showed that racial disparity was present in more than 500,000 stops conducted that year. Of those stopped, 89 percent were nonwhite (53% were black, 29 Hispanic, 11 were white). “Forty-five percent of Black and Hispanic suspects were frisked, compared with 29 percent of white suspects; yet, when frisked, white suspects were 70 percent likelier than Black suspects to have had a weapon on them” (Morrow, 2016).

The discourse surrounding the NYPD’s stop and frisk practice almost focus on racial and ethnic disproportionality without really acknowledging what occurs during the stops: the use of force by police. The notion of proportionality arises, as residents tend to experience more severe police force than unnecessary, impacting their everyday practice. However, this issue lacks research, and as, a result it becomes concerning. Given that this issue has a far-reaching number of consequences, such as critical injuries and death to the officer of suspect, community disturbance, and the tarnished police-community relations. The death of Michael Brown in Ferguson and Freddie Gray’s in Baltimore caused significant civil disorder highlighting the point above. Law enforcement practice has historically been “conditioned by broader social forces and attitudes—including a long history of racism.” There is reason to believe that the police use force during encounters with ethnic minority communities during stop and frisk stops (Morrow, 2016).

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Weisburd argued that “You can have a short-term effect on crime with Stop and Frisk, and crime goes down. But now you’ve alienated 260 kids that were stopped in ways that made them unhappy. It may lead to worse citizens in the future” (p.109). The quote above originates from an existing study that can be used to illustrate the discourse surrounding ‘Stop and Frisk.’ Moreover, researchers claim that negative encounters between the police and citizens can form feelings of helplessness, resentment, and anger among minority communities (Morrow, 2016). Several studies concluded that as a result of the disparate treatment of racial minorities in New York has caused for youths in NYC to distrust the police. It is making them feel uneasy when having encounters with the police and view the contact as unfavorable and adverbial.

A study led by Vera Institute of Justice surveyed the effects of young people’s perceptions of being stopped by the NYPD and reported several interesting results. First, 44% of adolescents from New York City surveyed stated they had been stopped repeatedly, nine times or more. Second, 29 percent reported being informed why they were being stopped. Third, 71% of young people claimed to have been frisked at least once, and 64% said they had been searched. Next, 45% reported an officer threatened them, and 46% claimed to experience physical force by an officer. Then, one out of four said they were part of a stop in which the officer drew his or her weapon. Also, 61% argued that the way the officer behaved towards them was based on their age. Lastly, 57% of people specified that they were mistreated due to their race or ethnicity. To conclude these findings, it is no shock that “88 percent of young people surveyed believe that residents of their neighborhood do not trust the police.” However, many studies have found that minority youths appreciate positive encounters with police and wanted police presence in their neighborhood, but their actual encounters with officers most of the time were aggressive and harmful (Morrow, 2016).

One in ten stops and frisks result in an arrest, affecting tens of thousands of New Yorkers yearly. Such arrest follows a cascade of collateral consequences, even if the individual is found innocent. Criminal convictions can result in individuals becoming ineligible for public housing, student loans, legal immigration status, and becoming a U.S citizen. Other consequences of arrests can impact work or losing a job due to being unable to show up for work, or the impact on a family if the breadwinner gets a criminal record (Morrow, 2016).

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‘Stop and Frisk’ is the first encounter that specific groups in particular areas have with the police, which then becomes the point of entry into the criminal legal system. The legal system is an experience that plays a significant role in the way that individuals make sense of subsequent encounters with the police. Many plead guilty to unjustified accusations just to get out of jail quickly to avoid the convictions for more severe charges and return to their families. Several people stressed to the CCR that even the stops that do result in a lawful arrest, the fact that these arrests originate from illegal profiling means that people of color and other target groups are the ones who end up with criminal records. Having a criminal record creates a snowball effect. It follows you for the rest of your life, you start to have a reputation, and more arrests mean more prison time (Zamani, 2012).

Individuals from specific neighborhoods raised concern in existing studies such as Mark, a 27-year-old man from the South Bronx, stated that (Zamani, 2012, p.8), “White people use drugs in the same amount if not more than Black people, but it’s Black communities that are targeted, stigmatized, and put in the media on the front page.”

Unemployment is a consequence of being arrested, as it leaves people failing in the criminal legal system. By the time an individual is arrested, moved from the precinct to the courthouse where they await a judge, they have lost enough time to lose their jobs. People lose their employment due to not being able to show up for work. Once people are released, they have to start from scratch and search for another job to take care of themselves and their families. However, having a criminal record makes it more challenging to obtain a role, as well as making any future conviction increasingly severe. Once a person has been arrested three times, they become a felon. When a felony is attached to somebody, they now have a terrible reputation as a “hardcore criminal” and they can’t get a job (Zamani, 2012).

The impact of stop and Frisk also affects extended family members. Children, parents, siblings, and other family members are subjected to witness their family and community members being regularly profiled, disrespected, assaulted, forced to remove clothing in public by NYPD officers. Some families have to live with the effects of the arrest of a loved one, a burden that can be heavy for children (Zamani, 2012).

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The Center for Constitutional Rights held interviews with fifty-four individuals who were subjects of stop and Frisk by the NYPD and is intended to provide a clear picture of the “human impact” of the police practice. Based on the interviews, the recurring themes were based on a wide range of belligerent behavior during the stops. The aforementioned behaviors consisted of inappropriate touching and sexual harassment, police brutality, trauma, and humiliation. These interviews shed light on how deeply this police practice affected citizens and the violation of civil and human rights abuses. The impact of these abuses can be demoralizing and cause long-lasting effects such as emotional, physiological, social, and economic harm (Morrow, 2016).

Implementation of ‘Stop & Frisk’ Terry v. Ohio 1968 was a crucial United States Supreme Court case that influenced the implementation of the policy. The case revolved around the ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy practice and whether it violated the United States Constitution’s Fourth Amendment protection from unreasonable searches and seizures. The Supreme Court stated that the police practice of stopping and frisking a suspect in public without probable cause is not in violation of the Fourth Amendment. As long as an officer has “reasonable suspicion” that a suspect may be committing a crime, about to commit a crime, or is planning to commit a crime, then it is justifiable as it is preventing a crime (Terry v Ohio. (n.d.). Since the 1968 verdict in Terry v. Ohio, ‘stop and frisk’ activities have become a crucial weapon in combating crimes for many police departments across the United States.

In 2002, when Bloomberg took office, crime persisted as one of the top concerns in New York City. New Yorkers were fed up as it was not long ago since the city hit its peak in murders in 1990. Coming into office Mayor Bloomberg incorporated the “broken windows” philosophy, which stated that police could stop all kinds of crime by policing the lowest level offenses (Lopez, 2020). Thus, Bloomberg, alongside Ray Kelly (police commissioner), vastly expanded stop and Frisk (Lopez, 2020). During the tenure of Mayor Bloomberg, from 2002 to 2013, the NYPD stopped and questioned individuals they suspected to be engaging in criminal activity on the street. Young Black and Latino made up the majority number of men who were searched and detained

15 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 for weapons that rarely appeared. In 2009, black and Latino people in NY were 9/10 as likely to be stopped by the police compared to white residents (Southall and Gold, 2019).

Although, during Mayor Bloomberg’s 11-year duration, there were 7,363 fewer murders in New York City compared to the 11 years before the Mayor taking office (Morrow, 2016). Before Bloomberg, Giuliani was New York City’s Mayor from 1994 to 2002. He also implemented the ‘Stop and Frisk policy’ which helped reduce the crime and homicide rates (Lee, 2016). However, this trend of decline started before Giuliani took office himself (Lee, 2016). The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) stated that violent crime rates began to decrease in 1989 and continued to decline through Giuliani and Bloomberg (Lee, 2016). Criminal justice experts claim that there are several crime factors that affect crime rates. Between 1994 and 2013, population, economy, and gentrification significantly impacted NYC’s decrease in crime (Lee, 2016). Ames Grawert, Justice Program counsel at the Brennan Center for Justice, stated that not a single policy nor an only mayor explains the remarkable decline in crime (Lee, 2016).

Stop and frisk encounters in New York were recorded on UF 250 forms. This form provides information on the basis for the official statistics on Stop and Frisk. Officers may not have filled a form during each encounter; thus, the NYPD’s database may not capture all stop and frisks. It’s believed that the NYPD may have only documented only 70% of all stop and frisks. This was alarming because it suggested that the non-reported encounters may have been problematic. In 2012, the Civilian Complaint Review Board discovered that 20% of the complaints they received regarding stop and frisk stops were not recorded on a UF 250 form (Morrow, 2016). The effectiveness of stop and Frisk in obtaining gun seizures and arrest were modest and declined with time. “In 2003, for instance, the NYPD recovered 627 guns through 160,851 stops, meaning that 0.3 percent of stops resulted in gun seizures. In 2011, at the SQF policy’s peak, the discovery of illegal firearms declined even further” (Morrow, 2016).

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Deterrence Philosophy Deterrence theory has served as a core foundation for several criminal justice policies and practices throughout the United States. This theory is used by government officials to frighten their citizens from committing crimes. According to deterrence theory, people are deterred from committing a crime if they know it comes with specific and severe punishment. Proponents of deterrence believe that punishing offenders severely will make them reluctant from reoffending again. As the crime rates were on the decline in New York City, Mayor Giuliani and Bloomberg enacted ‘Stop and Frisk’ as a way to publicly generalize the deterrent effect, preventing others in the city from committing crimes. They believed this would successfully help protect society and serve to change behaviors in the future.

Deterrence based philosophy is the justification for the increased use of stop and Frisk between 2003 and 2011 in New York. Cesare Beccaria and Jeremy Bentham claimed that “people are rational actors who choose to engage in behavior only after performing a cost-benefit analysis, weighing the pros and cons by balancing the pleasure to be gained from the behavior against the potential pain that the conduct might engender, especially if punishment follows” (p.92). The logic behind this theory is that ‘stop and frisk’ stop crimes from happening via two mechanisms. First, due to deterrence, it causes a reduction in crime because individuals who have had run-ins with the police before will avoid engaging in the behavior in the future that will cause them to draw the attention of the police—refraining from engaging in suspicious or criminal activities. Second, through a deterrence outlook, citizens may refrain from criminal behavior because they have witnessed stop and frisk encounters and want to avoid the possibility of being stopped themselves (Morrow, 2016).

Low numbers of arrest and confiscation rates of NYPD stops are often a point of conflict in the discourse of deterrence. Critiques argue that the low “return” rates reveal that the policy is ineffective and strongly insinuate racial discrimination (Morrow, 2016, p.93). Critiques argued this because, in 2003, the second year of Mayor Bloomberg’s term, the NYPD managed to seize 627 guns over160, 851 stop and frisk encounters. A success rate of one gun for every 266 stops is not deemed efficient, nor does it fit with the reasonable suspicion standard. So, all the stops that resulted in unsuccessful seizers only served to impact individuals negatively. However, NYC

17 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 officials and the NYPD, claiming that the low numbers of arrest and gun seizure demonstrate the deterrent significance of the practice. “Knowing there is a strong likelihood the police will stop them, the argument goes, deters would-be offenders from carrying weapons and contraband or otherwise engaging in criminal activity” (Morrow, 2016, p.93).

Despite the adoption of the ‘Stop and Frisk’ program by the NYPD and the optimism by Mayor Bloomberg, the program created skepticism about the effectiveness of the stops, and the impact on crime was modest. The effect of stops and frisks are not restricted to those who are subject to them or those who witness them throughout their daily lives. Such policy affects the entire city, as many communities continue to be targeted and mistreated. This directly or indirectly impacts all citizens of the city, as their opinion on the effectiveness of the policy is split (Zamani, 2012). Some support the policy because of the perception that it helps reduce crime and protect law-abiding citizens. On the other hand, others feel it is motivated by racial or age-based bias and limits the rights of citizens in public spaces.

A significant problem regarding NYPD’s aggressive use of stop and Frisk continues to have substantial damage to police-community relations in ways that may negatively impact public safety. According to the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) findings, several individuals claimed they would not call the police if needed due to prior experiences that resulted in unproductive outcomes, such as the police failing to act or just turned against them. Many people interviewed by the CCR stressed that stops and frisks are the reason why communities hesitate to cooperate with police and allows for, “real crime to continue because the community and the police aren’t working together because the community doesn’t trust the police” (Zamani, 2012, p.15). Thus, many people expressed that aggressive police practice was a waste of public resources.

The stop and frisk policy made it seem like being Black equaled crime when, in reality, Blacks are more affected by crime. The sheer number of stops is excluding a lot of people who live in communities that are impacted by crime. How does the NYPD spend so many hours, energy and resources, to stop so many innocent people and result in the very minimal output? The number of guns recuperated from the stops is relatively small; thus, it doesn’t seem practical. A negative perception of the police means no sense of protecting and serving the people (Zamani, 2012).

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Neighborhood Neighborhoods play an essential role in the ‘Stop and Frisk’ program and the context of claims of racial bias. Historically, legal and social trends have established the stage for the discussion on race and policing. African Americans and other minority groups have become subjects to close surveillance by the police daily. The U.S. Supreme Court, in Illinois v. Wardlow (2000), stated that a location’s characteristics are significant in determining if one’s behavior is sufficiently alarming to warrant further investigation. “High crime areas” often have concentrated poverty, subsidized public housing, and dominant minority residents, which places them at risk for elevating the suspiciousness of their residents. Studies have implied that both racial characteristics of suspects and the composition of their neighborhood influence police decisions to engage in police stops, search, or arrest. Minority residents sense the formation of suspicion among police officers towards them, indicating that they are targets (Gelman, Fagan, & Kiss, 2007). Alpert MacDonald and Dunham instituted that that police are more likely to view a minority citizen as suspicious, leading to a police stop (Alpert, MacDonald, & Dunham, 2005).

Where one lives may influence their attitude toward police. Studies show that the location of residence, neighborhood context, and victimization may moderate impact attitudes toward police. “Kusow, Wilson, and Martin (1997) observed that residential location might affect perceptions of police performance more than race.” Individuals living in small towns may have more positive attitudes compared to those living in urban areas. Black and White citizens who live in the suburbs tend to be more satisfied with police performance than both black and white inner- city residents. Though, African Americans are still more likely to be pulled over while driving. Indeed, neighborhood characteristics play a significant role in determining public opinion regarding the police (Dowler, Kenneth & Sparks, Raymond, 2008). This is due to social class (Income & Education), those who have lower incomes, fewer years of formal education, and who rented homes held less favorable attitudes than citizens who owned their homes, achieved high education accolades and received higher incomes. The present findings correlate with the idea that contact with the police is an essential determinant of citizens’ attitudes. Police department agencies influence the opinions of their citizens through their contact (Frank, Smith, & Novak, 2005). Studies have stressed that direct contact with officers affect citizen satisfaction with police to a certain degree. Negative encounters with officers’ result in unfavorable perceptions of them, and

19 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 equally, positive encounters result in favorable opinions of police officers (Ferguson, 2008). This is significant in how African Americans perceive their security and, based on their demographic context, how they mobilize through social movements. So, citizens who live in suburban areas may experience a more positive interaction with the police due to their neighborhood demographics and less police presence, compared to minority citizens living in a poor neighborhood with heavy police presence. Police officers may alter their level of friendliness or respect based on the neighborhood demographics; if it’s a “high crime area,” they tend to be more aggressive bias.

Neighborhood disorder with a perceived higher number of problems was shown to be more likely to have negative opinions on the police. Living in “high crime areas” causes a lot of neighborhood disorder due to its reputation for gun crime, gang-related violence, and drugs. This refers to the breakdown of order and social control, undermining the quality of life and putting communities at a disadvantage (Gracia, 2014). On the other hand, neighborhoods with greater ‘collective efficacy’ higher levels of easy social control and social cohesion were linked with more positive attitudes toward police. Regardless of race, areas with high crime held a general level of dissatisfaction. Citizens in high crime areas may see the police as ineffective in the prevention of crime or believed the police presence and behavior were excessive. Black residents of low crime neighborhoods and perceptions of neighborhood safety were positive concerning the increase of police performance among blacks. Blacks in high crime areas feel like the presence of the police accord them with little dignity (Dowler, Kenneth & Sparks, Raymond, 2008).

Attitude towards the police New York City’s Stop and Frisk program has been an NYPD practice for many years. A study of public opinion reveals citizens’ views of the policy. Several demographic factors were used to demonstrate the results of attitudes toward ‘Stop and Frisk.’ Minorities and younger citizens held fewer positive views, and these views were linked to living in New York City, having less education, being unemployed, having lower income, not being married, no children, having been frisked before, and indirect run-ins with the NYPD. The results gave perceptions of the demographic and experimental factors that influence attitudes toward the policing policy. (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015). Analyzing public views toward police is crucial for understanding

20 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 how police and citizens come together to address crime in the community. A neighborhood’s support of police is inherently essential to the safety of the public. Police usually count on the cooperation of the people to protect law-abiding citizens and efficiently enforce the law. However, if citizens do not have a positive attitude towards the police, they may be less likely to report or assist in resolving a crime. Generally, citizens usually hold a positive attitude regarding their local police; however, this positivity is not evenly distributed throughout society. These views are influenced by numerous factors, such as contact with police, indirect contact with police, media, demographic factors of citizens, and neighborhood conditions (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015).

Contact determinants, the citizen’s experience with the police, is a critical factor in determining attitudes towards the police. Studies found that people who had unsatisfactory encounters with the police were less likely to have a positive perception of them. Negative encounters with officers’ cause for unfavorable opinions of them. Conversely, positive encounters add to citizens’ positive perceptions of police officers. Police contact can be voluntary or, in some cases, involuntary, depending on each, it can affect citizens’ attitudes toward the police. Inadvertent encounters with police, those in which an officer randomly stops a citizen, results in more negative attitudes towards police officers.

On the other hand, citizens who contact the police voluntarily have more positive attitudes regarding the police. However, according to empirical research, there is an inverse relationship between contact with police and attitudes toward police. When citizens initiate contact with police, which results in a negative experience, they tend to hold negative feelings towards police officers (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015).

Indirect contact with the police also affects citizens’ attitudes toward them. Studies display that a lot of citizens do not have much contact with police officers, so the experience of family or friends in their lives have a reflective effect on their perceptions. The personal experiences that their family or friends have had with the police are expressed in forms of stories and conversations. These indirect experiences become the primary source used by others to assess the police informally. So, if the indirect experiences are negative it will result in negative attitudes, and vice versa (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015)

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Mass media is another essential factor that plays a role in citizens’ attitudes towards the police. It’s another means through which stories about police and citizens’ encounters are spread. Media portrayals and broadcastings of stories involving police and citizens interactions have a strong influence on public opinion. Everyone nowadays has a cell phone with the capability of cell phone video. Videotaped police and citizens encounters have become a popular source of news over the years. These videos are posted on social platforms that hold millions of views, which affects the public perception of police. Studies show that those who use news media platforms tend to believe that police misconduct happens regularly. Another study showed that news media consumption of police experiences involving misconduct did not alter attitudes toward police, but it increased the perception of police being guilty (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015).

Demographic factors have a significant impact on citizen attitudes toward police. When social class (income & education) is taken into account; it can affect citizens’ attitudes toward police. Studies have found a positive relationship between income and attitudes toward police (Dowler, Kenneth & Sparks, Raymond, 2008). The CCR perceived that low income or working- class citizens are more likely to be targeted and harassed by the NYPD. This is in part due to poor communities being less likely to fight criminal charges, pay tickets, or take action against the NYPD for false arrests (Zamani, 2012). As a result, the NYPD uses this to their advantage as they often bend the rules and abuse their authority during encounters with citizens in these communities. The treatment individuals in NYC receive from the NYPD depends on their status in society, so if you are part of the lower class, you’re at a disadvantage as the police know you lack the recourses to fight back legally. A lot of people who spoke with the CCR claimed that they believe the address shown on their ID is a factor in establishing how an individual in a police encounter will be treated. As a result, due to the fear of being stopped by the police has led people to alter their clothing styles to avoid being perceived by police as a low-income individual (Zamani, 2012).

Age another demographic factor that plays a role in establishing attitudes towards the police. Youth tend to express less support of the police compared to older adults. African American youths have disproportionately more contact with the police than other age groups. Also, youths are more likely to be subject to the unnecessary police force and harassment during police contact, all of which influence their perceptions. Youths seem to be more critical of police compared to

22 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 other age groups, especially when they come from urban neighborhoods, and believe that crime is an issue in their community (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015).

A neighborhood’s condition influences attitudes that citizens have toward police. Characteristics of communities and their requirements are one of the most critical factors that foretell attitudes toward police. Residents who live in urban neighborhoods, concentrated with poverty, unemployment, and street crime, tend to be more distrustful of police and are subject to a higher chance of arrest compared to residents of suburban neighborhoods. Studies have proven that residents from areas with higher rates of poverty tend to have negative attitudes with police. Equally, those who live in communities with higher levels of life are more satisfied with police (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015).

Stops and frisks have impacted the lives of the youth in many communities in New York City. Many of the people who spoke with the CCR expressed how youth are unfairly targeted by the police practice, especially those of color. The CCR’s stop and frisk data confirm that individuals aged 25 and under made up 55 percent of all stops in 2011. Laverne (Zamani, 2012), a 43-year-old African American woman living in the Bronx expressed that, “the young ones are getting stopped all the time. It’s become a way of life to them.” Furthermore, the CCR documented worrying reports of children being stopped by the NYPD on their way to and from school, making kids feel like criminals. This is part of the broader phenomenon of creating a process that lures low-income children and children of color from the school system into the criminal legal system (Zamani, 2012).

Public attitudes toward police have an important effect on society as a whole. Favorable attitudes correlate with a higher likelihood that citizens will help police in addressing crimes. Whereas those citizens who hold negative attitudes toward police are less willing to cooperate with police, thus less keen on reporting crimes, and more likely to display resistance towards police authority. Unfavorable attitudes toward police expand the social divide between citizens and police, forming social movements against police, especially in high profile events involving police violence. Occurrences of police killings of unarmed minorities have affected some individuals in how they perceive the police—leading to public riots and displays of violence. The relationship

23 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 between police and citizens is essential in maintaining public order, and public opinion towards police has a significant influence on that liaison (Evans, Douglas & Williams, 2015).

It is crucial to note that attitudes about police are influenced by attitudes toward the criminal justice system, political institutions, and society. However, in this study, I am interested in attitudes toward a specific police practice, ‘stop and frisk’.

Finding a safe/secure home Usage of home in the sense of the neighborhood as a point of focus for stop and frisk allows one to identify the sociopolitical consequences of the practice as a mass phenomenon. The feeling of unsafeness caused by the insecurity of the homeplace is an essential mechanism of discipline and communication from institutions of power. It reminds citizens to act accordingly as well as forming a narrative in which the object of the stop is made as criminal (Wright, 2016). Bell Hooks argues (1990), the purpose of the practice has no right to have “access to private space where we [Black people] do not directly encounter white racist aggression.”

“The idea of home…. carries critical liberating potential because it expresses unique human values,” augured Iris Marion Young (1997, p.135). Here, she argues that home is a site which “supports one’s life activities” (Young 1997, p.149). The aforementioned quote demonstrated by Iris Marion Young stresses the importance of the conception of the home as an environment that supports one’s ability to reach their full potential in society, without limitations. A real home allows one to feel recognized as a citizen of their community. The development of liberation, establishing an identity that helps the process of expansion of one’s agency (Wright, 2016).

Young recommends a vision of the home that is characterized by stability—allowing residents to know a place intimately. There are two levels in the materializing of identity in the house. Initially, one’s belonging is arranged in a space that supports their bodily habits and routines. The maintenance of a safe, self-created home allows individuals to form themselves in time and space as powerful agents. Other complementary arguments stress that a homeplace is a place of self-creation where African Americans emphasize their moral status as human beings, but also a site for resistance towards structures of oppression. This is important because the creation

24 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 and maintenance of such a homeplace allow an individual to attempt self-liberation. The process of being free which requires the ability to imagine oneself as a whole person. Living in a secure homeplace which adopts physical and mental integrity from which the individual can become free (Wright, 2016).

Stop and frisk has proven to impact the essential elements of a safe home negatively. Citizens feel out of place and lost. Individuals who live in highly surveilled neighborhoods and fit the criteria of suspicious or fit for being stopped feel the sense of not being adequately located, as they become noticeable for police intervention. The police surveillance becomes normalized while the practice of stop and frisk is built as out of place. Cresswell (2003, 1906) “argues that the construction of being out of place is an indication that the individual has committed a transgression by violating the “common-sense link between place and the things that go on in it (Wright, 2016).” Stop-and-frisk marks the actions of daily life—standing, talking, walking—as transgressive. And yet, these actions are marked as transgressive within one’s home territory, compounding the harm done to the individuals and communities most affected by the coercion of the carceral state.” This ties well with how African Americans in Queensbridge organize themselves within their daily lives. Social movements, such as community centers, help mobilize their residents in efforts to secure their safety and avoid contact with the police.

Many individuals shared with the CCR that they felt as if they were “trespassing” at home. The NYPD would harass residents outside their buildings, asking for proof that they live in their building or were accused of trespassing. Young residents believe that trapping themselves inside of their apartment was the only way to avoid being harassed by the police. This then leads towards a sense of normality for residents who experience daily harassment from the NYPD. An environment so saturated with hostile police occupation, that being stopped and harassed by the police had become a daily routine. Residents who spoke to CCR explained that harassment was so frequent that it wasn’t a topic of conversation anymore, it was expected. Their environment is incompatible with a free society (Zamani, 2012). The presence of stop and frisk alters one’s homeplace into a set of physical and mental insecurity, also disrupting the process of self- liberation.

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Living under surveillance The idea of ‘home’ for many African Americans means being watched by the police in their practice of daily life, making them anxious about their security. Living under surveillance is an outcome of ‘Stop and Frisk’ as the cops observe for criminal activity. Many residents of color feel that their communities are under siege due to the stop and frisk practices. People who spoke to the CCR compared specific neighborhoods in NYC to “occupied territory.” A region under substantial police occupation with community residents that are at odds with the police department. These policing practices have formed a more significant separation gap between the NYPD, and the communities they police are unable to go about their daily lives without experiencing harassment by the police. Member of the population do not feel protected by the NYPD, and many thinks that the real issues in their communities are not being addressed, in part, because focuses its resources into stops and frisks (Zamani, 2012).

New Yorkers who interviewed with the CCR expressed that the presence of the police in their neighborhoods is so intense that it impacts every aspect of their daily lives. They argued that just being in the hallway, stairwells, elevators, in front of their building, on the corner, or while driving, put them at risk. Police encounters became part of resident’s daily activities in specific neighborhoods. Thus, some have incorporated routines to prepare for police encounters by always carrying their ID or piece of mail to prove where they lived (Zamani, 2012).

Many New Yorkers would avoid driving or walking on the street as much as possible, taking public transportation to avoid being stopped while walking. Several people shared to the CCR, the feeling of not being able to fully engage with their neighborhood due to the NYPD being on the block all day, forcing many to stay indoors. Residents hold this constant fear that police will intimidate and harass them. Stuff residents would do in their community, such as sitting on their front porch or going to the store, which is a risk factor. They expressed that their agency is limited because of police presence in the street all the time (Zamani, 2012). Living under surveillance erodes the resident’s freedom and damages the social composition of societies by opening the door to flawed and illegal practices of citizens of the community.

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“High crime area” The justification given by police to residents who experience heavy police presence within their neighborhoods is due to the high levels of crime. The term “high crime area” was first used by the Supreme Court in Adams v. Williams. Under existing Supreme Court guide, reviewing courts are permitted to consider that an area is a “high crime area” as a factor to evaluate the rationality of the Fourth Amendment stop (Ferguson, Andrew, 2008). The Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution specifies “the right of people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place be searched, and the persons or things to be seized” (Kim, 2017). The goal of this amendment is to protect citizen’s right to privacy and freedom from unreasonable intrusions by government authority.

Citizens in “high crime areas” have different Fourth Amendment protections than they would in other areas in the same city or state. This development presents a crucial difference regarding the equal constitution protection for all citizens. Equal protection is addressed in the fourteenth amendment, guaranteeing all citizens of the United States, “equal protection of laws” (History, 2020). The term “high crime area” has become a familiar rational in legitimating the police conduct of stopping an individual. However, the Supreme Court has never defined what exactly is a “high crime area”. Judicial courts or police officers rarely explain why a particular area is considered to be a high crime. Rarely is there any analysis on what objective, valid, or empirical data the police have based their conclusion on. The high crime area designation is almost never empirically supported with facts or evidence. Thus, citizens, Fourth Amendment constitutional protections are distorted without proper reasoning to support the change (Ferguson, Andrew, 2008).

The NYPD tells residents the reason why they are being stopped is that they reside in a “high crime.” This defies the supreme court’s ruling declaring it unconstitutional to prevent an individual from merely being in a “high crime” area. The NYPD is known for citing “high crime area” as a factor in justifying their stops, even in neighborhoods with lower crime rates (Zamani, 2012).

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The NYPD reported a peak in numbers of murders and shootings in Astoria’s 114 precincts, Queens. Deputy inspector Oswaldo Nunez, commander of the precinct, identified the violence at Ravenswood and Queensbridge houses. Deputy Nunez claimed that many of the shootings were from rival gangs, with between 15 and 30 members. There are five known gangs in Queensbridge houses and hold a longtime rivalry between gangs based in Ravenswood. The killings and shooting among the gangs are over minor issues, stressed Nunez (Law, 2018).

“A lot of the shootings are over disrespect,” Nuñez said. “Trivial things. It could be about a girl, a history of not liking each other. Retaliation. It’s hard to pinpoint” (Law, 2018, para. 10)

The community has taken measures to deescalate the violence by adding more NYPD officers at the public housing at night when most of the crimes occur. More officers are being assigned to street duty and even working overtime hours to help reduce violence. However, Nunez argued that the level of crime fluctuated year to year, “I think we’re having a bad year; crimes goes up and down” (Law, 2018, para. 17). Communities with high levels of crime and gang affiliation lure the attention of the police, increasing residents’ contact with officers as police aim to restore order and reduce levels of crime in which they tend to misuse or overuse their policing tactics, which can have lasting effects on the community.

Queensbridge, America’s largest public housing project, is located in West Queens. Beginning in the 1950s, government policies separated the middle from low-income residents in housing sites. Queensbridge transitioned into a predominantly low-income housing project, also has experienced their share of violence and crime over the years. By the 1980s and 90s, Queensbridge became a hub for drugs and crimes (Giurgiulescu, 2013). In 2018, the NYPD and Queens District Attorney Richard Brown joined forces to end a massive drug bust. Twenty-two residents were arrested on drug sale and weapon possession charges. Drug dealing has plagued Queensbridge for years, flooding the streets with drugs, and luring kids into criminal activities. NYPD Commissioner James O’Neill argued that for New York City to reduce crime, it’s imperative that they identify and dismantle narcotic organizations (Woodward and Staff, 2018).

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Leaders of the community who work with residents of Queensbridge and Ravenswood Houses asserted the high level of the current tension between the respective gangs. “It seems as if the territorial beef between Ravenswood and Queensbridge has been ramped up,” said Bishop Mitchell Taylor. Bishop Taylor recognized that the “beef” or issues between the two gangs had been an ongoing problem for the community for many years; it was nothing new. He also praised the works of 114 Precinct, especially the line of communication that was linked with the public housing community. “I think the NYPD has made great strides in terms of public outreach and communication, but there’s always more to do,” said Bishop Taylor (Law, 2018)

The president of the Ravenswood Houses Tenant Association, Carol Wilkins, stressed the increased police presence in the community. She argued that the key to overcoming violence in the community is to “build community.” Wilkins continued by stating, “There’s so much hated, and we’ve got to open our eyes as a community and combat this hatred” (Law, 2018). Residents who live and work in Queensbridge deserve to be safe from drug distribution and violence.

Communities Taking Action The aforementioned attitudes and tensions between minorities and the NYPD have led to communities to take action. New Yorkers are united against these discriminatory police practices and are working together to establish methods to ensure community safety and individual security without the help of the police. They begin by educating minorities about their rights and offer support to victims of police abuse. A lot of neighborhoods have community centers that are linked to other organizations that are working to ensure community safety, holding police accountable for misconduct, including “cop watch” programs that act as community patrols. Such programs have prevented people from being arrested or summoned before things escalate. The following organizations will be looked at further in more detail in my empirical chapter: Jacob Riis Community Center, Black Lives Matter of Greater New York and Campaign Zero.

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3. Research Design

Methods used and connections In my research, I tend to depict the struggles and oppression of African Americans due to the political policies and institutions prevalent in New York City. The New York City Police Department’s (NYPD’s) aggressive police tactic ‘stop and frisk’ had and continues to have a profound effect on individuals, groups, and communities across the city. These policies and institutions are examples of structural violence. Where are political agendas framed through narrative forms: what are the problems in our society and what should be done about it?

My thesis is based on how African Americans in Queensbridge organize and perceive their security within the context of ‘stop and frisk.’ I plan on conducting numerous interviews with young African American men who have been stopped and frisked by the NYPD as well as citizens who are living under the weight of the unprecedented outburst of this practice.

I hope to obtain data on how deeply these practice impacts individuals and the widespread abuse at the hands of police officers. The NYPD stop and frisk program affected thousands of people in New York City, and its lasting effects continue to have an impact on minorities, specifically African Americans.

To conduct research regarding the policies and institutions, I will have to review academic literature: news articles, peer-reviewed articles, Ph.D. dissertations, and books. The academic literature is critical in identifying the issues associated with being an African American male in specific neighborhoods of NYC. Also, I will further analyze the relationship between NYPD officers and African American males. My research is a descriptive analysis of the lasting effects of ‘Stop and Frisk’ and how it has altered practices in policing and the daily lives of African American’s. To successfully answer my research question, I will conduct semi-structured interviews. The data obtained will be qualitative and quantitative. Qualitative data will consist of experiences and anecdotal data needed to answer my research question, which can also be helped by some quantitative data, consisting of reports, obstacles, and real-life situations. Both forms of data will contribute to richer representations of experiences, obstacles, and real-life consequences in NYC post ‘Stop and Frisk.’

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Participants My interviewees are residents of Queensbridge and Queens, New York. I interviewed six people, of whom will entail young African American males with different demographic characteristics. Growing up in New York City allowed me to form a diverse network of acquaintances. Personally, knowing all the interviewees from my childhood, with whom we shared memorable moments. This served as a form of comfort during the interviews, allowing the interviewees to open up and feel with a safe zone. At the same time, there is a possible downside to personally knowing my participants who may have affected their responses. There is a possibility they gave me specific answers because we are familiar with each other. Unfortunately, due to the Coronavirus (COVID-19), I will not be interviewing NYPD officers as the virus prioritizes their availability. However, they will be an essential feature of my research.

In conjunction with the social distancing guidelines, interviews were conducted via Skype. During the duration of the interviews, I took notes and recorded the conversation, which was then fully transcribed. Next, the transcribed interviews were analyzed through a coding scheme, which reflected themes in the literature review. The interviews will be valuable in answering and analyzing the effects of structural violence and social movement in New York City, precisely Queensbridge, in terms of how African Americans organize and perceive their security.

Semi-Structured Interviews Semi-structured interviews are crucial to my research as I want to provide a platform for residents of NYC to be heard. Via interviews, a deeper authentic understanding will be obtained regarding the perspectives and frustration of African Americans being gaslighted. I will be able to relate to most interviews as I understand the problems prevalent in specific communities. These residents are practitioners in their daily activities by living an unusually structured life to avoid confrontation with the NYPD. The semi-structured interviews will consist of open-ended and close-ended questions. The intimate ended questions will be useful in gathering demographic characteristics of the participants, where the open questions will allow them to explain their perspectives. As a result, this will allow for new ideas and themes to be brought up during the interview as a result of what is said. Interviews will be more collaborative rather than interrogative.

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Interviews will be coded by different themes about the ones formed with the literature review: race, neighborhood, public opinion, bias, security, collateral consequences, organizations, and contact with police. A color will represent each theme, and I will highlight parts of the interview that fall in each theme category. Coding makes it easier to interpret the responses from interviews. Assigning codes to words and phrases in each response help follow the reactions, which in turn helps me better analyze and discuss the results.

Ethics Statement The nature of my research is sensitive, as it entails positive and negative factors. I will be interviewing residents of NYC who have had encounters with the NYPD and getting to hear their real-life experiences. A lot of these residents have been gaslighted for years and experienced trauma by the police due to their race, thus making these personal experiences delicate. In order to ensure their safety and privacy, I will suggest the option of using pseudo names (depending on the interviewee). This will give them a sense of security and create a comfort zone for them to share their personal experiences with me. Additionally, I will ask for verbal or written consent regarding their participation in my research.

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4. Theoretical Framework

Structural Violence

Structural violence is a term commonly credited to Johan Galtung’s, which he introduced in his literature “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research.” Galtung begins by linking the terms’ peace’ and ‘violence’ to each other. Such that, the term ‘peace’ can be considered as an ‘absence of violence’. Before defining violence, Galtung moves onto the notion of direct and indirect violence. Galtung identifies direct violence as the visible form of violence, an act that can be physical or verbal, involving a perpetrator and victim (Galtung, 1969). In comparison, indirect violence is invisible, existing silently in the society; however, its outcomes are visible. Galtung states indirect violence as structural violence, as he explains that violence is part of the structure. This is also a prevalent problem in the society of the US, where violence is present in police institutions, where policies such as ‘Stop and Frisk’ become normalized in society. Furthermore, indirect violence is synonymous with social injustice, as social groups are unable to acquire their potential.

Galtung (1969) claimed that ‘violence’ occurs when humans are influenced in a manner that their “somatic and mental realizations are below their potential realization.” It’s an indirect mechanism of perpetuating harm on individuals/groups. In Galtung’s terms, structural violence is the reason for the limitation society places on underserved communities constraining them from achieving their full potential or quality of life. Violence is part of the structure, which is also influenced by the contextual factors of religion, a society’s culture, and their ideological beliefs. These three aspects, religion, ideological belief, and culture influence one another by portraying the racism/discrimination made towards certain social groups. In a community, certain types of structural or direct violence become normalized (Galtung, 1969). Galtung (1969) then links indirect violence to structural violence and further explains its significance. Galtung is known for pioneering the term structural violence, which is a subcategory of the concept of force.

Violence becomes visible when there is a clear correlation between subjects–objects because it is noticeable as action. Galtung (1969) then links violence to drama, making it personal due to people committing violence. It is quickly apprehended and expressed verbally since both subject and object being persons. Without the subject-object correlation, violence is built into the

33 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 structure. Galtung (1969) refers to structural violence as a form of violence wherein some social structures may impair people by impeding them from meeting their basic needs and achieving their full potential. Institutionalized, classism, ethnocentrism, nationalism, racism, and sexism are all forms of structural violence insinuated by Galtung (Galtung, 1969). According to Galtung (1969), rather than portraying a physical image, structural violence is built into structures that limit certain social groups from fundamental human needs. Structural violence impacts people differently throughout various social structures. Galtung (1969) expressed that we shall refer to the state of structural violence as social injustice.

Imbalance of power refers to the limitation’s society puts on groups of people, which suppresses their actual achievements below what they could have otherwise achieved (Galtung, 1969). Such power imbalance often involves an unequal distribution of power and wealth impacting underprivileged communities, as resources are poorly allocated within its social structure (Galtung, 1969). This imbalance affects the income, education, and healthcare needs for certain social groups. In this manner, the aggravation of inequities develops from the many propositions derived by a social system. So much that the lowest members of society are deprived of their life potential, they are deprived because the structure denies them from the proper resources to organize and utilize their power against the higher structures of society (Galtung, 1969). While structural violence is indirect, it’s long-lasting effects are marked within society.

Structural violence can be sustained through unjust laws and oppression. Structural violence can be understood by analyzing the impacts of implementing a policy (stop and frisk) on members of a community (African Americans living Queensbridge). The African American community was not mad about the policy itself but how it was targeted. For so many years in the United States, African Americans have said the police have targeted them just because of the color of their skin. Such biases would lead the police to treat all African Americans as criminals. This discriminatory behavior has generated a disconnect among the masses as it is biased towards African Americans. The dissatisfaction of people encompasses the experiences of the majority and formulates a strong unity amongst the disadvantaged African Americans. The misuse and overuse of ‘stop and frisk’ resulted in revolts and protests throughout New York City, which has ultimately occurred in the formation of social movements. Prolonged structural violence often results in civil

34 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 society/bottom-up resistance, which takes form in social movements. Therefore, the next section explains the components of social mobility and how it is often used as a tool to overcome injustice within society.

Social Movement Snow, Soule, and Kriesi (2004) begin by defining social movements as one of the “principal social forms” through which people can voice their injustices and concerns about the rights, welfare, and wellbeing of themselves and others. Morris and Braine (2001) differentiate three forms of movements. First, “liberation movements” are made off members of oppressed groups who reject the infrastructure of their oppositional culture. Second, “equality-based special issue movements” focuses on specific issues that impact particular target groups. Lastly, “Social responsibility” movements challenge conditions that negatively affect the general population. Collectivities engage in numerous sorts of actions, for example, protesting in the streets, dramatizing their frustrations and concerns, hoping that their voices will be through change. Social movements have been around for centuries, functioning as an essential tool in voicing a collectivity’s interests. Social movements have been a driving force for many of the significant developments in human history: Christianity, the Reformation, and the French, American, and Russian revolutions. Of course, not all social movements are of that magnitude concerning national or international issues. Some social changes are mainly local, speaking directly to local terms and target groups (Snow, Soule, & Kriesi, 2004).

Social movements serve as resistors to or defenders of existing authority, seeking change. Components of social movement all stress that actions are influenced by promoting or resisting change towards some aspect of the society in which we live. Promoting change is the “raison d’etre” for all social movements (Snow, Soule, & Kriesi, 2004). Social groups such as Black Lives Matter and Campaign Zero challenge the injustice faced by Blacks in the United States. Through social media and rallies, they express their concerns and grievances regarding police brutality and discriminator behavior.

The organization is an essential aspect of the conceptualization of social movement. Social movements, through collective actions, implies some sort of coordination, thus organization.

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Scholars of the social movement, such as McCarth and Zald (1977) argued that social movement organizations were important for gathering and allocating resources needed to successfully realize the movement’s objectives. Social movement organizations are seen as the orienting and point of focus for understanding the function of a social movement. Throughout many movements, we witness the interests and objectives of a particular community represented and supported by individuals associated with organizations. While organizations vary, being local or online, much of the activities, including the relations between members, are organized (Snow, D. A., Soule, S. A., & Kriesi, H, 2004).

The organization, resistance, and perception are essential concepts in social movements. The dynamics between religious organizations and broader social movements shows that there is not much difference in participation (Vermeulen, 2016). For instance, religion is regarded as a source of organizational resources, similarly to how social networks can provide organizational resources (Vermeulen, 2016). Influenced by resource mobilization theory, Aldon Morris (1984) studied the civil rights movement. He was interested in understanding how religious organizations provided organizational resources to the movement as well as how religious leaders mobilized social movement resources. In Morris’s terms (1984), the success of the civil rights movement is primarily due to civil rights organizations, organizations like local Black churches. Black Churches were the focal point in leading the civil rights movement, and its tradition and cultural forms stood as the backbone of the liberation movement.

Social movements often imply a form of organization. To illustrate, considering the social movement of the 1960’s, leaders as Martin Luther King and organizations as the Southern Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) played significant roles in realizing the movement’s purposes (Snow, Soule, & Kriesi, 2004). This paper will look to use the conceptual approach of the Black church within the civil rights movement context to study further how Queensbridge community center and other social movement organizations helped African Americans organize and perceive their security.

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Resources & Mobilization Edwards and McCarthy (2004) claimed that when social movement activists attempt to create collective action (protests and create social movement organization), their success is related to the availability of resources in their community. Webster’s dictionary defines a resource as a new or reserve source of supply or support. Also, mobilization is a process of increasing the readiness to act collectively (Edward and McCarthy, 2004). However, the simple availability of resources offered to the collective actors is not enough; coordination and strategic work are significant to utilize the resources in collective action.

Without a doubt, resources play an essential role in the mobilization of collective action. Though resources are unequally allocated among social groups (Edward and McCarthy, 2004). State agencies, nongovernmental organizations, and individuals work towards changing the dominant pattern of resource stratification and relocate them to considerable social movements. Yet, middle-class groups are privileged in their accessibility to resources; thus, social campaigns that resonate with middle-class collectives tend to be prevalent over the mobilization of deprived groups. Broader social and economic inequalities are identifiable in patterns of collective action, resulting in privileged groups being more successful in mobilization. Movements based upon exempt individuals are more successful than groups of economically marginalized, who have had less success in mobilizing for collective action (Edward and McCarthy, 2004).

Social Movement Organizations (SMOs) and movement mentoring organizations commonly assist emerging communities with subsidies, technological advice, and constant support to other SMOs (Walker 1991; Nownes and Neeley 1996). The social movement sector has grown over the years, becoming professionalized in developed countries. Such organizations supply services, often free to SMO’s (Edward and McCarthy, 2004). Some organizations, such as social movements halfway houses and schools, do not have the tools to form organized groups. In the United States, numerous “technical support organizations” serve as critical financial channels between foundation and less professionalized SMOs (Jenkins and Halcli 1999: 245).

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Leadership Morris and Staggenborg (2004) define movement leaders as strategic decision-makers who inspire and organize collectives to engage in social movements. They identify the impact of leader’s on social movements as necessary. Leaders inspire commitment, mobilize resources, provide opportunities, create strategies, frame demands, and influence outcomes. Numerous scholars have noted that leadership in the social movement has not been effectively theorized. Morris and Staggenborg (2004) blame this on the failure to properly integrate agency and structure in theories of social movements. They claim that any approach to leadership in social movements must assess the actions of leaders in structural contexts and distinguish the numerous levels of leadership and roles of collectives (Morris & Staggenborg, 2004).

Social movement leaders in developed Western countries usually come from an educated middle and upper class, male dominant, and tend to share the race and ethnicity of their supporters (Morris & Staggenborg, 2004). However, the social composition of leadership in poor/non- Western countries indicates that leaders come from middle and upper classes or hold superior education than their followers. This does not mean that all movement leaders come from privileged classes or receive higher education. Nor does it mean that leaders from privileged classes are the best leaders for all types of movements. Indeed, leaders who come from poor and working-class communities are more likely to share the interests of their people and enjoy advantages in mobilizing their collective groups that outsiders lack (Morris & Staggenborg, 2004).

Resources are essential in attaining successful social movement; however, institutional knowledge is the critical resource that social movement leaders embrace. To be effective, social movements require that many of the following intellectual tasks be performed well: framing grievance, forming ideologies, debates, social media, dialogue with internal and external elites. Leaders who acquire advanced reading, writing, speaking, analytic skills, and learn new ideas from other cultures tend to be successful (Morris & Staggenborg, 2004).

Formal education and the use of language is essential to completing intellectual tasks in social movements. The skills mentioned above are what empowered Gandhi to formulate a non- violent strategy direction for his movement. These same educational skills were evident in Dr.

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King’s “I Have a Dream” speech in which he used the aspiration of the civil rights movement to reach the broader American culture. Educated individuals often become leadership positions because they are best suited to lead social movement tasks (Morris & Staggenborg, 2004).

Social Movements & Queensbridge I would like to tie the acclimated knowledge to the Queensbridge housing projects. It is home to the most significant public housing development in North America with a dominant Black population. Public housing is subsidized by federal funds, providing shelter for individuals with specific demographic characteristics, such as low income. Queensbridge has 24/7 police surveillance due to its problems with drug trafficking and gang violence. One of the goals of my thesis is to look beyond the impact of structural violence on everyday life. Also, seek to identify how individuals who live in this pattern of structural violence exercise agency – individually and collectively – to promote their security. Due to the tarnished relationship between the NYPD and the Queens Bridge community, individuals organize and perceive their security via the following organizations: Queensbridge → Jacob Riis Community Center, Black Lives Matter, and Campaign Zero. These organizations are active in Queensbridge or engaged in the greater New York City area. Creating an online, offline divide: some prominent organizations might be relevant for the people in Queens Bridge but not physically present in the area (but available online). The Jacob Hills community center in Queensbridge is the core of community life, playing a bridging role between the community and the New York Police Department, as well as with other organizations.

Jacob Riis Community Center in Queensbridge, Black Lives Matter, and Campaign Zero are all in the business of seeking justice or change to some aspect of society in which African Americans live. Through these social movements, African Americans can voice their injustices and concerns about their rights, welfare, and wellbeing of their loved ones. As a community-based organization (Jacob Riis Community Center), they organize to gather and allocate resources needed to successfully realize the organization’s objective, which is to strengthen underserved communities in Western Queens and act as a catalyst for change. Being the core of the neighborhood, the Jacob Riis Community Center serves a resource to its community, providing a safe and inclusive environment for all. They are in partnership with planned Parenthood and offer services for youths, seniors, and immigrants. Indeed, resources play a crucial role in mobilizing a

39 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 community; however, Queensbridge is an underserved community that lacks recourse. According to Jacob Riis Community Center’s annual report 2018, they receive support from the government, foundation, and corporate agencies who work towards reallocating resources to social movement organizations that are in need. Residents of Queensbridge esteem staff members of the community center as leaders of the community. Leaders that inspire commitment to building the community, mobilizing resources, providing opportunities, influencing demands, and outcomes for the deprived residents. With the resident’s lack of trust in the NYPD, they turn to their community center to organize and perceive their security. The Jacob Riis Community Center obtains the trust of their community due to them sharing similar interests and always working in the best interest of its community.

Black Lives Matter of Greater New York campaigns against violence and systemic racism towards black people. It wasn’t until 2014 when two black individuals were killed that Black Lives Matter hashtag went viral on Twitter (cite). This social movement grew and was defined around a hashtag. Black Lives Matter functions as an essential vehicle for articulating and pressing black’s interests and claims (Snow, Soule and Kriesi, 2004). This organization focuses on assisting black families, individuals, and community leaders in achieving justice. As well as building a bridge that helps black communities attain resources from existing institutions (An Action Coalition: Black Lives Matter Greater New York, 2017). Black Lives Matter is a social movement in which the underserved and disenfranchised collectives give voice to their concerns about their rights and demands, especially with police officers. They lead their change through civic engagement, education, and mentorship. They aim to directly impact policies that focus on criminal justice reform, basic public safety, fair and equal access to education, jobs, and infrastructures (An Action Coalition: Black Lives Matter Greater New York, 2017). Morris and Staggenborg (2004) stressed that resources are crucial for a social movement to be successful, although informative knowledge from leaders is the primary key to social movement succeeding. Indeed, leaders of the Black Lives Matter movement process institutional knowledge to assist black communities in obtaining justice properly.

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Campaign Zero is a comprehensive social movement organization platform that presents research-based policy solutions to end police brutality in the United States (cite). This campaign was formed in 2015 by activists who were associated with Black Lives Matter (mention). As Snow, Soule, and Kriesi (2004) stated, a social movement serves as a social platform through which collectivities can voice their concerns and injustice in their communities. Campaign zero, a ‘blueprint for ending police violence’ demands to end the racial disparity in the criminal justice system and reduce all police violence (Campaign Zero, n.d.). The campaign defined its policy ideas through ten categories, specifically aimed at ending police violence, particularly against minority communities that are excessively impacted by crime and police presence (Campaign Zero, n.d.). Campaign zero uses data and policy as its resources to create structural solutions to the crisis that has jeopardized the security of African Americans throughout the United States. Morris and Staggenborg (2004), insisted that formal education and the use of language are what empowered leaders as Gandhi and Martin Luther King to create a non-violent response for their movement. With the racial disparity and biases in the criminal justice system, Campaign Zero leads the way in manifesting an interactive website. Their website proposes new federal, state, and local laws that would address police violence and reform the criminal justice system. This organization becomes a leader for numerous underserved communities because they are well suited to lead social movement tasks, in this case, reform policies. “We must end police violence, so we can live and feel safe in this country,” Campaign Zero states (Campaign Zero, n.d.). The campaign wants to leverage the critical impact structural violence has imposed on blacks and other minorities living in underserved communities. This form of leadership will continue to inspire commitment and influence outcomes for the greater good of blacks in the United States.

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5. Analysis Other Side of America This chapter will begin by introducing the stories and narratives gathered in relation to the eleven central sets questions implemented in the semi-structured interviews. This is important as it depicts the direction in which the interviewees voiced their stories and how it developed throughout the progression of the interview. Indeed, the interviews reflected the substance of the structured questions within their narratives. Providing an applicable method through which to present the data before analyzing it in linkage to the aforementioned theories. Furthermore, interviews were coded via different themes pertaining to the ones formed with the literature review: race, neighborhood, public opinion, bias, security, collateral consequences, organizations and contact with police.

The second part of this empirical chapter will present data on how the following organizations (Jacob Riis Community Center, Black Lives Matter and Campaign Zero) function in Queensbridge. As well as, their programs to protect their residents from police brutality and provide agency to promote their security.

Respondents, whom live roughly in the same area, come from different background in terms of social economic status, migration background and family context.

“My name is Lawrence Jituboh, and I was born and raised in Queens, NY. Both my parents are Nigerian and moved to the US in their 20’s. I grew up in a middle-class household, where everyone always stressed the importance of education.” (Interviewee: Lawrence Jituboh)

“My name is Hiruy Wassyihun and I was born and grew up in Ethiopia until 12 years old. I then moved to France and lived there until 18 years old. Thereafter, I moved to the U.S at the age of 18 and have lived here since.” (Interviewee: Hiruy Wassyihun)

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“My name is Andre. I grew up in a nice small community called Roosevelt island. Five minutes away from Queensbridge. I lived with my parents and older sister. We are from west Africa a country called Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast).” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

Other respondents come from poorer larger families with different demographic characteristic, indicating the diversity of my sample. Black American born poor are already at odds due to the structures and institutions within their society. This makes it harder for them to move up the income ladder. Many factors play a role in this, including educational inequality, neighborhood effects, workplace discrimination, parenting, systemic racism (access to credit), and rates of incarceration (Winship et al., 2018). So, as a young black man, if you are born poor, you are pretty much stuck, and this has an effect on your daily life practice. Creating social and economic barriers. The theme’s ‘race’ and ‘neighborhood’ are present in the reflected responses.

“My name is Deshawn Carter, I’m known as Mookie, I’m from ‘Rich Blocc’ Roosevelt Island 1004 (right next to Queensbridge). Growing up with five brothers and one sister. Single mom, living back and forth with my mom and grandma, and a whole lot of cousins. It’s been hard but also joyful, a lot of hustling jobs but it is what it is.” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

In encounters with NYPD police officers the respondents provided raw emotional answers reflecting their idea on whether the NYPD fulfills their duty of protecting and serving the community. It also illustrates their perception on race and bias in American society. For years now there has been concerns centered around police making stops based on the color of skin of individuals. Such racial bias has caused minorities, specifically African Americans, to feel angry and targets in their communities. Implicit bias is the cognition that explains why police officers are more likely to view African Americans as suspicious leading to a police stop, instead of judging on behavioral cues. The implicit association police officer’s harbor toward African Americans are based on characteristics such as race, ethnicity, age and appearance ("Understanding Implicit Bias", 2015).Therefore, implicit biases can influence how police officers behave towards African Americans, causing effects in a number of daily life settings, such as school, work, and criminal

43 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 justice system (Cherry, 2020). The following reactions portray the following themes: race, bias, contact with police, public opinion.

Andre, one of the respondents, claimed that NYPD officers were bias in targeting him due to his skin color (race) and large frame. How he presented himself in front of an officer was what often triggered them to engage in contact with him.

“I’ve had multiple encounters with the police. My encounters didn’t start until high school. Majority of those were negative mostly because of how I’m built. I’m 6’4 260 pounds. My large frame and dark skin usually make people uncomfortable until they have a conversation with me.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

Deshawn, who has had his personal run ins with the NYPD stressed the NYPD’s abuse of power and their ‘code of honor.’ He also portrays what an NYPD officer would consider as a target. “I had multitype encounter with them, always negative, sometimes probably once or twice its been peaceful. In our language, in the streets, they are dickheads, assholes, they abuse their authority. They verbally abuse people, they get a badge, it’s not all officers but a lot have their code of honor so they always slavish each other regardless or right or wrong. They savage. Especially to the minorities, everybody who is poor or under the middle class. Everybody is target, especially black people from the hood, you from the hood and dress a certain, talk a certain way, look a certain way then you’re a target.” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

Evil Genius, who also has had numerous negative police contact, described the physical and verbal abuse he and his family were subjects to. He was outraged by how the news media fails to frame the abuse played out by the NYPD.

Of course, I have...most encounters were negative. The cops violated my room just to find NOTHING and threatened my parents…. They said I was “armed and dangerous” and if I was found it could get “deadly” …. The News won’t tell you that though!

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(Interviewee: Evil Genius)

Henceforth, indexing occurs, as individuals make sense of their past to contextualize their present. Relating current events to prior experiences. Respondents were asked if their encounter with the police officers altered their opinion on the effectiveness of police work. In response, interviewees used their prior encounters with the police to help form their opinions on their effectiveness. This is crucial due to the NYPD possibly losing legitimacy within their community.

“Yes, I remember distinctly feeling shocked and humiliated the first time it happened in Washington Square Park and then understanding that the police in NY are not there to protect and serve me. Since then, I have had little faith in NYPD and their officers.” (Interviewee: Hiruy Wassyihun)

Hiruy used his past encounters with the NYPD to conclude their effectiveness as enforcers of the law. Their misconduct among NYC civilians portrays a negative image on their intuition, which leads to higher rates of disapproval. Lawrence claimed that the NYPD have an agenda in which they don’t address the important issues of society.

“It just made me think that a good amount of NYPD focus is focused on the wrong things/looking to just rack up fines. In both of my cases, I think I could’ve been let off with a warning, and is probably something I would’ve done if I was a cop. It made me realize interactions I’ve had with other cops, have been much more pleasant than with NYPD officers.” (Interviewee: Lawrence Jituboh)

Lawrence claimed that the NYPD have an agenda in which they don’t address the important issues of society.

“I took a couple of classes in college about the criminal justice system. I think majority of them have are just scared and would rather do something to the other person rather than have something done to them. I spoke to 100 cops for a class and many of them have never dealt with

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an aggressive person or grew up around minorities, so they assume everybody is aggressive or a criminal.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

Next, Andre addresses the issues of community representation within the NYPD. Although the NYPD has increased their diversity, they fall short of reflecting the communities they serve. The importance of community representation within a police agency is that it garners individual/collective trust among social groups. Officers of many backgrounds and experience can better serve minority communities, as they can relate to their daily life practices/struggles.

“Yes...most people I know don’t like or trust police.” (Interviewee: Evil Genius)

Considering the nature of the ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy, any individual of color is susceptible to being stopped and questioned by the police. Somewhat undeniable, due to how the policy was targeted towards minorities. Every respondent knows of a loved one or a close friend who have experienced negative encounters with the police. As a result, this has an effect on the interviewee’s agency in society, as a black man, they fear coming in contact with police.

“My cousin was actually wrongfully convicted and had to serve 3 years in jail. I always think that I’m next to get something planted on me and end up in the same way. It didn’t really affect me because we live in different neighborhoods, but the thought still lingers whenever I go see him and my other family that lives in the area.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

“Traumatized, you know um. I have seen a lot of family members get abused by officers. Female, male, children didn’t matter. From a child to an adult it is still going on as we speak.” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

“My little brother who lives in Queens, NY has also been stopped and frisked several times and similarly experienced negative encounters. I know of four other friends who have had similar

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encounters with NYPD. Everyone I know from my little brother to my friends who have had similar experiences are persons of African descent.” (Interviewee: Hiruy Wassyihun)

Above I began by explaining the intensity and negative experience of police contact endured by my respondents and their friends and family. This illustrates how widespread and intrusive the police are for them and that on the contrary they do not all feel protected nor served. Below I shift focus towards the approach taken by police itself, through the perceptions of my respondents. They tend to feel that police have a particular bias while conducting police stops. Such bias in policing consist of stereotypes and profiling, rather than facts. New York City has a profound history of racially biased policing and neglecting bias policing complaints by its citizens. Biased policing negates the core value of equal treatment under the law as well as becomes a threat to the safety of the public (Valle, 2019). Such racial profiling undermines the public assurance and trust of the NYPD. Therefore, implicit bias negatively effects the impartiality of police officer’s decision-making skills during encounters with African Americans.

Questions confronting implicit bias in the NYPD – The consequences of such bias can be disastrous. When officers base their police judgement on stereotypes instead of facts, routine encounters can escalate rapidly. Respondents acknowledged and addressed the biases that troubles their encounters with NYPD officers. The following reactions portray the following themes: race, bias, neighborhood and contact with police.

“Of course, if you are under the middle the class or in a lower class, you’re poor. They look for the way you look, minorities, black people, Spanish, it doesn’t matter what skin color. You can be a poor white person and dress how I dress which is a street urban style you’re getting thrown on the wall. You got face tatts, tattoos, jewelry and they do it to females as well.” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

“Yes, I do believe there is a bias. As I mentioned before they have a certain quota to meet in tickets or arrests. I think they get a bonus added to the paycheck when they make an arrest. So, they look for people in rough neighborhoods with nice cars.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

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“I 100% believe there are bias police stops. I think young African Americans or Brown young adults get pulled over all the time because of their skin color. And the awful stereotypes that have been wrongfully placed upon our communities.” (Interviewee: Austin Goodluck)

“I believe there is bias in police stops. I still cannot understand why I have been stopped and frisked on four separate occasions as I clearly exhibited no threat during each one of those instances. The first time I was stopped while in Washington Square Park, the police officers went above and beyond to embarrass me and treat me as a criminal in front of my girlfriend. The second and third time I was stopped by the subway platforms, the incidents happened so fast and quick, I barely had time to process the incident before I was aggressively advised to move on, after having been yanked to the side and frisked. The fourth time I was stopped on 34th St., I was coming out of work, still dressed in a suit and tie with my co-workers. The police officers singled me out from all my co-workers who are white to frisk me. All my co-workers who watched the incident advised that was their first time witnessing such an incident and nothing like that had ever happened to them.” (Interviewee: Hiruy Wassyihun)

The following responses convey the reasoning behind why police target vulnerable individuals in underserved neighborhoods, specifically Queensbridge. Respondents shed light on the factors that play a role in establishing police bias. Implicit bias describes the unconscious associations individuals make between groups of people and the stereotypes of those people (cite).

“I believe police target neighborhoods like Queens Bridge because there is a lot of violence. Mostly from gangs and drugs. It is also the biggest project housing area in New York City. A lot of people aren’t exactly friends with each other because the problems have been passed down for generations. They also have problems with the nearby project housing area called Ravenswood. Every summer somebody is dying due to gun violence back and forth between housing areas. So, police patrol those areas and just target people randomly because they have no clue how all this violence is happening.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

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“Cause that is part of their task and their briefing. They brief about targeting these minority, because they know there will be activity there. What they do is capitalizing of poor circumstances. Illegal or legal they want to know what you are doing in this poor environment. It’s snooping, it’s a snoop. Sometimes they get a good snoop that might be bad outcome on such people.” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

“I think it’s a combination of it’s easier for officers to single them out, as well as those residence not having enough knowledge about the rights they have when stopped by police officers.” (Interviewee: Lawrence Jituboh)

“Because they look at the communities and the people in them as second class citizens that If they’re not playing sports or doing something productive, that they’re selling drugs or committing crimes. And they target them because of bias and not facts or evidence.” (Interviewee: Austin Goodluck)

“Yes, I believe the police single out vulnerable residents in poor neighborhoods because they can, they are encouraged to do so, and they are not held accountable for their abuse of power. The fact that these neighborhoods are economically poor, the residents are vulnerable and historically disenfranchised due to race and social status, the police regard the people as undesirable residents and to be policed aggressively.” (Interviewee: Hiruy Wassyihun)

Questions transition and portray the collateral consequences deriving from the ‘Stop and Frisk’ police policy. Such as: “What would you say are the collateral consequences of being stopped by an NYPD?” – This originated from personal recollections of interviewees that have been subjects to a range of inappropriate and abusive behavior at the hands of the NYPD. We see that this policy has and continues tens of thousands of New Yorkers yearly. Any arrest or encounter with the

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NYPD can trigger a continuance of collateral consequences even without a later conviction. The following reactions portray the following theme: collateral consequences.

“The collateral consequences are a distrust of the police force, their willingness and ability to protect me, my family and friends and the understanding that I could be a victim to their abuse of power.” (Interviewee: Hiruy Wassyihun)

“Collateral consequences of being stopped by a NYPD officer could be false imprisonment or injury/ death.” (Interviewee: Austin Goodluck)

“Collateral consequences, um, being assaulted, murdered, critical damage, extra crime. Family is going to sad, depressed, traumatized. Negative feeling, you are away from a loved one.” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

A consequence that I’ve had to deal with is people in the area start to look at you differently and start to believe you’re a troublemaker or a criminal. Then people have a mental image of you all the time and when something actually happens, they tend to automatically remember your face and start giving off false information. (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

These questions seek to identify how individuals who live in this pattern of structural violence exercise their individual agency to promote their own security. The following reactions portray the following themes: public opinion and security.

“I don’t have an exact definition of being safe but an engaging community where everybody genuinely cares about how your day is going and are willing to know more about you. People who are on your side willing to fight for you if they see something unjust is happening. In a utopian world where skin color doesn’t matter, and people actually don’t judge you based on how you look.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

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According to Andre, security is represented in an integrated community where everyone cares for the well-being of one another. A community where people are judged by the content of their character but not by the color of their skin. Also, a community committed in fighting for the greater good of their community.

“The right to bear arms...” (Interviewee: Evil Genius)

In the opinion of Evil Genius, his notion of security involves his Second Amendment of the United States Constitution: the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.” This controversial amendment has caused great debate due to calls for more gun control laws. Essentially, referring to the high rates of gun violence in the United States.

“When I’m comfortable, feel the energy of peace around me and not feel any sign of danger. Not anywhere from tension from being of being hurt or anything.” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

Deshawn observes security as an environment free of danger and threats. Where he can circulate in peace without looking over his back for signs of danger.

“I would define being safe as not really needing to worry about me going around my neighborhood and doing the everyday activities I want/need to do. I should be able to get groceries, walk with my kids, jog at night, while feeling relatively comfortable doing so.” (Interviewee: Lawrence Jituboh)

Lawrence writes that security means being able to fully exercise his agency in his daily life practice. Also, referring to the perception of comfort as an important factor.

“I want my neighborhood protected and policed by people who come from and understand the neighborhood I’m from. That know how to talk to the youth, and instead of beating them they

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solve the issue in a way that the youth will understand and even adults. White people that aren’t from our neighborhoods shouldn’t be policing them.” (Interviewee: Austin Goodluck)

According to Austin, he emphasizes the importance of police protection, however, he adds that community representation within the police force would make him feel safer. This would bridge a greater level of communication and understanding between the police and the neighborhood they are serving.

“Security to me is safety from threats and danger and being free to live without being harassed.” (Interviewee: Hiruy Wassyihun)

Hiruy insists that security means being free from danger and police harassment. Constant police harassment can lead to dangerous outcomes.

The aforementioned responses articulate similar insight on how interviewee’s perceive security and how it ideally should portray their agency within their community. Most responses claimed that security intended an environment where people are united and voice out similar interests. A utopian setting where race and stereotypes don’t exist. Also, an environment where individuals don’t fear danger or harassment but rather comfortable. Furthermore, a police unit which is diverse with officers who come from different backgrounds whom can understand collectives in underserved neighborhoods. Due to limit opportunities presented to youths in Queensbridge, they turn to criminal activities instead which can result in them being institutionalized and part of the system. Thus, having an officer who grew up in a similar neighborhood can help restore a relationship between the NYPD and residents, as they would be more likely to relate to on another.

“I do not feel more protected in a heavy police presence because they are too trigger happy. I grew up on Roosevelt island where NYPD is only there on the weekends. The rest of the area is patrolled by public safety and I know each and every one of them. If it’s heavily protected that usually means a lot of crime happens there and they’re trying to stop it. An area with multiple

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guns and scared cops is a no go for me especially because of my physique and racial biases they may have.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

According to Andre, heavy police presence means danger, due to young black men being more likely to being shot and killed by the police. He believes cops are scared and fears that their racial bias tendencies can cause more harm than good.

“Absolutely not. Heavy police presence makes me feel like a target. I don't feel protected by police because their job is not to protect it's too enforce the law. Fire fighters... people that work for the hospitals...nurses, doctors, they make me feel safe.” (Interviewee: Evil Genius)

Evil Genius argues that the police makes him feel as a target, thus being around their presence puts him at risk. He refers to other essential workers of society who make him feel safe.

“No at all, I feel more scared and fearful of my life due to police being so combative to the people they are supposed to protect. I do not feel protected in my neighborhood by NYPD, police at itself I do not feel protected. The police are right there, and I wonder if I’m going to die?” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

Deshawn rejects heavy police presence due to their aggressive policing tactics. He doesn’t feel as if they protect or serve him or his neighborhood. At times he fears for his life when coming in contact with the police.

“Not really. I currently live in Hoboken, which doesn’t have as much a heavy police presence and I think I’m fine. It might be my personal preference, but I’d rather not have extensive interactions with police if it’s not needed (or even see police everywhere).” (Interviewee: Lawrence Jituboh)

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According to Lawrence, he believes that police interactions should not be frequent but only when needed. Implying that excessive police contact may be ineffective and unsafe for minorities, specifically African Americans.

“No because I don’t trust police. I’m a black kid that every day I see some sort of wrongful doing by police who never get punished for their actions. I’m paranoid by the sight of Police.” (Interviewee: Austin Goodluck)

Austin points out the lack of trust confessed by many individuals towards the police. Disputing the misuse of their authority and the lack of accountability for their misconduct. Causing great trauma and paranoia.

The abovementioned responses by the interviewees reveal their unwillingness to reside in an area with heavy police presence. Their presence actually presents more fear and danger, rather than security. Indeed, a large percentage of people living in high crime areas express an eagerness to work with police to solve issues in their neighborhoods (Mock, 2017). This is due to the perception held by collectives from neighborhoods like Queensbridge; that police are unfair or unjust in how they enact the law, specifically towards African Americans (Mock, 2017). The lack of trust of police and their misuse of authority has caused for ineffective relationship. Where residents feel as if the police do more negative than positive for their community. This transitions well into the next question, which asks interviewees whether they depend on the NYPD to guarantee their security/safety. Such as: Do you depend on the police to ensure your security/ safety? If no, why and how do you perceive your own security? Examples?

“I know police are needed but I don’t depend on their security unless we personally know each other. If the police are strangers to the community then I don’t trust them. Community police involvement is very important to the safety of others. Even some events where the department engages in physical activities with children so they can both be active. The way I perceive security is everybody has each other’s back and you know a person wouldn’t switch up on you.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

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“No, I depend on myself. if I can’t get the job done, I reach out to my loved ones...we don’t need police for security. ...we need good people period.” (Interviewee: Evil Genius)

“No, I do not depend on them to protect me. If it is severe to a certain extent for their resources. But nah, I will protect myself and prepared for anything.” (Interviewee: Deshawn Carter)

“I’d like to think I manage my own safety. I’m big enough where I can handle myself, and I’m always cognizant about where I am and where I’m going (making sure I’m in a group if need be, taking an alternate route to go somewhere, lower the volume at night if I’m walking alone with headphones in). I’d rather make sure something doesn’t happen, as opposed to taking the chance of relying on police to get there.” (Interviewee: Lawrence Jituboh)

“I do not depend on the police to ensure my safety/ security. I perceive my own security as extremely precarious and mostly up to my own wit, physical ability and overall ability to obtain it from monetary and social circles.” (Interviewee: Hiruy Wassyihun)

The previous questions focal point is whether people trust NYPD’s policing to guarantee their security/safety. Quite frankly, reduction in crime rates cannot happen with proper police representation and engagement with residents. However, every respondent in my study, said no, they don’t depend on the NYPD to be responsible for their security. Police policies such as ‘Stop and Frisk’ create a generation of people who don’t trust the police and perceive their presence as negative. African Americans don’t always feel comfortable around police officers, they believe that the police don’t have their best interest during encounters. This is due to lack of community representation in the NYPD, most officers don’t understand the culture of people who live in communities they patrol. Dissatisfaction of police has built over the years due to Black people being gaslighted for generations.

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Concluding question such as, “What are your motivations and expectations when joining a community organization or group?” The following reactions portray the following theme: organizations/groups.

“When joining a group everybody should know everybody. Not necessarily hang out with them, but you should acknowledge somebody you know and engage in quick small talk. A person should be able to express how they feel without judgement and people understand where they’re coming from. For the community we should have the same goals and continuously be on the same page because we all are involved in maintaining that community.” (Interviewee: Andre Ossohou)

“To expand our horizons. I want to be able to hear different ideas and be able to learn from others as well as build to strengthen our group. I'm Crip, which stands for community revolution in progress... it branched from the blacc panther movement and I'm also a Co-owner of my Brand SHC (Something Humans Create)” (Interviewee: Evil Genius)

“Not this one. Can’t answer that bro. But I’m really Crip for real. This shit is not a fad or façade, it’s real life.” Some respondents gave the aforementioned response without a specific reference.

“I would expect an organization to try to bridge the gap between NYPD and the people they’re supposed to be protecting and serving. I think a better overall relationship between police and the particular neighborhoods they’re patrolling would be better for everyone.” (Interviewee: Lawrence Jituboh)

In responding to this question, several interviewees expressed what made a community organization or group successful, somewhat of a safe ground where individuals feel safe and heard—mobilizing the community towards positive goals in the hope of establishing a safer and educated neighborhood. A community center serves as a public facility that provides social, leisure, cultural, and health services for their community. Members of the community can gather

56 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 for activities, social support, and public information. Community centers provide a safe place for adolescents to gather and stay out of trouble. Crime in a neighborhood such as Queensbridge is common, due to absent parents and lack of activity opportunities. Thus, luring young people into illegal activates. Therefore, having a community center is a crucial benefit for a neighborhood.

On the other hand, a couple of interviewees claimed their affiliation to ‘Crips’ which is a street gang, traditionally associated with the color blue (Crips | gang, 2020). The gang was founded in 1971 for protection from rival gangs, as well as, obtained inspiration from the Black Panthers (Crips | gang, 2020). Gangs constitute groups of people, usual youths who share a collective identity. Gang activities are characterized by some degree of organization and longevity (Decker & Curry, 2020). Social movement organizations help individuals and collectives exercise their agency to promote their security. Being part of a gang provides an individual with a source of security in an organized manner. Gang members perceive that as a collective, they are providers of security to their community in certain situations. Moreover, gangs instill security in their community when in conflict with rival gangs.

In telling their stories, interviewees began by introducing themselves, describing their upbringing and where they reside. Being African American in Queensbridge usually leads to having contact with the police, a self-evident truth. Thus, the following questions ask if the interviewees or anyone close to having had encounters with the NYPD and if that influenced how they perceived their security. When expressing their perceptions of the effectiveness of the NYPD, the justifications were generally negative and unproductive, with little faith in the institution.

Personal experiences and memory (indexing) help shape the interviewees’ perception of the NYPD and how it affects their daily life practices. A theme of ‘bias’ emerges, as interviewees state the NYPD has a specific agenda through which they purposely target minorities, specifically African Americans, in high crime areas, such as Queensbridge. Queensbridge is heavily concentrated on poverty, violence, and drugs; thus, the NYPD capitalize on these circumstances. Furthermore, this results in collateral consequences where police often exercise brutal tactics to apprehend their suspects, leaving a negative outcome on a residence. These outcomes usually encompass significant trauma, depression, and humiliation. Thenceforth, fear becomes a way of

57 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 life for many as they experience abuse at the hand of police officers. Being so combative to the people they are supposed to protect and serve. Due to the lack of trust in the NYPD, respondents rely more on social movements organizations/ groups to help mobilize them towards their security. Two respondents, who represent the Crips street gang, organize together to promote their safety.

In conclusion, the interviews try to capture the impacts of the implementation of ‘Stop and Frisk’ on the everyday lives of African Americans living in Queensbridge. These interviews provide data supporting prior research, identifying the problematic character of the policy being studied. Interviewees initially formed personal testimonies from their past encounters with the NYPD. They, too, related to family and friends who have been impacted by the unprecedented practice of ‘Stop and Frisk.’ Respondents acknowledged the widespread civil and human rights abuses at the hands of the NYPD. Also, the long-term impact ‘Stop and Frisk’ has on agency – individually and collectively– to promote their security. Consequently, when asked if interviewees would depend on the NYPD to ensure their security/ safety, they responded no. This last point is where social movements organizations come in as a second-tier issue in the research.

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An Ongoing Crisis Racial disparity and police brutality continue to be an issue in the United States. This is a reason for concern because of the nature of its impact and who it is impacting. Such effects impede African Americans from exercising their agency within their community, as they attempt to organize and perceive their security. ABC News analyzed data looking at police arrests nationwide, claiming that African Americans were arrested at a rate five times higher than white individuals in 800 jurisdictions in 2018 (Thomas, Kelly and Simpson, 2020). In other words, 13% of the population (African Americans) is five times more likely to get arrested than 76% of the population (Whites). Young African American’s continuing to be targeted by police officers and recipients of police brutality. In the wake of the murder of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officers, questions about whether police encounters differentiate depending on race have emerged (Thomas, Kelly and Simpson, 2020).

Kristen Clarke, executive director of the National Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, looked at the data and identified it as a prevalent issue (Thomas, Kelly and Simpson, 2020). “We have to deal with the over-policing of low-income African Americans communities in our country,” argued Clarke (Thomas, Kelly and Simpson, 2020). The data clearly shows that African Americans are unfairly targeted and subject to disproportionate levels of arrest and prosecution (Thomas, Kelly and Simpson, 2020). There is a sense that African Americans are treated differently. For example, the rates of drug use, particularly marijuana, are similar among white and black people. However, white people will get a ticket or warning, but black people will be the ones profiled, targeted, and arrested for similar crimes (Thomas, Kelly and Simpson, 2020).

There is convincing evidence that the criminal justice system is bias, targeting minorities, specifically African Americans (Balko, 2020). African American’s believe that the color of their skin and body frames make them a threat to police officers. Most people of color share similar stories or know someone who has experienced police brutality due to the color of their skin. However, collectives in American society are skeptical about there being any racial bias in the criminal justice system. So how does that explain the ‘Stop and Frisk’ data, which claims that only 3 percent of police encounters produce evidence of a crime? Therefore, 97 percent of people being aggressively targeted are solely singled out because they are affiliated with a social group that

59 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 statistically commits crimes at a higher rate (Balko, 2020). After the passing of George Floyd, a New York Times study found it puzzling that African Americans made up 58 percent of the city’s police excessive force reports when they make up 19 percent of the Minneapolis population (Balko, 2020). A 2019 study by the National Academy of Sciences on police shooting data found that between 2013 and 2018, African Americans were 2.5 times more prone than white men to be killed at the hands of police (Balko, 2020). Another study centered around ‘Stop and Frisk’ in Boston between 2007 and 2010 found that 63 percent of stops were of African American individuals, which resulted in no citation or arrest (Balko, 2020).

The killing of George Floyd has spurred the United States into an intense protest, with many asking for police reforms and systematic change. New York State has become one of the first to implement significant changes in police use of force. Governor Andrew Cuomo signed a bill banning the use of chokeholds by law enforcement and repealing a law that kept police disciplinary records in the dark in the state. A similar approach is taking place across the country; government officials are considering changing various practices and police methods that may have influenced racial disparities. However, there are obstacles to the immediate changes demanded by citizens of the United States. Democrats and Republicans have to agree on numerous amendments to initiate change to address racism and police brutality.

Consequently, these are issues that need to be addressed as police have used aggressive tactics against minority communities, such as Queensbridge, for a way to long. Also, the role of police in daily life and how they impact the agency of individuals/collectives to promote their security. The injustice against minorities in America by the criminal justice system has been the first issue for years now. Many bills have been introduced in previous years regarding the crime but gained little attention due to the fierce opposition. For importantly, it was the unfortunate killing of Mr. George Floyd and the protests that started that triggered government officials to initiate the process of change (Sadurni and McKinley, 2020).

In the light of racial disparity and police brutality, social movement organizations such as Community Centers, Black Lives Matter, and Campaign Zero are all of the high relevance today. They are serving as a primary social form in which individuals and collectives give voice to

60 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 concerns about their rights, welfare, and well–being. It maps the terrain and mobilizes groups of people who are jointly engaged in pursuing a common objection through action. This joint action is served towards seeking change to some aspect of their daily life practice. Social movement organizations provide collectives with resources and leadership, in which to influence outcomes (Snow, Soule, and Kriesi, 2004).

Jacob Riis Community Center, Black Lives Matter, and Campaign Zero allow me to study the collective responses in Queensbridge towards police brutality. Semi–narrative interviews permitted me to illuminate individual responses and perceptions. This then resulted in a slightly negative assessment of ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy activities in Queensbridge. Therefore, it now makes to look at how people in Queensbridge collectively via organizations have responded to this. I selected three organizations to give the reader an idea of this.

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Social Movements & Police Brutality Jacob Riis Community Center, Black Lives Matter, and Campaign Zero are all social movement organizations that function in Queensbridge through programs in efforts to protest against police brutality. They serve as resources to residents who engage in organizing and perceiving their security. The NYPD’ Stop and Frisk’ program affected and continues to affect thousands of people in New York City, precisely the African American community. ‘Stop and Frisk’ comes at the expense of the threat of police violence. Individuals subject to police brutality have most likely have endured civil and human rights violations at the hand of NYPD officers. Several interviewees claimed to experience encounters with police officers, which resulted in excessive force. Often, occurrences of brutality by the NYPD cause people to feel a sense of fear and helplessness. Nonetheless, physical force tends to happen when the police come in contact with a particular social group, African Americans. Social movements help collectives exercise their agency to help mobilize their security within a context to resist structural violence (Zamani, 2012).

To begin with, the Jacob Riis Community Center serves as the keystone of community life and the most important community center in the area. As a community-based organization, they are devoted to building and strengthening underserved communities in Western Queens and stimulating change. All individuals are provided with a safe and inclusive environment. Residents of Queensbridge look for a collective response to the security threats by police experienced by a large part of the community. Through this community center, we get a glimpse of the resources they provide to help individuals in their community mobilize through the security threats imposed by the NYPD.

Jacob Riis Community Center, works alongside Community Mediation Services (CMS), promoting effective methods to problem-solving to members of the community (“Our Programs – CMS,” 2020). Programs that foster safe decision making and forming solutions that respond to the needs of residents (“Our Programs – CMS,” 2020). CMS has programs for individuals, youth, and families going through life hardships (“Our Programs – CMS,” 2020). As an organization, they work to unify Queensbridge and the NYPD in the hope of achieving positive outcomes. CMS aims to ensure the safety of residents. One of their programs, Youth Justice, works along alongside the

62 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 juvenile and criminal justice systems to provide support and skills to young people between 13– 24 while keeping youths out of the criminal justice system (Jacob A. Riis Neighborhood Settlement, n.d.)

Riis Academy, a community based after school service provided to its residents, partners with local schools, and community leaders. This program creates a supportive and friendly environment for the youth to feel safe. Riis Academy’s aim is to create an atmosphere in supporting and encouraging youths to obtain an education, graduate from high school, succeed in college, the workforce, and community life. Their mission enhances 1,000 individuals annually through project-based learning, programs, and recreations. Preparing youth to become responsible adults and positive citizens by providing them with the resources needed and address issues of public concern, as police brutality, to take the initiative within the community. Furthermore, Riis Academy helps their youth to develop skills that will permit them to effectively communicate and engage with members of society, especially the NYPD, in hopes of bridging a relationship with the residents of Queensbridge and the NYPD (Jacob A. Riis Neighborhood Settlement, n.d.)

The Jacob Riis Community Center, as a community-based organization, they are dedicated to providing a safer and inclusive community for all individuals. Their hard work and commitment are a valuable asset to their community. To begin with, they offer productive after school programs that provide a safe ground for the youth, where they can learn and engage in physical activities. Removes young people from street corners where they may engage in illegal activities, face constant police harassment, and feel unsafe. Second, organize community-based meetings where the community can come together to discuss the violence and identify possible solutions. This helps unify the community and educate the future generation to become catalysts of change. As a community center, they try to inspire commitment into their residents to act collectively towards a safer neighborhood. Next, Jacob Riis’s community center helps its residents to exercise their agency against violence. They influence them to partake in after school programs, church services/activities, and the Riis community center (Jacob A. Riis Neighborhood Settlement, n.d.).

Jacob Riis instills discipline and local mentorship programs, providing guidance and leadership growth for the youth of the community. This safe environment provides refuge for

63 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 youths at risk, helping reduce crime rates, police contact, and other negative costs to the community. Such as, exercising healthy habits can be found to influence youths to say no to drugs. Queensbridge is a public housing development, houses many families with low means of income; thus, its community center helps provide meals to those in need. Ensuring youths in the community have an outlet to help nourish development in society—an essential step towards community improvement. In sum, the Jacob Riis community center acknowledges the feeling of insecurity and notion of not being protected conveyed by their residents via their mission statement and activities. They believe that community relationships are imperative to effective policing, creating a safer environment for everyone. Through their events and community meetings, they attempt to instill hope in their residents. They are paving a new direction for the youth, where they can grow up in a safer environment where they trust the police and no longer pose a threat to the police. A collective response to police brutality in Queensbridge begins by committing to change and devising strategies to do so (Jacob A. Riis Neighborhood Settlement, n.d.).

Also, Black Lives Matter of Greater New York works with Queensbridge through civic engagement, education, and mentorship. Member’s from Black Lives Matter attend the community-based meeting at Jacob Riis community center, where they offer supply and support to their community—mobilizing ways to promote their security and reduce police violence in their community, through collective action. They aim to influence policies that impact conditions focusing on public safety and police brutality. Through grassroots organizing and direct action, they serve as a decisive platform for residents of Queensbridge to voice out their injustices and concerns. As a social movement organization, Black Lives Matter of Greater New York has demanded in combating against police violence and systemic racism towards African Americans. Demands that aim to hold NYPD officers accountable for police brutality, investigations into falsified police reports on African American individuals, and establish independent units to investigate and prosecute all police shootings. A lot of residents from Queensbridge feel as if their voices have been shunned for years, lack of empowerment, and liberation. Black Lives Matter of Greater New York provides African American families to achieve justice, contact with institutions, and resources to help uplift their neighborhood for all its residents (An Action Coalition: Black Lives Matter Greater New York, 2017).

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The Black Lives Caucus is an independent political program aimed at providing positive change in Queensbridge through the democratic process. Their objective is to hold elected officials and candidates seeking political office accountable for presenting legislation that will aim at bringing an end to police brutality and unjustified killings by the NYPD—then reducing the prison population, by halting the rate of imprisonment for nonviolent offenses. Also, taxing the rich to help fund programs that aid lessen the poverty level and promote neighborhood opportunities. Residents in Queensbridge can join this group, participate in sit-downs with those interested in supporting Black Lives Caucus voting bloc, negotiating the conditions for their vote. Candidates seeking office who fail on behalf of Black Lives Caucus won’t get their vote next time out. This group helps African American’s who want to impact change by making their voices heard (An Action Coalition: Black Lives Matter Greater New York, 2017).

Furthermore, Campaign Zero was created by activists, protesters, and researchers across the United States. By integrating community demands and policy recommendation, we get a data- informed platform which organizes comprehensive solutions to end police brutality in the United States. Campaign Zero is the end product of critics demanding specific policy proposals from Black Lives Matter activates (Lopez, 2015). The campaign planning team is in contact with communities like Queensbridge, as they are most affected by police violence. Through their community center, residents of Queensbridge can access computers in which they can go on Campaign Zero’s website and read their proposed policy reforms.

Indeed, Campaign Zero is a comprehensive organization based on research-based policy solutions to end police brutality in America, in this case, Queensbridge, New York. They believe that deliberate action by policymakers at local, state, and federal levels is needed to end police violence and hold officers accountable. Through such social movement organizations, residents of Queensbridge can use their voice to impact change in their community by demanding action from their state and federal representatives. Within this platform, residents of Queensbridge can use the tools provided by Campaign Zero to track the legislation affecting their community and hold their presentative accountable for taking necessary action to end police violence. The Trump administration is using the power of the federal government to stimulate police violence and incarceration levels in communities, such as Queensbridge. It is up to the state and local

65 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 governments to protect Queensbridge from hard and established institutions such as the NYPD (Campaign Zero, n.d.).

First, Campaign Zero provides residents of Queensbridge with solutions to help organize their security. First, end broken windows policing, which has led to the criminalization and aggressive policing of communities of color (Campaign Zero, n.d.). Police have killed individuals who were implicated in minor crimes and harmless activities, such as the following: homelessness, drugs, looking “suspicious” or being mentally ill (Campaign Zero, n.d.). Some issues can be peacefully treated by social workers rather than the NYPD. “Broken Windows” offenses are crimes that do not threaten public safety but instead used to target African Americans in Queensbridge (Campaign Zero, n.d.). By decriminalizing these activities: consumption of alcohol on streets, Marijuana possession, disorderly conduct, trespassing, loitering, disturbing the peace, spitting, jaywalking, and biking on sidewalks — African Americans in Queensbridge would be less targeted and harassed by the NYPD (Campaign Zero, n.d.).The “Broken Windows” practice has, over the year, breaking the relationship between the NYPD and residents of Queensbridge. It only caused aggressive over-policing of African Americans in Queensbridge, which created more negative than positive.

Consequently, such practice strained the policing of the NYPD, burdened low-income African Americans with fines for minor crimes, and further tarnished the relationship between police and African Americans of Queensbridge. New York City experiences a tragedy due to this police practice. In 20014, Eric Garner was killed at the hands of the NYPD after police approached him for distribution of loose cigarettes on a street corner in Brooklyn (Campaign Zero, n.d.).Therefore, it is essential to reorganize such a policy approach that will help repair the broken relationship between Queensbridge and the NYPD.

Second, according to Campaign Zero, police officers need to embrace a broader tactic regarding community policing. White men make up two-thirds of US police officers. The police should reflect and be more familiar with the cultural and racial diversity of the communities they tend to serve. In a neighborhood such as Queensbridge, where African Americans make up the majority of the residents, the NYPD needs to instill better community representation. This will

66 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 allow their officers to get to know the people they serve and aid them directly to their needs. Hence establishing better community engagement and trust. Campaign Zero provides policy solutions to increase the number of police officers who reflect Queensbridge—providing residents of Queensbridge, the platform to provide feedback informing the NYPD of their policies and practices. This would be appended via surveys, fielding their experiences and perceptions of the NYPD policing tactics.

Third, limiting the use of force, the NYPD should uphold the proper skills and social capability to protect and serve the residents of Queensbridge without there being any killings. Campaign Zero looks to provide resources within a policy solution limiting the NYPD from exerting force in everyday interactions with individuals in Queensbridge. Beginning by instituting standards and reporting of police use of deadly force. Deadly force can only be authorized when all other rational alternatives have been attempted. Also, have officers provide a verbal warning before using deadly force and mediate towards a peaceful outcome. Then, it requires officers and victims to be identified within 72 hours of a fatal force occurrence.

Also, Campaign Zero stresses the importance of revising and strengthen NYPD’s use of force policies. Policies should incorporate regulation on reporting, investigation, discipline, and accountability and provide transparency by making policies available to the public. These policies should require NYPD officers to avoid using deadly force unless all other rational alternatives have been used. As well, develop de-escalation methods whenever in a hostile encounter instead of using force. Also, ban common police tactics such as chokeholds, strangleholds, and pinning people's faces down on the concrete.

Furthermore, have officers intervene when other officers are using excessive force, putting individual’s human life and rights at risk. In sum, residents of Queensbridge can play an essential role in helping end police brutality in their community. They can monitor how the NYPD uses force and hold them accountable for their policing. Then, report officers to a database with information related to injuries and demographics of the victims. They are establishing a system to hold officers who use excessive force accountable. Where officers who receive numerous complaints of excessive force to either attend the training again or be terminated as they can’t

67 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 adequately protect and serve residents of Queensbridge. Maintaining this sort of information in a database will help reduce the average number of complaints against officers in the NYPD. Once officers know they will be reproved for misconduct, they will no longer misuse or overuse their power on underserved individuals.

Next, body cameras and cell phone videos have helped illuminate cases of police brutality, showing to be a vital tool for holding NYPD officers accountable. In many cases involving NYPD officers using excessive force on individuals, video evidence was crucial in charging officers. Campaign Zero provides residents of Queensbridge with policy solutions to combat police brutality in their community. This permits residents of Queensbridge to record the police, banning NYPD officers from taking cell phones or other recording devices without legal authorization. Also, give them the right to sue the NYPD if they temper with any of the devices (Campaign Zero, n.d.). By instilling these policies, body cameras are a tool necessary in building community trust. The NYPD has been criticized for its lack of transparency and accountability for police brutality. However, more use of body cameras will increase their transparency. Body cameras footage offers essential evidence for internal and external investigations of NYPD conduct. They are providing residents of Queensbridge with detailed, immediate footage of their encounters with NYPD officers. Therefore, the community will increase their confidence in the NYPD’s intention to protect and serve them.

Then, Campaign Zero finds the current training of NYPD officers to be ineffective in how they are directed to engage with residents of Queensbridge. The NYPD spends more time learning how to use a firearm and less time learning how to deescalate confrontational situations peacefully. Through Campaign Zero, residents of Queensbridge can push for NYPD officers to participate in intensive training, which will help officers learn the proper behaviors and skills to police communities like Queensbridge. The policy solutions aim to require officers to undergo scenario- based training quarterly and include African American youths in their design and implementation. Community interaction and relationship-based policing are essential topics to include in these trainings. Officers need to be adequately trained to appropriately engage with youths, minorities, and individuals from different religious affiliations. This will help NYPD officers to avoid using implicit bias but rather enter mediation behaviors to deescalate and minimize police brutality.

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Hence, it requires all NYPD officers to undertake mandatory implicit racial bias testing, where they test for bias in shoot/don’t shoot decision making. Thus, establishing a transparent policy for identifying an officer’s level of racial bias in the hiring process. This is an essential aspect of whether an officer should be assigned to communities of color, such as Queensbridge.

Finally, ending for-profit policing. The NYPD should be focused on protecting people in Queensbridge, not benefitting a system that profits from stopping, searching, ticketing, and arresting and incarcerating civilians. Campaign Zero provides residents of Queensbridge with a policy solution. First, end NYPD quotas for tickets and arrests as a method to evaluate the performance of police officers, as it leads to collateral consequences. Second, pass policies requiring the local government of New York to limit fines and fees for low-income people. This only forces the NYPD officers to target underserved neighborhoods like Queensbridge due to its resident’s demographic characteristics. Instead of issuing fines or arrest warrants to residents of Queensbridge who fail to appear in court for minor citations, judges should initiate payment plans. Many individuals in Queensbridge have low incomes and fail to pay many of their legal/correctional fees; as a result, they end up being arrested and thrown back in jail.

Campaign Zero does an excellent job of designing research policies that people can use to stop the police from killing individuals. It allows residents of Queensbridge to live in this pattern of structural violence to voice out their concerns and exercise their agency to promote their security. African Americans in Queensbridge can engage in necessary and critical conversations about race, equity, and the safety of all citizens. Being part of such racial justice social movements, African Americans in Queensbridge can help reduce police brutality, bridge a level of communication with the NYPD, uses data and policy to help create structural solutions in their community. Campaign Zero is devoted to seeking change as well as promoting change concerning the issues dealt with in Queensbridge. As more residents of Queensbridge join this social movement, more impact will be realized in their community.

In sum, the Jacob Riis community center, Black Lives Matter, and Campaign Zero all act as a catalyst for change. They are committed to assisting underserved African American communities in achieving justice and obtaining resources from social institutions that shape their

69 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 lives—providing a platform for many unheard voices to articulate their interests and demands. All three organizations are interconnected as their work supports the organization and perception of security apprehended by African Americans in Queensbridge. Residents of Queensbridge have more trust in the organizations mentioned above than in the NYPD. Many individuals feel as If the police do not have their best interests at hand; thus, they do not trust the NYPD to treat them equally. However, I believe that through the work of these organizations, the NYPD can regain the public’s trust and reshape the perception of many. The police brutality stemming from the ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy is an indirect mechanism of perpetuating harm on African Americans. However, through social movement organizations, African Americans organize to resist such violence and demand change.

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6. Conclusion

In Dr. Martin Luther King Jr’s iconic speech in 1963, he aspired that African Americans would not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character (Tikkanen, 2017). More than 30 years after MLK’s speech on equality, commencing in the 1990s, similar themes regarding ‘Stop and Frisk’ come back in the debates on police brutality in the United States. Concerns were based around police officers making stops based on the color of the skin of individuals. Racial bias was exercised by the NYPD to enforce the law and quality of life crimes (Gelman, Fagan, & Kiss, 2007). The experiences of individuals who have been directly affected by ‘Stop and Frisk’ exhibits the multidimensional nature of the impact that this police practice is having on the lives of African Americans in Queensbridge. NYPD’s ‘Stop and Frisk’ practices are illegal and influence police violence.

This paper began by arguing the impact of the implementation of the ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy. The policy is a concern because of the nature of effects and who it is that is impacted. Prior research has identified the problematic character of the policy that is being studied. The NYPD stop and frisk program affected thousands of people in New York City, and its lasting effects continue to have an impact on minorities, specifically African Americans. A policy that was implemented to help decrease crime rates in New York City ended up causing a profound effect on minorities, specifically African Americans. This police practice singles out underserved communities such as Queensbridge, with a population carrying similar demographic characteristics (Zamani, 2012).

Structural violence is a way to capture these impacts and show their significance. Galtung (1969) stated that structural violence is present when human beings are influenced in such a way that their physical and mental realizations are limited, hindering them from achieving their protentional. Furthermore, Galtung (1969) acknowledged structural violence to be an indirect mechanism of perpetuating harm on individuals/collectives. This theoretical framework helps us make a greater sense of current circumstances. This form of violence differs from ‘normal violence’ as it is invisible. Violence built into structure makes for the lack of subject-object relation. The indirect violence perpetuated in Queensbridge is contained within the ‘Stop and Frisk’ police practice. This limits the targeted social group, African Americans, from exercising

71 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 their agency and enacting their amendments to the constitution of the United States. Galtung (1969) expressed that we shall refer to the state of structural violence as social injustice. Furthermore, the NYPD’s aggressive police practice ‘Stop, and Frisk’ influenced racial profiling and illegal searches violating the equal protection section of the Fourteenth Amendment and the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition of unreasonable searches. In sum, the NYPD ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy was the result of government failure towards their duty to respect the inherent human dignity of their citizens and protect vulnerable communities (Zamani, 2012).

The ramifications of ‘Stop and Frisk’ include long-lasting effects that are wreaking communities, families, and neighbors. The interview study that tries to capture the impacts of the implementation of ‘Stop and Frisk’ on the everyday lives of African Americans living in Queensbridge. The personal experiences shared by respondents in the study paint a negative depiction of the NYPD and provide insight into the following themes: race, neighborhood, bias, public opinion, collateral consequences, contact with police, security, and organizations. Interviewees described an array of police misconduct, arguing that they abuse their authority, especially when interacting with African Americans. The constant occupying presence of the NYPD in Queensbridge makes the community feel unsafe as the majority (African Americans) have the impression of being targets. This translated into angry reactions by respondents and breached their trust with the NYPD.

Beyond establishing the impacts of structural violence on everyday life, the study also seeks to identify how the individuals who live in this pattern of structural violence exercise agency. Individually and collectively, how do they organize to promote their security? African Americans living in Queensbridge have been subjected to unlawful, unjust and discriminatory police encounters through ‘Stop and Frisk.’ This everyday occurrence has had a profound impact on the individuals who experienced them and caused long term effects on their community. The constant occupying presence of the NYPD in Queensbridge makes the community feel unsafe as the majority (African Americans) have the impression of being targets. The presence of the NYPD inhibits resident’s ability to interact within their community and exercise their agency. Respondents claimed that they do not depend on the NYPD to ensure their security. This is due to the questioned use of ‘Stop and Frisk’ which has tarnished the police-community relations. As

72 Christian Do Rosario Jr CR&G 12524689 well as the lack of transparency and accountability by the NYPD. This continuous form of harassment has caused individuals and collectives to adjust their daily routines to protect themselves from the collateral consequences of police brutality.

The last point is where social movements come in as a second-tier issue in the study. The Jacob Riis community center, Black Lives Matter, and Campaign Zero are all social movement organizations available to residence of Queensbridge to organize in to resist the police brutality enacted by the NYPD. The aforementioned social movement organizations function as crucial platforms for African Americans to articulate their interests and claims. Many of the residents in Queensbridge feel as if they are voiceless, and their concerns regarding their rights, welfare, and well–being are shunned. Granted this, social movement organizations help bridge communication between African Americans with social institutions who are responsive towards promoting change in Queensbridge. Acting as leaders of communities, the organizations mentioned above wish to inspire commitments among their collectives, mobilize resources, create opportunities, devise strategies, frame demands, and influences positive outcomes (Snow, D. A., Soule, S. A., & Kriesi, H, 2004).

Thereby, when relating to the initial research question — How do African Americans In Queensbridge organize and perceive their security, in the context of the ‘Stop– Question–and–Frisk’ program in New York City? This paper argues that African Americans in Queensbridge organized and perceived their security to their personal experiences with the police and stories of others who have had negative encounters with the police. Furthermore, this paper aims to study the impact of implementing the ‘Stop and Frisk’ policy in Queensbridge and how the practice jeopardized the safety of African Americans. It is essential to return to the literature that this paper aspired to build on. Through structural violence, Johan Galtung helps us apprehend these impacts and show their significance. NYPD’s aggressive policing practice exacted a societal toll on African Americans, excluding some from political, economic, and social institutions that shape their daily lives. Snow, Soule, and Kriesi (2004) highlighted the importance of social movement, stating that through collective action, structural violence is resisted. We can learn that through social movements, oppressed collectives pursue common objectives through joint action. Framing demands and influencing outcomes will help resist the violence perpetrated on them.

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Collectives in Queensbridge have access to social movement organizations. Through a joint effort, they can foster change by demanding police reforms to combat police brutality in their community.

Based on the interviews in the empirical chapter, it is quite clear that African American individuals living in Queensbridge do not have much trust in the police and nor do they depend on them for their security. Interviewees felt as if the police have their agenda, which at times does not entail their best interest. The lasting effects of ‘Stop and Frisk’ have created fear as a way of life for many who experienced significant trauma and humiliation at the hands of the NYPD. Additionally, respondents argued that race is the predominant reason why NYPD officers engage in contact with individuals. Interviewee Deshawn Carter argued that when you are from the ‘hood’ and dress, talk and look a certain way; you are automatically labeled a target by the police. Therefore, this paper wishes to highlight that social movement are one of the principal social forms used to resist structural violence since social movements are in the domain of promoting change toward social institutions which impact the daily lives of people. Many of the respondents were not involved in any social organizations but described what an ideal organization would resemble. Interviewees expressed that organizations should allow collectives to feel safe, embrace community representation, informational, mobilize resources, create opportunities, and influence outcomes to help to maintain the community. Their portrayals correlated with the missions and goals of the following organizations: Jacob Riis Community Center, Black Lives Matter, and Campaign Zero.

In finalizing this paper, it is necessary to analyze the study and suggest certain areas in which necessitate future research. Therefore, future research should look into accountability and legitimacy as these elements are vital in policing. Two critical factors that contribute to the development of community-police relations. Also, engage in future research to uncover why it has been so hard to obtain police reforms in the United States, which would assist the decision making of police officers and improve the security of civilians, specifically African Americans. Furthermore, this chapter will now turn to its final section, which will contextualize the recurrent issues from this study and suggest methods to bring about real change.

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Turning Point for Real Change The killing of George Floyd contributed to an ongoing problem of police brutality in the United States. Causing millions of Americans to flood the streets of their cities, raising their voices demanding justice. President Barack Obama shimmed in on the issue, advising on how to use this pivotal moment in history to bring about real change. Ultimately, Obama stresses the importance of new generation activists to establish strategies that properly fit today’s social dynamics (Obama, 2020).

Obama claimed that the massive waves of protests symbolized the decades of negligence to reform police practices and the criminal justice system in the United States. He applauded and praised the demonstrators who marched peacefully, stressing that they deserve respect and support. However, when addressing the collectives who resorted to violence, Obama wasn’t accepting. Claiming that they were putting peaceful protestors at risk, destroying underserved communities, and detracting from the problem at hand. Violence should not be excused or rationalized. If we want our criminal justice system and society as a whole to function on a high ethical code, then individuals have to exercise that code as well (Obama, 2020).

Furthermore, President Obama addressed the persistent problem of racial bias in the American criminal justice system. The purpose of social movements and direct action is to raise public awareness and resist the institutions which perpetuate injustice. American history teaches us that through massive protests, political systems have no choice but to address the concerns and demands of marginalized communities. However, the objectives of demonstrations have to be translated into specific laws and institutional practices. That only happens if collectives elect government officials who are committed to fighting against injustice (Obama, 2020).

Additionally, President Obama stressed the importance of understanding which level of government has the most impact on the American criminal justice system and police practices. Although, it is essential to have a presidency and federal government that is responsive to the ongoing role of racism in American society. However, state and local level government officials are those who matter most in reforming police departments and the criminal justice system. Mayors and country executives are responsible for appointing police chiefs and dealing with police unions.

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District attorneys and state’s attorneys hold power to investigate and charge officers involved in police misconduct. These are all elected positions. Being that, voter turnout in local races is relatively low, particularly among the youth. This is frustrating given the direct impact these elected positions have on social justice issues, which predominantly affect young people. Thus, if Americans want to bring legitimate change, individuals and collectives need to mobilize to raise awareness, organize and vote for candidates who are committed towards reforms (Obama. 2020)

Lastly, the content of the reform agenda will differ depending on areas. A big city as New York may need one set of reforms. Some agencies will need massive changes or minor improvements. Law enforcement agencies, such as the NYPD, should have specific policies and a unit dedicated to investigating misconduct reports. Social movement organizations and local organizations should help in tailoring reforms for their community as they discuss with the citizens in their neighborhoods on what policies are in their best interest (Obama. 2020). This moment in time can be a real turning point for the United States of America to rise and honor its creed — we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.

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