MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI, COLUMBIA THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of the State, shall be the trustee of this State-Laws of Missouri, 1899, R.S. of Mo., 1969, chapter 183, as revised 1978. OFFICERS, 1998-2001 LAWRENCE O. CHRISTENSEN, Rolla, President JAMES C. OLSON, Kansas City, First Vice President SHERIDAN A. LOGAN, St. Joseph, Second Vice President VIRGINIA G. YOUNG, Columbia, Third Vice President NOBLE E. CUNNINGHAM, JR., Columbia, Fourth Vice President R. KENNETH ELLIOTT, Liberty, Fifth Vice President ROBERT G. J. HOESTER, Kirkwood, Sixth Vice President ALBERT M. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer JAMES W. GOODRICH, Columbia, Executive Director, Secretary, and Librarian

PERMANENT TRUSTEES FORMER PRESIDENTS OF THE SOCIETY H. RILEY BOCK, New Madrid ROBERT C. SMITH, Columbia LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville Avis G. TUCKER, Warrensburg

TRUSTEES, 1997-2000 JOHN K. HULSTON, Springfield ARVARH E. STRICKLAND, Columbia JAMES B. NUTTER, Kansas City BLANCHE M. TOUHILL, St. Louis BOB PRIDDY, Jefferson City HENRY J. WATERS III, Columbia DALE REESMAN, Boonville

TRUSTEES, 1998-2001 WALTER ALLEN, Brookfield VIRGINIA LAAS, Joplin CHARLES R. BROWN, St. Louis EMORY MELTON, Cassville VERA F. BURK, Kirksville DOYLE PATTERSON, Kansas City DICK FRANKLIN, Independence JAMES R. REINHARD, Hannibal

TRUSTEES, 1999-2002 BRUCE H. BECKETT, Columbia W. GRANT MCMURRAY, Independence CHARLES B. BROWN, Kennett THOMAS L. MILLER, SR., Washington DONNA J. HUSTON, Marshall PHEBE ANN WILLIAMS, Kirkwood JAMES R. MAYO, Bloomfield

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Eight trustees elected by the board of trustees, together with the president of the Society, consti­ tute the executive committee. The executive director of the Society serves as an ex officio member. LAWRENCE O. CHRISTENSEN, Rolla, Chairman JAMES C. OLSON, Kansas City WALTER ALLEN, Brookfield ROBERT C. SMITH, Columbia BRUCE H. BECKETT, Columbia Avis G. TUCKER, Warrensburg H. RILEY BOCK, New Madrid VIRGINIA G. YOUNG, Columbia DICK FRANKLIN, Independence MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

VOLUME XCIV, NUMBER 4 JULY 2000

JAMES W. GOODRICH LYNN WOLF GENTZLER Editor Associate Editor

J. SCOTT PARKER SHANNA WALLACE Information Specialist Information Specialist

The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW (ISSN 0026-6582) is published quarterly by the State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298. Receipt of the MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is a benefit of membership in the State Historical Society of Missouri. Phone (573) 882-7083; fax (573) 884-4950; e-mail ; web site . Periodicals postage is paid at Columbia, Missouri. POSTMASTERS: Send address changes to MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298. Copyright © 2000 by The State Historical Society of Missouri

COVER DESCRIPTION: Many U.S. government agencies produced posters during World War II, encour­ aging American citizens to support the war effort. A form of propaganda, the posters touched on many facets of wartime life—enlisting in the armed services, using resources sparingly, contributing to scrap drives, and purchasing war bonds, among others. Images such as national monuments, his­ torical heroes, and the flag pointed out "the uniqueness of the country's institutions and its great tra­ dition of freedom and democracy." The U.S. Treasury Department published the poster on the front cover, created by an anonymous artist, in 1944. The final part of "Show Me Missouri History: Celebrating the Century," by Linda Brown-Kubisch and Christine Montgomery, beginning on page 434, opens with the onset of the war. [Cover illustration in the State Historical Society of Missouri's art collection] EDITORIAL POLICY The editors of the Missouri Historical Review welcome submission of articles and documents relating to the history of Missouri. Any aspect of Missouri history will be con­ sidered for publication in the Review. Genealogical studies, however, are not accepted because of limited appeal to general readers. Manuscripts pertaining to all fields of American history will be considered if the subject matter has significant relevance to the history of Missouri or the West.

Authors should submit two double-spaced copies of their manuscripts. The footnotes, prepared according to The Chicago Manual of Style, 14th ed., also should be double-spaced and placed at the end of the text. Authors may submit manuscripts on disk, preferably in Microsoft Word. Two hard copies still are required. Originality of subject, general interest of the article, sources used, interpretation, and style are criteria for acceptance and publica­ tion. Manuscripts, exclusive of footnotes, should not exceed 7,500 words. Articles that are accepted for publication become the property of the State Historical Society of Missouri and may not be published elsewhere without permission. The Society does not accept responsi­ bility for statements of fact or opinion made by the authors.

Articles published in the Missouri Historical Review are abstracted and indexed in Historical Abstracts, America: History and Life, Recently Published Articles, Writings on American History, The Western Historical Quarterly, and The Journal of American History.

Manuscript submissions should be addressed to Dr. James W. Goodrich, Editor, Missouri Historical Review, State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298.

BOARD OF EDITORS

LAWRENCE O. CHRISTENSEN ALAN R. HAVIG University of Missouri-Rolla Stephens College Columbia

WILLIAM E. FOLEY VIRGINIA J. LAAS Central Missouri State University Missouri Southern State College Warrensburg Joplin

SUSAN M. HARTMANN DAVID D. MARCH Ohio State University Kirksville Columbus

ARVARH E. STRICKLAND University of Missouri-Columbia STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI ANNUAL MEETING WORKSHOPS

In conjunction with the 2000 annual meeting on Saturday, October 21, the State Historical Society will offer two workshops to Society members and the public.

The Ten Most Endangered Historic Places in Missouri Debbie Sheals, president of the Missouri Alliance for Historic Preservation, will present a slide show about the Alliance's recently released list of the ten most endangered historic places in the state. Modeled after the successful National Trust for Historic Preservation program, the list is designed to highlight threatened historic resources in Missouri and to facili­ tate local preservation efforts. The list includes a diversity of resources found throughout the state, including houses, schools, city halls, and open spaces. Sheals will provide information about the history of the resources, the threats they face, and what has been done to save them.

Writing Local History From Public Records Gary Kremer, professor of history at William Woods University, Fulton, will introduce participants to a wide variety of public records available to writers of local history. Although most local historians are familiar with sources such as newspapers, census records, property deeds, and probate files, Kremer's presentation will emphasize reports published by state agen­ cies such as the Department of Transportation, the Department of Agriculture, the Corporations Division, and others. He will describe the information available in these reports and how it can be used in conjunction with more traditional sources in writing local history.

The workshops will be held from 9:00 to 10:30 A.M. in the Donald W. Reynolds Alumni and Visitor Center on the University of Missouri-Columbia campus. The registration for each workshop is $10.00, and due to space con­ straints, enrollment will be limited. Membership in the Society is not required. To reserve a place in a workshop send a check made payable to the State Historical Society of Missouri and choice of workshop to:

Workshops 2000 The State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street Columbia, MO 65201-7298 Join the State Historical Society to help preserve Missouri's heritage.

Founded in 1898, the State Historical Society is the preeminent research facility for the study of the Show Me State's heritage. It is the only statewide historical society in Missouri. The Society has assembled the second-largest specialized research library in the state and the largest collection of state news­ papers in the nation. The Society invites interested individuals to support its mission of col­ lecting, preserving, and making accessible the state's history by becoming a member. Members receive the Society's quarterly journal, the Missouri Historical Review, and the periodic Newsletter. The State Historical Society is a not-for-profit, tax-exempt organization. Gifts of cash and property to the Society are deductible for federal income, estate, and gift tax purposes.

Annual individual membership $10.00 Annual contributing membership $25.00 Annual supporting membership $50.00 Annual sustaining membership $100.00 to $499.00 Annual patron membership $500.00 or more Life membership $250.00

To join the Society or to inquire about gifts or bequests contact:

James W. Goodrich State Historical Society of Missouri 1020 Lowry Street Columbia, MO 65201-7298 Phone (573) 882-7083 CONTENTS

"TITLE PAGE TO A GREAT TRAGIC VOLUME": THE IMPACT OF THE MISSOURI CRISIS ON SLAVERY, RACE, AND REPUBLICANISM IN THE THOUGHT OF JOHN C. CALHOUN AND JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. By Chandra Miller. 365

CALCULATED CONFEDERATE: CLAIBORNE FOX JACKSON AND THE STRATEGY FOR SECESSION IN MISSOURI. By Christopher Phillips. 389

UNLIKELY ACTIVISM: O. K. ARMSTRONG AND FEDERAL INDIAN POLICY IN THE MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY. By Larry W. Burt. 415

SHOW ME MISSOURI HISTORY: CELEBRATING THE CENTURY, PART 3. By Linda Brown-Kubisch and Christine Montgomery. 434

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

Society Acquires Wyan Portrait 463

News in Brief 464

Local Historical Societies 466

Gifts Relating to Missouri 477

Missouri History in Newspapers 480

Missouri History in Magazines 483

In Memoriam 487

BOOK REVIEWS 488

Buse, John J., and photography by Rudolph Goebel. In His Own Hand: A Historical Scrapbook of St. Charles County, Missouri; Hesse, Anna Kemper, ed. Little Germany on the Missouri: The Photographs of Edward J. Kemper, 1895-1920. Reviewed by Christine Montgomery.

Donaldson, Gary A. Truman Defeats Dewey. Reviewed by William O. Wagnon.

Castel, Albert, and Thomas Goodrich. Bloody Bill Anderson: The Short, Savage Life of a Civil War Guerrilla. Reviewed by Leslie Anders.

BOOK NOTES 492

Gregory, Ralph, and Anita Mallinckrodt. Wine-Making in "Duden Country."

Messer, Gayle. Audrain Co. Missouri: Reflections of the Past, 1945-2000.

Montgomery, Rick, and Shirl Kasper. Kansas City: An American Story.

Babinat, Sally K. Letters of a Lifetime.

Kindle, Chuck, comp. Macon County Pictorial History.

Spivak, Jeffrey. Union Station: Kansas City.

Our Heritage—Our Mission, 1850-2000: St. John United Church of Christ, Emma, Mo.

Brophy, Patrick. Past Perfect: True Tales of Town and 'Round.

Humphrey, Loren. Quinine and Quarantine: Missouri Medicine through the Years.

CONTRIBUTORS TO MISSOURI CULTURE: WILLIAM "COUNT" BASIE Inside back cover State Historical Society of Missouri

View of the City of Washington Looking Down the Potomac from Georgetown

'Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume": The Impact of the Missouri Crisis on Slavery, Race, and Republicanism in the Thought of John C. Calhoun and John Quincy Adams

BY CHANDRA MILLER*

One spring afternoon in 1820, a carriage occupied by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams and Secretary of War John C. Calhoun clattered along the streets of Washington, D.C. Inside, the two friends and fellow cabinet members rehearsed the business that had occupied Congress that morning and discussed President James Monroe's plan to read to the cabinet a letter

*Chandra Miller earned her bachelor's degree from Mount Holyoke College, a master's degree from University College, Galway (Ireland), and an additional master's degree at Harvard University. She has served as a teaching fellow at University College, Galway, and Harvard University and is currently writing her Ph.D. dissertation at Harvard.

365 366 Missouri Historical Review sent by Thomas Jefferson. The former president periodically sent such mis­ sives, and this letter was no more notable than any other, but it sparked lively discussion between Adams and Calhoun. In fact, they turned down a lun­ cheon invitation in order to continue their conversation about "politics past, present and future" and their shared worries about "a general mass of disaf­ fection . . . ready to seize upon any event."1 Missouri's bid to enter the Union as a slave state provided just such a trigger. As Congress considered Missouri's statehood petition in February 1819, a New York senator suggested an amendment that restricted slavery's spread into the western territories and offered a plan for the gradual emanci­ pation of slaves already in Missouri. Over the next three legislative sessions, congressional debate grew beyond the original matter of slavery's fate in the territories. It questioned the stances of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution on slavery, citizenship, and race. The uproar in Congress provoked a series of thoughtful and ultimately unsettling conversations between Adams and Calhoun. The Missouri Compromise admitted Missouri as a slave state and Maine as a free state, drew a line that marked off free from slave territory in the West, and estab­ lished the precedent that the United States would be divided into two distinct sections, demarcated from each other by the institution of slavery. Meanwhile, the controversy surrounding the compromise led both Calhoun and Adams to formulate convictions on slavery and its necessity to—or incompatibility with—the legacy of the American Revolution that would ani­ mate the remainder of each man's career and help transform them from admiring friends into bitter enemies. The Missouri crisis forced them to rec­ ognize that reconciling republican government and the heritage of the Revolution with the complicated issues of slavery and race posed serious threats to the American republic. Further, the national debate surrounding Missouri's admission to statehood caused both men to consider dissolution of the Union as a way of resolving the slavery issue. Each adopted an ideolog­ ical position on slavery that foreshadowed the uncompromising stances North and South would adopt in later decades. When the controversy over Missouri arose, the United States was still a young country and the American Revolution was a memory so fresh that,

1 John Quincy Adams diary, 22 May 1820, reel 34, Adams Family Papers (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1956). All diary entries appear on reel 34. The letter from Jefferson praised the terms of Adams's carefully devised Florida treaty but urged caution in executing the treaty and its proposed southward expansion. Thomas Jefferson to James Monroe, 14 May 1820, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Paul Leicester Ford (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1899), 10:158-160. "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 367 while its importance was clear to Americans, its meaning and implications were not. Young, nationalistic leaders like Calhoun and Adams faced the task of demonstrating that the republican ideals that had inspired the Revolution could provide a durable foundation for a stable and lasting government. Both men frequently used the words "republican" and "republicanism" to refer to the form of government, based on the consent of the governed, inherited from the Revolution. They believed that republican government relied on the vig­ ilance of a virtuous citizenry that guarded against corruption and degenera­ tion and that it assured liberty and equality to citizens regardless of birth or genealogical eminence. At heart, republicanism was a system of govern­ ment, but because it was based on shared ideas and relied on upright and unselfish behavior among citizens, republicanism influenced all aspects of life, such as communal values and social relations. Republics, however, were also fragile and prone to destruction brought about by internal corruption and lassitude. Therefore, the young nationalists took seriously the duty of pro­ tecting republicanism and its blessings.2 As Calhoun and Adams discovered in their carriage ride conversations, and as the Missouri crisis revealed to the rest of the nation, the definitions of core republican concepts like liberty and equality were marked by fundamental disagreement rather than by national consensus. At the very heart of the disagreement rested the issue of slavery. When Missouri first submitted its statehood petition in 1818, it probably struck few observers as a likely catalyst for divisive debate over slavery. The Missouri Territory was characterized mainly by a rough-hewn "frontier com­ munity" in which six out of seven men were small-scale farmers, producing corn, wheat, cattle, tobacco, and later hemp.3 Despite the comparatively small number of slaves in Missouri, slavery had existed there since the earli­ est French settlements of colonial days. By 1818 slavery simply seemed to come with the territory.

2 A voluminous literature on the concept of republicanism and its importance as the cen­ tral ideology that powered the American Revolution, and as the complex web of ideas and values through which antebellum Americans sought to shape their form of government, social rela­ tions, and national identity, has developed over the past three decades, beginning with the pub­ lication of such seminal works as Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1967) and Gordon Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969). For compact syntheses of this literature see especially Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 29 (January 1972): 49-80; Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism and Ideology," American Quarterly 37 (fall 1985): 461; Robert E. Shalhope, "Republicanism and Early American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 39 (April 1982): 334-356, and Daniel T. Rodgers, "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," Journal of American History 79 (June 1992): 11-38. 3 Jonas Viles, "Missouri in 1820," Missouri Historical Review 15 (October 1920): 36. 368 Missouri Historical Review

Following one term in the Fifteenth Congress, New York Representative James Tallmadge, Jr., went on to become lieutenant governor of New York in 1824.

University of Kentucky Press

New York Representative James Tallmadge posed a challenge to this state of affairs. His proposed amendment manumitted at the age of twenty- five any slave children born after Missouri's entrance into the Union and attempted to prohibit the further westward expansion of slavery. After much debate throughout the 1819 and 1820 sessions of Congress, the House and Senate voted down the Tallmadge Amendment, passing instead the Missouri Compromise on March 6, 1820.4 This measure linked Maine's admission as a free state to Missouri's admission as a slave state and replaced Tallmadge's slavery restriction with a geographic line at the 36°30' parallel across the Louisiana Purchase, north of which slavery was prohibited except in Missouri. While the Missouri crisis and the Tallmadge Amendment generated excitement both North and South, they raised different questions for Southern congressmen, who almost universally opposed the amendment, than for Northern legislators, who mainly supported it. Southerners were convinced that a constitutional rather than a moral dilemma faced them; many Northern legislators argued in terms of liberty, the Declaration of Independence, and the evils of slavery.5

4 The Tallmadge Amendment passed the House, but not the Senate, in 1819. In 1820, Congress wrestled with Missouri's statehood bid again, eventually settling on the series of mea­ sures that added up to the Missouri Compromise. For the full text of the compromise see Echoes from the Cabinet (New York: Dayton and Wentworth, 1855), 69-70. 5 Abridgement of the Debates of Congress From 1789 to 1856 (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1858), 6: 371, 531, 400, 425, 539. "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 369

Southern congressmen, such as Thomas Cobb of Georgia, insisted that there was a "vast difference between moral impropriety and political sover­ eignty" and worried that discussion of slavery's moral aspects would divert attention from important questions of constitutional authority, federalism, and government's obligation to respect the autonomy of states and the prop­ erty of white individuals. Senator Charles Pinckney of South Carolina denied "the right of Congress to touch slavery at all," while Senator Freeman Walker of Georgia claimed that if Congress were allowed to impose any restriction against slavery in Missouri or any other state, such a restriction would make "slaves of the white people of Missouri and rivet chains about their necks." Senator James Barbour of Virginia argued that Tallmadge's amendment endangered a perfect equality between all states by subjecting a potential state to restrictions not imposed on every other state. Congressmen like Christopher Rankin of Mississippi worried about individual property rights, insisting that slaves were property and no federal government could deny the sovereign right of citizens to own property. To most Northerners in Congress, the more important legacies of the American Revolution at stake in the controversy included liberty, moral uprightness, and the Declaration of Independence, all of which were com­ promised by the existence of slavery and upheld by the Tallmadge Amendment. While no Southerners referred to the Declaration of Independence in their attacks on the amendment (preferring instead to draw on the Constitution), many Northerners based their strongest arguments on the Declaration's preamble.6 After an impassioned recital of the "life, liber­ ty and the pursuit of happiness" promise of the Declaration, Senator Walter Lowrie of Pennsylvania admonished, "It is not among the natural rights of man to enslave his fellow men." Congressman Clifton Clagett of New Hampshire claimed that the signers of the Declaration of Independence "con­ sidered slavery as a great evil, and inconsistent with those pure principles of liberty for which they contended." Timothy Fuller of Massachusetts stressed that liberty and equality, not property, were true cornerstones of America's republican government and exalted in the potential for "regeneration" that he saw in the Tallmadge Amendment.7 The Missouri crisis created a stir among the public as well. In the National Intelligencer, William Seaton commented on the large number of women and African Americans who "flocked to hear the congressional

6 Pauline Maier, in American Scripture: The Making of the Declaration of Independence (New York: Knopf, 1997), chap. 4, describes how interpretations of the Declaration have changed over time and notes that the now-famous preamble was not always regarded as the most important part of the document. The Missouri Compromise episode suggests that the sig­ nificance of the Declaration could vary by region as well as by time period. 7 Debates, 6:405, 491, 341. 370 Missouri Historical Review debates" over Missouri, and Louisa Catherine Adams, the wife of John Quincy Adams, commented that the Senate "was so thronged with Ladies the Senators could scarcely keep their proper seats."8 Cheap pamphlet copies of congressmen's speeches on Missouri were published in Philadelphia, Boston, and other cities throughout 1819 and 1820.9 Public meetings about Missouri were held in Pennsylvania, Ohio, New York, and New England; one meeting, strongly in support of the antislavery aspect of the Tallmadge Amendment, took place in the Philadelphia chamber where the Declaration of Independence had been signed.10 Meanwhile, antislavery organizations, state legislatures, and private individuals sent petitions to Washington in response to the battle over Missouri.11 The importance of the Missouri question also struck President Monroe, who called cabinet meetings to discuss the matter and requested that each cabinet member submit his written opinion on Congress's rightful duty in the affair.12 Cabinet members included Secretary of State Adams and Secretary of War Calhoun. At the time, both were committed, young nationalists who eagerly eyed the presidency and anticipated the support of all sections of the Union in the quest for the nation's highest executive office. Moreover, Adams and Calhoun shared a warm and mutually respectful friendship, fre­ quently inviting each other for dinner, attending social functions at each other's house, or simply engaging in conversation. Never at his most com­ fortable at parties or other social occasions, Adams occasionally confided to his journal that he had been grateful for Calhoun's presence at a reception or gathering, since Calhoun provided an amenable partner for conversation. In

8 Seaton quoted in Glover Moore, The Missouri Controversy, 1819-1821 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1953), 150-151; Louisa Catherine Adams to John Adams, 31 December 1819, reel 448, Adams Family Papers. 9 For examples see Papers Relative to the Restriction of Slavery: Speeches of Mr. King in the Senate, and of Messrs. Taylor & Tallmadge in the House of Representatives of the United States, on the Bill for Authorising the People of Missouri to Form a Constitution and State Government, and for the Admission of the Same into the Union (Philadelphia: Hall and Atkinson, 1819) and "Speech of Harrison Gray Otis on the Restriction of Slavery in Missouri, Senate 25 Jan. 1820," "P. P. Barbour's Speech Delivered to the House of Representatives of the United States, Feb. 10, 1820," William Plumer, "Speech on the Missouri Question, Delivered Feb. 21 1820," and William Lownes, "Speech on the Admission of Missouri Delivered Dec. 13, 1820," all published in Boston. 10 Noble Cunningham, The Presidency of James Monroe (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996), 90-91; Moore, Missouri Controversy, 175-178. 11 For examples, see Debates, 6: 223, 382, 416, 421, 424, 434. 12 At the March 3, 1820, cabinet meeting, Monroe asked members to comment on whether Congress had the power to restrict slavery from a territory and on whether Congress retained that power once a territory became a state. Adams diary, 3 March 1820; Cunningham, James Monroe, 103-104. Monroe himself was under pressure from his home state of Virginia to guard against any federal encroachment on the states' jurisdiction over slavery. "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 371 fact, Adams described Calhoun as "a man of fair and candid mind, of hon­ ourable principles, of clear and quick understanding: of cool self-possession; of enlarged philosophical views, and of ardent patriotism. He is above all sectional and factious prejudices more than any other statesman of this Union, with whom I have ever acted."13 When the Missouri crisis arose, Adams and Calhoun were still good friends who discussed important matters with each other, and the carriage journey or leisurely stroll that they habitu­ ally shared after cabinet meetings provided opportunities for conversations about the importance of the controversy. At first, Adams and Calhoun thought alike on a number of points. Both worried about the potential divisiveness of the crisis. On January 2, 1820, Adams stopped by Calhoun's house, where he spent an hour discussing Missouri and other subjects "upon which the public mind in this country is taking a turn which alarms me greatly for the continuance of this Union." When Calhoun was called to his dinner, Adams continued on to his own home. Both agreed "that Congress have the power to prohibit slavery in Territories" but remained unsure about how much power Congress retained when a territory became a state.14 Despite the congruity of the two men's views on the structure of federal power, sharp differences emerged in their discussions about the place of slav­ ery within the American republic. In one conversation, Adams vilified slav­ ery as "the great and foul stain upon the North American Union" and claimed that the survival of that Union depended upon finding the most "practicable" way for the United States to achieve "total abolition ... at the smallest cost of human sufferance." Calhoun countered with the premise that the right to retain slavery, both as a form of property and a badge of equality with non- slaveholding states whose internal affairs enjoyed noninterference from the

13 Adams diary, 18 October 1821. 14 Adams diary, 2 January, 3 March 1820. Three points suggest that Adams's diary is a reliable source for documenting Calhoun's side of the men's conversations. First, Adams's diary entries appear remarkably accurate when checked against other sources. For example, his accounts of congressional debates dovetail with the versions printed in Debates, and with Louisa Catherine Adams's letters to John Adams about the debates she attended. John Quincy Adams's accounts of conversations with others (such as William Plumer of New Hampshire) are corroborated when the second party has also left a source. Second, at this time, Adams and Calhoun were friends, so Adams would have had no reason for unjustly vilifying Calhoun or maliciously twisting his words. Third, the most thorough studies of Calhoun, such as Charles Wiltse's John C. Calhoun (New York: Russell and Russell, 1968) and Irving Bartlett's John C. Calhoun: A Biography (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1993) have drawn heavily on the Adams diary as a reliable source for information on Calhoun, using the published Memoirs of John Quincy Adams (Philadelphia: J. A. Lippincott and Company, 1874-1877), heavily edit­ ed by Adams's son, Charles Francis Adams. The unabridged diary offers an even more thor­ ough and reliable source than the Memoirs available to Wiltse and other biographers. 372 Missouri Historical Review

Prior to his presidency, James Monroe served as a senator for four years (1790-1794) and twice held the governor's seat of Virginia (1799- 1802 and 1811).

State Historical Society of Missouri

federal government, was fundamental to republican government. In fact, Calhoun warned that the South would take any steps necessary to protect slavery, even going so far as to dissolve the Union and "form an Alliance, offensive and defensive, with Great Britain" and "make their communities all military." When Adams asked if Calhoun was willing to see the South revert to colonial status to preserve slavery, Calhoun replied, "Yes—pretty much— but it would be forced upon them." Flabbergasted by Calhoun's ludicrous contention, Adams would not let Calhoun go home until he was certain that he had properly understood his colleague. He noted with chagrin in his diary that he had detained the unfortunate Calhoun an hour past dinnertime.15 This conversation reveals that, by 1820, Calhoun and Adams had formu­ lated very different conceptions of American republicanism. They also held definite personal views about American slavery, although their public stances remained more temperate. Conversations like this one contradict contentions that neither Adams nor Calhoun adopted a strong position on slavery until the 1830s. Most recent studies of John Quincy Adams have shied away from view­ ing antislavery or racial concerns as central themes throughout his life.

15 Adams diary, 24 February 1820. "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 373

Instead, they claim that slavery and race were not especially important to Adams or argue that slavery did not become a significant issue to him until the mid-1830s. Two classic exceptions exist: Samuel Flagg Bemis's two-vol­ ume biography, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy and John Quincy Adams and the Union, and Brooks Adams's introductory essay to The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma, but neither focuses on the importance of the Missouri crisis nor discusses the issue of race and its impact on Adams's beliefs and actions.16 In the recent Arguing About Slavery, which dramatically recounts the gag rule fight of 1836-1844, William Lee Miller recognizes the uniqueness of the Missouri-inspired con­ versations between Calhoun and Adams. He consistently portrays Adams as an antislavery gladiator in Congress, but the book's subject dictates that it focus on the 1830s and later, not on the 1820s. Leonard Richards, in The Life and Times of Congressman John Quincy Adams, dismisses Adams's early slavery record as "dismal." He claims that when the congressman finally did arrive at committed antislavery ideas, he did so not for any ideological or moral reasons, but to advance his career in the House of Representatives (where he served 1831-1848) and as a way of inflicting revenge on the South, which he bitterly blamed for his presidential defeat in 1828. In this same tra­ dition, Robert Remini describes Adams as a "deliberately mischievous" mal­ content who waged petition and antislavery battles in Congress in the 1830s and 1840s as a way of thwarting democracy and instituting minority rule by "an aristocracy of money."17

16 Samuel Flagg Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1965); John Quincy Adams and the Union (New York: Knopf, 1956); Brooks Adams, "The Heritage of Henry Adams," in Henry Adams, The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma (New York: Macmillan, 1919). Bemis describes Adams as an "aboli­ tionist at heart but constitutionalist in practice" (p. ix). In a succinct treatment of the Missouri question, Bemis briefly notes that Adams's "inner convictions on slavery and politics first began to crystallize" during the controversy, but that "practical politics and presidential aspira­ tions" encouraged him to keep his beliefs to himself (pp. 416, 418). This analysis, though shrewd, misses the central role that the issue of race played in inspiring Adams's antislavery views and in causing him to keep his views silent. Brooks Adams's survey of John Quincy Adams's long-standing obsession with slavery as a scientific problem cursorily mentions the Missouri Compromise (pp. 22-23). The sweeping style of his essay prevents him from ana­ lyzing how Adams's ideas evolved at particular flash points like the Missouri controversy or the gag rule crisis; further, Brooks Adams does not admit race into his discussion. 17 William Lee Miller, Arguing About Slavery: The Great Battle in the United States Congress (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1996), 179-183; Leonard L. Richards, The Life and Times of Congressman John Quincy Adams (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert V. Remini, The Legacy of Andrew Jackson: Essays on Democracy, Indian Removal, and Slavery (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), 107, 89. The most recent study of Adams, Paul Nagel's John Quincy Adams: A Public Life, A Private Life (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1997), does not address the Missouri controversy and in its unceasing exploration of Adams's psychological state, pays very little attention to his views on slavery or race. 374 Missouri Historical Review

Similarly, whether they have downplayed, forgiven, or condemned Calhoun's commitment to slavery, most historians have located the emer­ gence of his "positive good" defense of slavery in the 1830s or later.18 Clyde Wilson has maintained that slavery only became important to Calhoun dur­ ing the last four years of his life. Even Irving Bartlett's biography, which rec­ ognizes slavery as an important feature of Calhoun's whole life, maintains that the South Carolinian remained a "detached observer" during the Missouri crisis and did not actively defend slavery until the 1830s.19 In sum, historians have agreed that Calhoun did not firmly entrench himself into an ideological position on slavery until forced to do so by the tariff and nullifi­ cation crisis of 1828-1832 and the abolition movement of the 1830s. Calhoun's conversations with Adams about the Missouri question, in which he positively embraces rather than reluctantly accepts slavery, suggest an ear­ lier date. Their discussions about the Missouri controversy, along with their indi­ vidual writings, emphasize that Adams and Calhoun were becoming increas­ ingly committed to antagonistic positions on slavery and its place in American republican government as early as 1820. Their views crystallized in crucial ways in the wake of the Missouri crisis. Conversations like the one of February 24, 1820, would be followed by later chats that would reveal even more clearly the pivotal role that the race issue played in Adams's anti- slavery convictions and Calhoun's commitment to slavery, even at the expense of the Union. As debate over Missouri persisted, Calhoun came to believe that America was undergoing a "great moral and political" test of "whether this . . . system of Government shall prevail."20 He spent the summer and autumn of 1820 (just after the passage of the Missouri Compromise) traveling throughout the United States, like a doctor conducting a national checkup. Throughout his travels, he anxiously monitored vital signs, such as patriotic

18 Calhoun is not viewed as unique; in fact, accepted wisdom consistently points to the 1830s as the decade in which Southerners in general turned to the "positive good" defense of slavery. In his authoritative Proslavery: A History of the Defense of Slavery in America, 1701- 1840 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987), Larry Tise reaffirms the importance of the abolition movement in inspiring the defense of slavery, and to that end, finds neither "proslav­ ery nor racial thought" in the response of Calhoun or anyone else to the Missouri controversy (p. 55). 19 Clyde N. Wilson, ed., introduction to The Essential Calhoun: Selections from Writings, Speeches and Letters, by John C. Calhoun (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1992); Bartlett, John C. Calhoun, 218. 20 Calhoun to Charles Tait, 20 May 1820, The Papers of John C Calhoun, ed. W. Edwin Hemphill and Clyde Wilson (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press for the South Carolina Department of Archives and History and the South Carolinian Society, (1959- ), 5: 132. "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 375

"attachment to our republican institutions," "virtue and intelligence in the people," and protection for the institution of slavery.21 Calhoun confided to his friend Virgil Maxcy, "I can scarcely conceive of a cause of sufficient power to divide this Union, unless a belief in the slave-holding States, that it is the intention of the other States gradually to undermine their property in their slaves."22 To his friend Charles Tait, Calhoun wrote of his vigilant search for indications of a Northern "conspiracy against our property," since "nothing would lead more directly to disunion with all its horrows [sic].99 If Northerners or their congressional representatives assumed what Calhoun saw as the unlawful power to tamper with slavery, both the rights of slave­ holders and the Union itself would be in danger. It would be the first duty of slaveholding states to protect those rights. Calhoun exclaimed to Tait, "Should emancipation be attempted it must & will be resisted at all events."23 To Maxcy, Calhoun expressed his willingness to countenance disunion as "the only means to avert the evil" destruction of slavery.24 Calhoun, whose fervent nationalism in the wake of the War of 1812 had provided the core of his political beliefs and who had believed ardently in the Union as the best defender of states' rights and prosperity, emerged from the Missouri crisis strongly committed to the explicit preservation of Southern slavery. He had not yet relinquished his attachment to the Union; in fact, election to the presidency of the United States remained his most cherished personal ambition. Nevertheless, following the Missouri controversy, Calhoun began to define the terms of the Union that he loved with deliberate regard to the perpetuity of slavery. Calhoun's defensiveness about slavery, and his insistence that it be protected within the American republic, stemmed not from the opinion that slavery was more important than republicanism as he understood it, but rather that the right of citizens to own slave property without federal interference was necessary to republicanism.25 This view contrasts sharply with the ideas of Adams, who shared Calhoun's ardor for the Union and presidential ambitions, but not Calhoun's ideas about slavery and republicanism.

21 Calhoun to W. Duval, 22 October 1820, ibid., 5: 407; Calhoun to Charles Tait, 26 October 1820, ibid., 5: 412-413. 22 Calhoun to Maxcy, 12 August 1820, ibid., 5: 327. 23 Calhoun to Tait, 26 October 1820. 24 Calhoun to Maxcy, 12 August 1820. 25 Lacy K. Ford has written several important articles on Calhoun's political philosophy with regard to ideals like republicanism, liberty, and slavery. See, for example, "Republican Ideology in a Slave Society: The Political Economy of John C. Calhoun," Journal of Southern History 54 (August 1988): 405-424. Like much scholarship on Calhoun, Ford's analysis con­ siders the later years of the South Carolinian's career, not the 1820s. 376 Missouri Historical Review

John Quincy Adams secured the presi­ dency in 1825 following a decision by the U.S. House of Representatives. Neither Adams nor his opponent, Andrew Jackson, had secured the major­ ity of electors chosen by the states. The Constitution required the House to play the deciding role in such instances. Although Adams had placed second to Jackson in the electoral vote, the mem­ bers of the House elected him to the presidency.

State Historical Society of Missouri

To Adams, the Missouri controversy served as a flash point, during which his vague discomfort with slavery crystallized into stern opposition to slavery as an immoral institution that defied the Declaration of Independence and could not coexist with republican government. In his diary, he ruminat­ ed on "the natural liberty of man, and its incompatibility with Slavery in any shape." He concluded that slavery, not emancipation, presented "the greatest danger of this Union," because by making a mockery of the ideal of liberty, slavery violated the Declaration of Independence, which represented America's purest statement of "political doctrine, laying open the first foun­ dations of civil Society." At the same time, the Declaration laid "open a precipice into which the slave-holding Planters of this country, sooner or later, must fall. With the Declaration of Independence on their lips and the merciless Scourge of Slavery in their hands, a more flagrant image of human inconsistency can scarcely be conceived than one of our Southern Slave hold­ ing Republicans."26 Adams's diary, in which he bemoaned the "great and foul stain" of slavery, makes clear that it was not self-righteousness, but rather the genuine fear that republicanism could not endure amongst an immoral popu­ lation, that led him to dwell so often and fiercely on the injustice and immorality of slavery.27 Slavery "polluted ... the streams of Legislation"; it

26 Adams diary, 11 February, 13 April 1820; 27 December 1819. 27 The diary entry in which Adams called slavery the "great and foul stain upon the North American union" was written on February 24, 1820; there are many other instances where he refers to the "pollution" of slavery or declares that "slavery is an evil." "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 377 was "morally and politically vicious, inconsistent with the principles upon which alone our revolution can be justified"; and it placed the American experiment in republican government, and the Union itself, in danger. As the Missouri controversy continued, Adams decided that the eradication of slav­ ery was worth the "dissolution, at least temporary, of the Union as now con­ stituted." The "union might then be reorganized on the fundamental principle of emancipation. This object is vast in its compass, awful in its prospects, sublime and beautiful in its issue. A life devoted to it would be nobly spent or sacrificed."28 Adams was certain of the necessity to eradicate slavery, but his willing­ ness to say so in public and his hopes for emancipation were blocked by three obstacles: the problem of race relations, the problem of the Constitution, and his own forceful desire to become president. Even if Tallmadge's amend­ ment erased slavery from Missouri and began the work of gradual emanci­ pation, Adams feared that freeing slaves would not solve all of the injustices of slavery. Instead, members of the black and white races would need to live together equitably, and he ruefully admitted that many white Americans "writhed in agonies of fear at the very mention of human rights as applicable to men of colour." He weighed the possibility of "the extirpation of the African race on this Continent, by the gradually bleaching process of inter­ mixture where the white portion is already so predominant" but worried that "though happy and glorious in its end," such a plan would seem too "terrible in its means" to most of the American public, and therefore was unlikely to work.29 While Adams regarded slavery as an abhorrent way of organizing racial relations within American society, he had to admit that the habits and prejudices of most of the white public did not bode well for fair post-slavery racial relations. He himself remained too uncomfortable about race to know exactly what should follow slavery. Adams understood that finding a way for white and black to coexist in a free society presented a challenge at least as daunting as the eradication of slavery and that no solution would win him friends among Southerners, whose support he would need to attain the pres­ idency.30

28 Adams diary, 3 March, 24 February 1820. 29 Ibid., 3 March, 24 February 1820. 30 William Maclean's "Othello Scorned: The Racial Thought of John Quincy Adams," Journal of the Early Republic 4 (spring 1984): 141-160, presents Adams's relationship to slav­ ery as a complex and paradoxical view informed not only by his moral conscience but also by his perception of America's racial dilemma. Like many other scholars, Maclean assumes that Adams did not reach his antislavery position until the 1830s. 378 Missouri Historical Review

The second realization forced onto Adams by the Missouri controversy was that the Constitution was no pure bulwark of the republicanism of the American Revolution; instead, it was plagued by flaws that contradicted the ideals of the Revolution. "The fault is in the Constitution of the United States," he mourned, "which has sanctioned a dishonourable compromise with Slavery." By sanctioning slavery, the Constitution "pledge[d] the faith of Freedom to maintain and perpetuate the tyranny of the master" and therefore came into direct conflict with liberty, human rights, morality, and republi­ canism. This realization led Adams to suggest to some friends that "a con­ vention might in the course of a few years ... remedy the great imperfections of the present system," chief among them the existence of slavery. The idea "appeared to startle some of the Gentlemen," leaving Adams disinclined to again raise the possibility.31 Although he did not repudiate his personal dis­ taste for slavery, in 1820 he remained squeamish about trying to force his views onto a public governed by a Constitution that allowed and protected the institution. Adams's hopes for the presidency were keen in 1820, and he knew that publicly decrying the Constitution could hardly enhance his electoral chances. The testimony of Adams's wife, Louisa Catherine, and friend William Plumer supports the conclusion that the secretary of state's political ambitions induced public moderation in his antislavery views and in his opin­ ions on the Missouri controversy. Louisa Catherine wrote to John Adams, asking him as "a particular favour to him [John Quincy]" to keep silent about slavery and Missouri "as he does not think the time has arrived in which he can with propriety take a part in the business." Congressman Plumer of New Hampshire wrote to his father that he had met with Adams before the com­ promise passed, at which time "Mr. Adams declared himself at first decided­ ly in favour of the restriction" that Tallmadge had proposed against slavery. Adams had, however, changed his tune after "the President & his Cabinet consulted on this subject," which caused Adams to subdue his own opinion for political reasons.32 Although presidential ambitions were certainly responsible for some of Adams's public timidity on the slavery issue in 1820, his political self-interest coexisted with severe moral and ideological qualms. Congressional approval of the Missouri Compromise in March 1820, sparked a conversation between Adams and Calhoun that further disturbed Adams. Walking home with Calhoun after a cabinet meeting that endorsed

31 Adams diary, 3, 5 March 1820. 32 Louisa Catherine Adams to John Adams, 27 January 1820, reel 449, Adams Family Papers; William Plumer, Jr., to William Plumer, Sr., 7 April 1820, in Everett Somerville Brown, ed., The Missouri Compromises and Presidential Politics, 1820-1825 (St. Louis: Missouri Historical Society, 1926), 16-17. 'Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 379

Although never achieving the presidency as he had hoped, John C. Calhoun did win election as vice president in 1824 (serving under John Quincy Adams) and in 1828 under Andrew Jackson.

State Historical Society of Missouri the Missouri Compromise rather than the Tallmadge Amendment, Adams fumed that the preservation of slavery was not a "sovereign power but a wrongful and despotic power." Further, "the Declaration of Independence not only asserts the natural equality of all men and their unalienable right to Liberty, but that the only JUST powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed. A power for one part of the people to make Slaves of the other can never be derived from consent, and is therefore not a just power."33 To Adams, it was axiomatic that African Americans were not only promised the natural rights outlined in the Declaration of Independence, they were also part of the "We the people" of the Constitution's preamble, whose consent was a necessary prerequisite of just government. What was axiomatic to Adams was inconceivable, and even dangerous, to Calhoun. While Calhoun applauded Adams's commitment to liberty and equality, he claimed that "in the Southern country, whenever they [these con­ cepts] were mentioned, they were always understood as applying only to white men." He further argued that white liberty and equality actually depended upon slavery, explaining that "domestic labour was confined to the blacks . . . manual labour [was] the proper work of slaves. No white person could descend to that. And it was the best guarantee of equality among the whites. It produced an unvarying level among them. It not only did not excite, but did not even admit of inequalities, by which one white man could domineer over another."34

Adams diary, 3 March 1820. Ibid. 380 Missouri Historical Review

Calhoun's explanation provided Adams with additional evidence of the corrupting and unjust influence of slavery. Adams feared that the existence of slavery transformed manual labor from something honest and respectable into a badge of inferiority and fueled arrogance and aristocratic pretensions in some Southern whites. Slavery was no solvent of social inequality; instead, it fostered an unequal society of masters and degraded laborers. Adams denounced Southern slaveholders who "fancy themselves more gen­ erous and noble hearted than the plain freemen who labour for subsistence. They look down upon the simplicity of a yankee's manners because he has no habits of overbearing like theirs, and cannot beat negroes like dogs." Most of all, he lamented, "It is among the evils of Slavery that it taints the very sources of moral principle. It establishes false estimates of virtue and vice, for what can be more false and heartless than this doctrine which makes the first and holiest rights of humanity to depend upon the colour of the skin." His insight into Calhoun's racially constructed, slavery-dependent interpreta­ tion of the Declaration, and of human equality, worried Adams for the fate of the American republic. It also led him to observe, "If the Union must be dis­ solved, Slavery is precisely the question upon which it ought to break."35 This conversation, held on March 3, 1820, unflinchingly juxtaposed the natural rights attack on slavery derived from one reading of the Declaration of Independence against the Herrenvolk democracy defense of slavery that relied on one visibly subordinate, racially determined element in society to ensure equality among all other members. Further, it revealed the two sets of convictions as utterly irreconcilable, not in the heated aftermath of the Nullification Crisis or the abolition movement, but in a mannerly conversa­ tion between two friends that preceded the "Tariff of Abominations," South Carolinian threats of nullification, and publication of the abolitionist Liberator by approximately a decade. Both Calhoun and Adams were forced to perceive that no middle ground existed between their views on slavery's ultimate place within the American republic. When the Missouri issue reemerged in the autumn of 1820, questions of race, which had been implicit in the early phases of the controversy, became explicit. By the time Congress reconvened in November 1820, Missouri had submitted a proposed state constitution that included a clause forbidding free blacks and mulattos from entering the state. An objection soon arose that the proposed constitution "contravene [d] that clause in the Constitution of the United States, which declared that 'the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.'" In the

Ibid. "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 381 uproar that followed, the question became "Are free negroes and mulattoes, or any of them, citizens of the United States?"36 In Congress, most Northern legislators claimed that citizenship extended to blacks. Southerners disagreed. Congressman William Eustis of Massachusetts, for instance, argued that "we the people, the preamble to the Constitution, means, or includes Indians, free negroes, mulattoes ... it fol­ lows incontestabley [sic] that they are and must be included" as citizens of the American republic. Congressman William Archer of Virginia, on the other hand, declared that "colored persons could, in no part of the Union, be assigned to the rank of citizens." Senator William Smith of South Carolina further contended that when the Declaration of Independence said "all men," it really meant "all white men."37 The emergence of the race issue caused debate in Congress to assume an even more emotional tone than previously exhibited. Fears that freed blacks within American society would cause "the flames of servile war [to] enwrap this Union in a general blaze" led many Southerners (and some Northerners) to regard slavery as the only safe system for racial coexistence in America and to deplore open questioning of that system. Those fears, along with Congress's desire to end the legislative session, led the House and Senate to avoid any hard decisions. The legislators passed an evasive act that admitted Missouri to the Union under its proposed constitution, with the caveat that any "provision, if there be any, which conflicts with the Constitution of the United States" would be null and void. On March 2, 1821, Missouri was admitted as a slaveholding state.38 Congressional reluctance to resolve the race issue prevented neither Calhoun nor Adams from wrestling with the points raised by the second round of the Missouri crisis. For Calhoun, who had expressed his commit­ ment to the protection of slavery as necessary to the Union, republicanism, and white equality during the first round of the controversy, the racial issues raised by the second Missouri battle fired his resolution to an even firmer state. By the time Missouri achieved statehood, Calhoun's fears for the racial structure of the American republic had instilled a fierce attachment to the preservation of slavery that was stronger than his attachment to the Union or the Declaration of Independence. Calhoun observed that the dispute over Missouri held the potential "to alienate the affections of the people of one section from the other and to

36 Debates, 6: 661; 7: 37. 37 Ibid., 7: 47, 28; 6: 669. Only a minority of Northerners, such as Senator John Holmes of Maine, shared Eustis's view. See ibid., 7: 36. 38 Ibid., 7: 29, 83, 129-130. Adams witnessed Monroe's seal and signature. 382 Missouri Historical Review

STATE of MtSSOURf

<^:

State Historical Society of Missouri destroy that unity of sympathy which makes us one people." It revealed that Northerners and Southerners disagreed about slavery, but even more, it showed that the North did not appreciate the tremendous racial problem that would be unleashed on American society if slavery were eradicated. Calhoun wrote to Charles Tait: "The North considered it [the Missouri question] a simple question, involving only the extension or limitation of slavery. . . . They viewed it in some degree in the same light that they would the opening of the ports to the introduction of Africans; while the South, regarding its possible tendency [forcing blacks and whites to live together in the absence of slavery], considered it in a character wholly different, and as involving in its consequences the question of abolition. Thus the question became high­ ly dangerous." And if abolition should become a real possibility, Calhoun warned, "We ought to prepare for an actual separation. Distrust must engender distrust. We will not trust them, they will not trust us. Conflict must follow, thence violence and thence disunion."39 Calhoun embraced this commitment

39 Calhoun to Tait, 1 October 1821, Papers of John C Calhoun, 6: 413-414. In this let­ ter, Calhoun expressed the hope that abolition was not yet an immediate danger; however, if the destruction of slavery did become a threat, he held definite ideas about the course Southerners should take. "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 383 to the defense of slavery not just out of legalistic concern for constitutional property rights, but also out of explicitly racial fears. In the years following the Missouri controversy, Calhoun became even more vehement in his defense of slavery. He viewed the so-called "Tariff of Abominations" of 1828 as an attack on Southern rights, most particularly property rights, including the right to own slaves.40 When Northern aboli­ tionists began to petition Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia in 1836, Calhoun reiterated that the legislative branch had "no legitimate jurisdiction over the subject of slavery." The heightening intensi­ ty of the abolitionist movement contributed to Calhoun's mounting defen- siveness and to his inability to admit the right of the federal government to regulate slavery. He complained of abolitionists as "fanatical zealots, come at once to the conclusion that it is their duty to abolish it [slavery], regardless of all the disasters which must follow. Never was conclusion more false or dangerous."41 His zeal for the cause of slavery increased. In addition, Calhoun's political fate altered his public voice. As his hopes for the presi­ dency were dashed by the growing dominance of Jacksonian party politics, the necessity to downplay his proslavery leanings in deference to a national audience faded. Calhoun increasingly focused his attentions on South Carolina state politics, and this reorientation prodded him toward a vocal, proslavery stance.42 The most important reason for Calhoun's increasingly combative defense of slavery, however, was his certainty that the eradication of slavery would destroy white equality and republicanism by unleashing a race prob­ lem that American society could not solve. Calhoun thought that "social and political equality between them [black and white races] is impossible ... it would destroy the security and independence of the European race, if the African should be permitted" its freedom. He rejected the Declaration of Independence as "the most false and dangerous of all political errors" because its words could be construed as a threat to the institutionalized racial inequality that he thought necessary not just for Southern prosperity, but also

40 For the importance of the slavery issue in Calhoun's response to the tariff and nullifi­ cation crisis see William Freehling, Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Controversy in South Carolina, 1816-1836 (New York: Harper and Row, 1966). 41 Calhoun, "Speech on the Abolition Petitions," 9 March 1836, Papers of John C. Calhoun, 13: 104. This speech represented no isolated occasion; Calhoun repeatedly advanced the same argument in the Senate. For example, see also Calhoun, "Remarks on Receiving Abolition Petitions," 6 February 1837, ibid., 13: 391-398; Calhoun, "Report from the Select Committee on the Circulating of Incendiary Publications," 4 February 1836, ibid., 13: 62. 42 In Prelude to Civil War, William Freehling argues that Calhoun shifted from a nation­ alist to a Southern sectionalist in the 1830s, motivated both by his urgent commitment to the protection of slavery and his rivalry with South Carolina political faction leader William Smith. 384 Missouri Historical Review for republican equality and racial stability within white society.43 To Calhoun, the first phase of the Missouri controversy raised unsettling ques­ tions about the place of slavery within an American republic that professed the ideal of equality, and the second phase posed frightening challenges to the racial order that he assumed was necessary for the preservation of the nation. The Missouri crisis did not transform Calhoun into a militant disunion- ist; in fact, strident pro-Southern ideologues were frustrated at his unwilling­ ness to relinquish the assumption that slavery and Southern rights could be protected within the Union. The debate instigated by Missouri's request for statehood forced Calhoun to decide that, if slavery and Union should ever collide with each other, his first loyalty was to the protection of slavery. The Missouri crisis inspired fear and the perception of an insoluble racial problem within Calhoun, which combined with personal financial misfor­ tunes, the failure of his national political ambitions, and mounting factional­ ism within South Carolina state politics. In response, he embraced a militant defense of slavery that evolved from private opinion to the political agenda

43 Calhoun, "Report from the Select Committee on the Circulating of Incendiary Publications," 64; Calhoun, "Speech in the Senate on Slavery in the Territories," 1848, The Works of John C. Calhoun, ed. Richard K. Cralle (New York: D. Appleton, 1883), 4: 491.

A Slave Cabin on a Plantation

State Historical Society of Missouri "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 385 that consumed the second half of his political career. The affable companion who had chatted with Adams in 1820 was eventually replaced by a resolute proslavery crusader. Adams's private reactions to the second phase of the Missouri contro­ versy were much different. In the first stage of the controversy, he had already detected that issues of race were intermixed with the crucial ques­ tions of slavery, republicanism, and the ideals of America's founding. The second Missouri battle further convinced him that the republic had gotten itself into an enormous racial dilemma that only a trauma of atonement would be able to rectify. In response to the clause barring free blacks from Missouri, which he called an "outrage upon those rights . . . [of] all the people of colour who were citizens of the free States," Adams first considered the retaliatory action of depriving white Missourians of their constitutional rights. "I would move for a declaratory Act," he raged, "that so long as the article in the Constitution of Missouri, depriving the coloured Citizens of the state, say, of Massachusetts, of their rights as citizens of the United States within the state of Missouri [was allowed to stand] the white citizens of the State of Missouri should be held as aliens within the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, not entitled to claim or enjoy within the same any right or privilege of a citizen of the United States." He then decided that Missouri's violation of the Constitution freed Massachusetts from respecting any distasteful constitu­ tional measures, such as the property rights guaranteed to slaveholders. "I would go further," he declared, to forbid "any person whomsoever, to claim the property or possession of a human being as a slave, and I would prohibit by Law the delivery of any fugitive Slave upon the claim of his master" until "that portion of the citizens of Massachusetts, whose rights are violated by the Article in the Missouri Constitution should be reintegrated in the full enjoyment and possession of those rights."44 Further considering the rights of black citizens, Adams decided that the preservation of those rights was even more crucial to the health of republi­ canism than regard for white constitutional rights. He wrote:

Already cursed by the mere colour of their skin—already doomed by their complection [sic] to drudge in the low offices of Society, excluded by their colour from all the refined enjoyments of life accessible to others, exclud­ ed from the benefits of a liberal education, from the bed, from the stable, and from all the social comforts of domestic life, this barbarous Article deprives them of the little remnant of right yet left them—their rights as cit-

Adams diary, 29 November 1820. 386 Missouri Historical Review

izens and as men—weak and defenceless as they are, so much the more sacred is the obligation of the Legislatures of the states to which they belong to defend their lawful rights.45

To fail in fulfilling that "sacred obligation," Adams admonished, meant the "dissolution de facto" of the Union, of republicanism in America, and of the ideals of the nation's founding. He sanctioned any means necessary to "redeem from violation the Constitution of the United States." "If dissolu­ tion of the Union must come," he proclaimed, "let it come from no other cause but this. If Slavery would be the destined Sword in the hand of the destroying angel which is to sever the ties of this union, the same sword will cut in sunder the bonds of Slavery itself. ... It seems to me that its result must be the extirpation of Slavery from this whole Continent, and calamitous and desolating as this course of Events in its progress must be, so glorious would be its final issue that as God shall judge me, I dare not say that it is not to be desired." Even something as awful as a "servile war" struck Adams as preferable to the moral gangrene of slavery that was at least as likely to kill the American republic.46 Despite the ringing tone of his private writings, Adams kept his antislav­ ery views from his public utterances throughout the 1820s, due in part to his presidential ambitions and his recognition that no obvious solution existed to the racial conundrum likely to follow the eradication of slavery. Ten years later, however, his hesitancy had begun to subside. After losing his bid for presidential reelection in 1828, Adams's goal of attaining the presidency no longer served as an inducement to silence. Throughout his congressional career of 1831-1848, his willingness to publicly express those antislavery convictions grew. During the 1830s and until his death in 1848, Adam's attacks on the immorality of slavery mounted as he criticized the "cruelty and oppression" of the "ignominious" and "mortifying" institution.47 In 1836, while Adams

45 Ibid. 46 Ibid. 47 For example, see "Letter from J. Q. Adams to the Inhabitants of the Twelfth Congressional District of Massachusetts, and Particularly to those of them who charged me with Petitions to be Presented to the House of Representatives of the United States, at the third session of the 25th Congress," Quincy (Mass.) Patriot, 4 June 1839; Adams, "Letter II to the Citizens of the United States whose Petitions, Memorials and Remonstrances have been entrusted to me, to be Presented to the House of Representatives of the United States, at the third session of the 25th Congress," Boston Courier, 6 June 1839. "Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume" 387

was serving in the House of Representatives and Calhoun in the Senate, Congress's utilization of the "gag rule" to smother antislavery petitions struck Adams as proof that slavery's existence had begun to undermine the foundations of republicanism. While Calhoun fought to uphold the gag rule, Adams campaigned against it. The rule was defeated in 1844. Adams had not abandoned his own political craftiness, nor had he joined the ranks of the militant abolitionists. In fact, his hesitancy to support legally mandated abo­ lition in the District of Columbia, and his insistence that his anti-gag rule efforts were motivated mainly by his concern for the right of petition, increasingly frustrated abolitionists who wanted to count the venerable Adams unambiguously among their ranks. Nevertheless, the immorality of slavery remained central to Adams, even if in complex ways. The right of citizens to petition was only the first casualty in Adams's mind; so long as the problem of slavery persisted, republican government in America risked moral contamination and possible demise. The contrast between the post-cabinet careers of Adams and Calhoun and the intense enmity between the two former friends suggest how widely the two diverged after the companionable conversations of 1820 and 1821. The later animosity is partly attributable to their competing political ambi­ tions: both wanted to be president. Adams succeeded, but only for one term, and under electoral circumstances that have been labeled with the ignomin­ ious title of the "corrupt bargain," while Calhoun never achieved the presi­ dency. Each man believed that the other was somehow to blame for these disappointments. Thwarted ambition and political rivalry alone, however, do not account for the estrangement between Adams and Calhoun; their differ­ ing responses to the Missouri controversy contributed in crucial ways. The Missouri crisis forced both Adams and Calhoun to confront the question of whether slavery was compatible with republicanism and the ideals of the American Revolution. The added dilemma of race, which became especially clear during the second stage of the controversy, further convinced them that a gigantic problem lay in wait for the American repub­ lic. Faced with this dilemma, Adams decided that slavery was not compati­ ble with American republicanism or the national ideal of equality; Calhoun determined that neither republican government nor white equality could exist without slavery. The Missouri controversy ruthlessly exposed a fundamental problem facing the American republic and highlighted the absence of an easy answer to that problem. In a well-known letter to John Holmes, Thomas Jefferson bemoaned the crisis as "a breaker on which it [the Union] was destined to be stranded" and forecast that Missouri would become a "fire bell in the night" that rang less to warn of approaching danger than to toll the "knell of the 388 Missouri Historical Review

Union."48 With the passing decades, the essential contradiction between the political creeds of Adams and Calhoun grew like a creeping vine, sometimes buried beneath contemporary economic or political issues, but still cultivat­ ing offshoots of the incompatible ideologies amongst Northern and Southern audiences, and eventually strangling any tolerant or reasonable discussion of slavery. Fewer than twenty years after they had shared carriage rides and long chats about liberty, equality, slavery, and the American Revolution, Adams and Calhoun found themselves in opposite chambers of Congress, battling on opposite sides of every slavery issue. Now bitter enemies, they spoke loud­ ly to the public, but not to each other. The cessation of their thoughtful, impassioned, and respectful conversations put an end to the dialogue between their competing ideologies, but not to the conflict between the ideas that they represented and articulated. By explicitly raising the volatile issue of race, the Missouri crisis had led both Adams and Calhoun to think seriously about the place of slavery within the American republic and to adopt deeply held ideological positions on slavery. Their positions were utterly irreconcilable. The Missouri crisis, in which the bonds of friendship that bound Adams and Calhoun were frayed by the slavery issue, served as "a mere preamble, a title page to a great tragic volume" of the winter of 1860-1861, when slavery sev­ ered the bonds of the very Union that both men had once so highly valued.49

48 Jefferson to Holmes, 22 April 1820, Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 10: 157-158. Calhoun quoted this letter in full, with certain parts repeated for emphasis, in a Senate speech on the Oregon bill on June 27, 1848. Cralle, Works, 4: 490-493. 49 Adams diary, 19 January 1820.

Works Best of All

Glasgow Weekly Times, February 26, 1852. Ground charcoal is said to be the best thing in the world for cleaning knives. It will not wear the knives away like brick dust which is so often used.

Some Literary Criticism

Jefferson City People's Tribune, January 2, 1867. An exchange gives the following reasons for not publishing a poetic effusion: "The rhythm sounds like pumpkin rolling over a barn floor, while some lines appear to have been measured with a yardstick, and others with a ten foot pole." State Historical Society of Missouri

Calculated Confederate: Claiborne Fox Jackson and the Strategy for Secession in Missouri

BY CHRISTOPHER PHILLIPS*

On the cold evening of January 3, 1861, as the tocsin of dissolution hung over the nation, an anxious crowd assembled with the joint session of the leg­ islature in the House chamber of the Missouri statehouse in Jefferson City to listen to the outgoing governor's farewell address. More specifically, they came to hear the new chief executive speak to the latest and most portentous of the nation's political crises. The lawmakers came especially to size up

^Christopher Phillips is an assistant professor of history at the University of Cincinnati. He received the Ph.D. in history from the University of Georgia, Athens. A version of this arti­ cle appears in Missouri's Confederate: Claiborne Fox Jackson and the Creation of Southern Identity in the Border West, by Christopher Phillips, published by the University of Missouri Press in June 2000.

389 390 Missouri Historical Review

Missouri's controversial fifteenth governor, who as a member of both hous­ es had once so bitterly divided them and now postured himself between the state's latest factional incarnations, which he had originally helped to create.1 Though the two governors' speeches offered a similar message, they could hardly have been more different in tone. Outgoing Governor Robert M. Stewart, a New Yorker who had moved to St. Joseph and been elected in 1857 almost exclusively by proslavery votes, had stood up strongly for slav­ ery and states' rights in his inaugural address.2 Assailed as a closeted aboli­ tionist by those who had long supported the man to whom he would soon offer his gavel, Stewart may well have spoken directly to his successor. His speech railed against the Republicans, condemning them as the enemies of peace and tranquility, and enjoined the state's residents to avoid the passions that were moving the cotton states toward secession—a right he denied. "Missouri will stand to her lot, and hold to the Union so long as it is worth an effort to preserve it," the outgoing governor declared. "She cannot be frightened from her propriety by the past unfriendly legislation of the North, nor dragooned into secession by . . . the extreme South. . . . She is . . . able to take care of herself, and will be neither forced nor flattered, driven or coaxed, into a course of action that must end in her own destruction." Stewart also cautioned against federal interference in Missouri's choice, placing the state on equal footing with that government in matters of allegiance. In his inaugural address in 1857, he had trumpeted, "They [the people] are loyal to their own institutions; and . . . they suffer no interference with them by oth­ ers. . . . The executive and the General Assembly of this State have declared the se[n]timents of the people with reference to different attempts at federal usurpation and aggressive sectional agitation." Now with the national crisis realized, Stewart called for Missouri to assume "the high position of armed neutrality."3 After Stewart finished his remarks, newly elected Claiborne Fox Jackson ascended the podium. Clean-shaven until his election, but now sporting a

1 William E. Parrish, A History of Missouri, Volume III, 1860-1875 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1973), 1. 2 Trusten Polk, an ardent proslavery, anti-Benton candidate from St. Louis, won election as Missouri's governor in 1856. In January 1857, the General Assembly elected Polk to the U.S. Senate to fill the vacated seat of Henry S. Geyer. Stewart was elected governor in a spe­ cial election. See William E. Parrish, Charles T. Jones, Jr., and Lawrence O. Christensen, Missouri: The Heart of the Nation, 2d ed. (Arlington Heights, 111.: Harlan Davidson, 1992), 137-138. 3 Buel Leopard and Floyd C. Shoemaker, eds., The Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of the State of Missouri (Columbia: State Historical Society of Missouri, 1922), 3: 144; Paul C. Nagel, Missouri: A Bicentennial History (New York City: Norton, 1977), 128; Robert E. Shalhope, Sterling Price: Portrait of a Southerner (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971), 100-132; Glasgow Weekly Times, 29 October 1857; Thomas L. Snead, The Fight for Missouri (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1886), 13-17. Calculated Confederate 391

Prior to his election as governor in 1857, Robert M. Stewart had served as a state senator and as the first presi­ dent of the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad. Although proslavery during his administration, Stewart became an Unconditional Unionist in the months preceding the outbreak of the Civil War in Missouri.

State Historical Society of Missouri

beard to enhance his authority, Jackson offered the audience a startling mes­ sage that combined, even twisted, the words of moderate constituents who harbored little want for war, but even less for interdiction, with those of extreme proslavery Missourians who clamored for secession. "The South," he argued, "are not the aggressors. They only ask to be let alone. . . . We hear it suggested, in some quarters, that the Union is to be maintained by the sword. . . . The project of maintaining the Federal Government by force may lead to consolidation or despotism, but not to Union. . . . [That] stands upon the basis of justice and equality, and its existence cannot be prolonged by coercion." His passion up, Jackson drove home his point with force, tying the elements of identity that had come to define being Southern with a now- passionate opposition to federal authority. He linked Missouri indubitably to that identity:

The first drop of blood shed in a war of aggression upon a sovereign State will arouse a spirit which must result in the overthrow of our entire Federal system, and which this generation will never see quelled. . . . The destiny of the slaveholding States of this Union is one and the same. So long as a State continues to maintain slavery within her limits, it is impos­ sible to separate her fate from that of her sister States who have the same social organization. . . . The identity, rather than the similarity of their domestic institutions, their political principles and party usages, their com­ mon origin, pursuits, tastes, manners and customs, their territorial contigu- 392 Missouri Historical Review

ity and inter-commercial relations, all contribute to bind together in one brotherhood, the States of the South and Southwest. . . . Missouri then, in my opinion, will best consult her own interest, and the interest of the whole country, by a timely declaration of her determination to stand by her sister slaveholding States, in whose wrongs she participates, and with whose insti­ tutions and people she sympathizes.4

Jackson's speech met with thunderous applause. A day later, his sup­ porters in the legislature demonstrated that they had heard well the new gov­ ernor's words. His address had called for a convention to determine Missouri's future standing in the Union as well as asked for legislation to strengthen the state militia. Jackson saw the legislature initiate bills that would ultimately honor both of his requests. The lawmakers realized that the question of Union was now paramount and acted promptly, goaded in part by the well-publicized call to arms Jackson had made days before his recent speeches. "Let us exhaust all the means in our power to maintain our rights in the Union," Jackson had written boldly just prior to his departure for Jefferson City, "let us preserve the government if possibly in our power; but if after having tried all the remedies within our grasp, if these should fail— as I fear they will—then I say let us dissolve the connection and maintain the rights which belong to us AT ALL HAZZARDS [sic] AND TO THE LAST EXTREMITY. . . . Let there be no threats, no bravado, no gasconading; but firmly and determinedly let us take our position in the right, and stand by it to the last." Within ten days, the legislature had set February 28, 1861, as the date for electing delegates to a convention that would "consider the then existing relations between the Government of the United States, the people and Governments of the different States, and the Government and people of the State of Missouri; and to adopt such measures for vindicating the sover­ eignty of the State and the protection of its institutions, as shall appear to them to be demanded."5

4 Columbia Missouri Statesman, 18 January 1861; Snead, Fight for Missouri, 17-25; William E. Parrish, Turbulent Partnership: Missouri and the Union, 1861-1865 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1963), 6-7; William H. Lyon, "Claiborne Fox Jackson and the Secession Crisis in Missouri," Missouri Historical Review 58 (July 1964): 431-432. 5 James Peckham, Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, and Missouri in 1861 (New York: American News Company, 1866), 22; draft of Jackson's inaugural address, [30 December I860], folder 7, John Sappington Papers, Western Historical Manuscript Collection, University of Missouri- Columbia [hereinafter cited as WHMC-Columbia]; Jefferson City Jefferson Inquirer, 5 January 1861; Lyon, "Jackson and the Secession Crisis," 433; Sara Lee Sale, "Governor Claiborne Fox Jackson and His Role in the Secession Movement in Missouri" (master's thesis, Central Missouri State University, 1979), 13-15; Parrish, Turbulent Partnership, 7-8; Journal and Proceedings of the Missouri State Convention, Held at Jefferson City and St. Louis, March, 1861 (St. Louis: George Knapp and Company, 1861), 3. The General Assembly stipulated that any vote by the convention that should change the existing relationship with the federal gov­ ernment would require ratification by the state's voters. Calculated Confederate 393

State Historical Society of Missouri

Claiborne Fox Jackson delivered his inaugural address in the Missouri State Capitol

Such strident language leaves little wonder as to why historians have widely depicted Jackson as a rabid secessionist. Historians who have offered sweeping interpretations of the Civil War have consistently portrayed Jackson anywhere from an indefatigable secessionist to a proslavery extrem­ ist to a former border ruffian, often linking him with Kentucky Governor Beriah Magoffin in his desire for their respective neutral state's secession. More locally, Missouri historians have attached the label of overt disunionist to Jackson with nearly equal aplomb. In a trilogy of articles on Missouri's secession crisis published during the Civil War centennial, Arthur Roy Kirkpatrick set the standard for later characterizations of Jackson's tireless efforts to lead his state into the Confederacy, arguments that William E. Parrish, Robert Shalhope, Albert Castel, this author, and most recently, William Garrett Piston and Richard W. Hatcher III, have adopted nearly in lockstep. At the other extreme, two historians—William H. Lyon and Walter M. Burks—have argued that Jackson was no conniving disunionist but rather sincerely wanted neutrality. Whatever the depiction, Claib Jackson remains one of Missouri's most controversial figures.6

6 For general interpretations that portray Jackson as disunionist see Allan Nevins, The War for the Union (New York: Charles S. Scribner, 1959-1971), 1: 119-129; James G. Randall and David H. Donald, The Civil War and Reconstruction (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath and Company, 1969), 234-236; Bruce Catton, This Hallowed Ground (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Company, 1956), 30-31, 34-35; Shelby Foote, The Civil War, A Narrative: Fort Sumter to Perryville (New York: Random House, 1958; reprint, New York: Vintage, 1986), 52- 53; James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York: Oxford 394 Missouri Historical Review

Indeed, Jackson stole what was arguably the most important scene of Missouri's historical tableau, earning him lasting acclaim—or scorn—for his brief yet showstopping performance. Elected Missouri's governor in 1860 after a career as a state legislator and a Democratic party chief, he served as focal point for a movement for the neutral state's secession before a federal sortie exiled him from office. Replaced with a provisional administration that maintained allegiance to the Union, Jackson gathered and led a rump leg­ islative assembly that drafted an ordinance of secession in October 1861. He then spearheaded the acceptance of that ordinance by the Confederate Congress. Missouri became the Confederacy's twelfth state the following month despite the refusal of the largest portion of its populace to recognize the act. Just over a year later, in December 1862, after struggling in vain for military support for liberating his state, Jackson died of stomach cancer in Arkansas, an apparent footnote to the war that engulfed his region and con­ sumed him. Though his controversial actions during his brief tenure as governor have all but obscured his earlier life and career, few in Missouri have forgotten Jackson. The statement of one modern Missouri Confederate attests to the continuing fascination with the state's exiled chief executive (or its "Governor in the saddle," as he is held in derisive parlance).7 Over bourbon, he offered an intriguing yet wishful comment on Jackson's role in the state's secession crisis—one that tells as much about his concept of the present as it does about his understanding of the past—"We [Missouri] would have made it out if he had been stronger." With Jackson's reputation clearly established, whether among historians or enthusiasts, few have interpreted his actions— and thus his motives—as more than one-dimensional. Jackson indeed want­ ed secession, but his strategy and actions during Missouri's secession crisis prove far more complex and politically adept than previously held. Neither

University Press, 1988), 290-293. For more specific interpretations of Jackson as secessionist see Arthur Roy Kirkpatrick, "Missouri on the Eve of the Civil War," Missouri Historical Review 55 (January 1961): 99-108; Kirkpatrick, "Missouri in the Early Months of the Civil War," ibid. (April 1961): 235-266; Kirkpatrick, "The Admission of Missouri to the Confederacy," ibid. (July 1961): 366-386; Parrish, Turbulent Partnership, chap. 1; Parrish, History of Missouri, 1- 24; Shalhope, Sterling Price; Albert E. Castel, General Sterling Price and the Civil War in the West (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1968), 9-12; Christopher Phillips, Damned Yankee: The Life of General Nathaniel Lyon (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990; reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 175-177. For interpreta­ tions of Jackson as loyal Unionist see Lyon, "Jackson and the Secession Crisis," 422-441; Walter M. Burks, "Thunder on the Right" (Ph.D. diss., University of Kansas City, 1962). 7 Jackson to George B. Hunt, 1 August 1861, Civil War Collection, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis. The phrase "Governor in the saddle" was written in pencil, but not in Jackson's handwriting, at the bottom of the letter from Jackson to Hunt. The term has taken on wider usage as a derisive epithet characterizing Jackson's futile efforts to maintain authority in Missouri while in exile from Jefferson City. Calculated Confederate 395 radical disunionist nor altruistic moderate, Jackson and his pursuit of seces­ sion were born of the unique experience of Missouri and the border slave states as a whole and illustrate the divided nature of the conflict in that region of contested loyalties.8 By 1861, Claiborne Fox Jackson was recognized as the bellwether of Missouri's proslavery element, especially since David Rice Atchison's vacat­ ing of his Senate seat in 1855. He was heretofore best known, if erroneous­ ly, for having authored the so-called 1849 "Jackson Resolutions," with which the Missouri legislature instructed its senators—namely Thomas Hart Benton—to vote uniformly for bills that protected slavery and its extension, a move that ultimately cost Benton his Senate seat for overt noncompliance.9 An ardent opponent of Free-Soilism (to the extent of moving temporarily to Kansas to vote fraudulently in the 1855 territorial elections) and a recurrent office seeker for nearly a score of years, Jackson initiated the confusion over his stance on the Union even as he campaigned for governor in the summer of 1860. Announcing for moderate Democrat Stephen Douglas for president (a ploy designed to gain votes from the state's population colossus, St. Louis), Jackson gambled that his reputation would sustain the majority of conservative Democrats no matter which national candidate he supported. Indeed, Jackson claimed to align with Douglas for party integrity, but to retain the angry rural vote, he would maintain a clear delineation that he was, above all party affiliation, staunchly proslavery and unwaveringly states' rights. Jackson attempted to appease "Ultras" by tempering his stance on the Illinois Democrat, who was now so controversial in Missouri, by claiming weakly that his personal choice was John C. Breckinridge, but in pursuit of party unity, he would support the "regular" candidate. Jackson had perfect­ ed his longtime role as political chameleon and in 1860 assumed the color— however temporarily—of the state's moderates.10

8 The author thanks Jim McGhee for an illuminating conversation on—and interpretation of—Jackson and Missouri's secession crisis. 9 William E. Parrish, David Rice Atchison of Missouri: Border Politician (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1961), 152-159, 184-185. The author of the Jackson resolutions was William B. Napton, a proslavery Missouri Supreme Court justice who was a political and ideological mentor to Jackson in the 1850s. William B. Napton diary, 1829-1882, typescript, pp. 934, 986, 992-994, 998-999, box 3, folder 10, William B. Napton Papers, Missouri Historical Society; Hugh P. Williamson, "William B. Napton: Man of Two Worlds," Missouri Bar Journal 15 (March 1944): 208-212; Reports of Cases in the Supreme Court of Missouri (St. Louis: Gilbert Book Company, 1883), i-iv; Perry McCandless, A History of Missouri, Volume II, 1820-1860 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1972), 247-248. 10 Parrish, History of Missouri, 6-7; Lyon, "Jackson and the Secession Crisis," 428-430; St. Louis Daily Missouri Republican, 11 July 1860. In his dissertation on Jackson, Walter M. Burks claims that Jackson's stand for Douglas represented his true political convictions, argu­ ing against the prevailing historical opinion that Jackson's stance was disingenuous, designed to win the election. None of the extant evidence substantiates Burks's contention. 396 Missouri Historical Review

The ensuing August election proved close. Tensions ran high until state officials released the final results. Jackson won by a 7,863-vote plurality over three other candidates, carrying just under 47 percent of the 158,579 votes cast. The new governor-elect drew support relatively evenly from the various sections of the state; he carried seventy counties while receiving respectable ballots in all of the remaining thirty-five counties. In the slave- holding Boon's Lick counties, Jackson drew a mixed response, splitting them relatively evenly with Constitutional Unionist Sample Orr. In St. Louis, the state's only Republican stronghold, Jackson ran a strong second, presumably because of his support for Douglas, thus validating his strategy of announc­ ing for the Illinois senator. Almost with a wink and a nod, Claib Jackson managed to be everything to nearly everyone.11 In November, Missouri provided Douglas's only victory—the only state he carried in full in the calamitous election. Many Missourians, like the res­ idents of the other border slave states, saw the candidacy of Kentuckian John

11 Lyon, "Jackson and the Secession Crisis," 430-431; Jefferson City Jefferson Inquirer, 15 September 1860; Columbia Missouri Statesman, 1 September 1860; R. Douglas Hurt, Agriculture and Slavery in Little Dixie (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 296- 299; Walter H. Ryle, Missouri: Union or Secession (Nashville, Tenn.: George Peabody College for Teachers, 1931), 160; Shalhope, Sterling Price, 142; "Official Vote at the Late Election," vol. 11: 94-95, William Clark Breckenridge Papers, WHMC-Columbia; Secretary of State Election Returns, 1860, reel 187, folders 16418-16425, Capitol Fire Documents, Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City; Sceva B. Laughlin, "Missouri Politics During the Civil War," Missouri Historical Review 23 (April 1929): 423-424.

State Historical Society of Missouri

Sample Orr, a Greene County lawyer, was the Constitutional Union Party gubernatorial candidate in 1860. Calculated Confederate 397

C. Breckinridge (virtually all of his votes came from sparsely populated counties in the south central portion of the state) as being as sectional as that of Lincoln (nearly all of whose votes in Missouri came from Germans in St. Louis and its environs). They rejected both "Union splitters and rail splitters" at the polls. Compromise candidates John Bell and Douglas garnered nine- tenths of the state's votes and more than seven of every ten of the ballots in the Boon's Lick, the central river counties where slaveholding was highest. Douglas prevailed over Bell in that region by the narrowest of margins, and not one of the state's largest slaveholding counties gave their votes to Breckinridge. Despite the inroads of the Breckinridge Democrats in the state legislature, moderates—Douglas Democrats and Constitutional Unionists— outnumbered them ninety to sixty-two. Even in St. Louis, Douglas ran a strong second to Lincoln while Breckinridge polled only 544 votes. Missourians called for, above all else, temperance on the now-related nation­ al issues of slavery and secession.12 Jackson could not have misinterpreted the election results, particularly those in the Boon's Lick. While Missourians evinced a sympathy for the South and its rights, even portraying themselves to Northerners or antislav­ ery adherents as being Southerners themselves, they did so only in the con­ text of the slaveholding imperative. Jackson, as a resident of the region, rec­ ognized the centrality of slavery in the results of the state election. Libertarian Missourians equated the property rights of slaveholders with the federal government's protection of them. Indeed, Kansas (which Missourians had once viewed as their own) had been lost, but not through the fault of the governmental system; rather, the fault lay with Yankee usurpation of democracy. Missourians, closest to the territorial West, held that the states could correct the free-state/slave-state imbalance by invoking, rather than abandoning, the national democracy. Douglas had championed individual rights—even opposing Kansas's corrupted attempt to gain entrance as a slave state—and Missourians rewarded him for it with their vote. So long as democracy, however imperfect, prevailed in the Union and so long as the fed­ eral government protected liberty by upholding individual rights—including that of slaveholding where it existed—Missourians would remain loyal. Their fidelity, however, was now decidedly unsettled.13

12 Hurt, Agriculture and Slavery, 297-298; Daniel W. Crofts, Reluctant Confederates: Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989), 76-79; Norma L. Peterson, Freedom and Franchise: The Political Career of B. Gratz Brown (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1965), 99; William Roed, "Secessionist Strength in Missouri," Missouri Historical Review 72 (July 1978): 416-417. Douglas also split New Jersey's electoral vote. 13 Crofts, Reluctant Confederates, 104-122; Ryle, Missouri: Union or Secession, 160- 162, 166. 398 Missouri Historical Review

Yet another sound emanated from Missourians' call for moderation. That clarion was one of noninterference. Admittedly, Missourians embraced a paradox, at once accepting and rejecting the federal imperative. Opposing secession—a movement that began in the cotton states almost immediately upon Lincoln's election—was only part of Missourians' intermezzo; the calumny of governmental intervention was the other, as one Unionist demon­ strated when he wrote, "Whilst the destiny of Mo. is my destiny, so long as I am one of her citizens; Yet whilst there is a possibility of her maintaining her position as one of the Sovereign states of this Union, I shall as ever be found battling in my humble way to Secure a continued and perpetual Existence of her present relations to our once happy government." The words of one Waverly resident reflect the qualified loyalty even more clearly. Supporting secession, he claimed, was "to advocate treason, insubordination, reckless disregard for law [and would bring] bloodshed, devastation and ultimate sub­ jugation of our country by foreign powers." For this individual, with Missouri and the West as his country, the foreign powers were the North and the federal government.14 Despite such sentiments, Jackson actively prepared for the possibility of Missouri's secession in the weeks prior to the convention election. One member of the legislature related that Jackson "was assiduous in his endeav­ ors to defeat the insertion [into the convention bill] of a clause submitting the action of the convention to the people, in cause [sic] they should pass any ordinance changing the relations of Missouri to the Federal Government. . . . Gov. Jackson declared, after we had succeeded in affixing that provision to the bill, that 'it wasn't worth a damn.'" On January 18, Jackson received a commissioner from Mississippi, conspicuously attending his address to the legislature and parading him publicly among the Jefferson City politicos. Yet his exertions proved more martial. Upon Jackson's instructions, his lieu­ tenant governor, Thomas C. Reynolds, one of the staunchest antisubmission- ists among the state's leaders, held a mass proslavery meeting in St. Louis on January 8. The assembly resulted in the organization of a paramilitary group who called themselves "Minute Men" and "pledged Missouri to a hearty co­ operation with our sister States, in such measures as shall be deemed neces­ sary for our mutual protection against the encroachment of Northern fanati­ cism and the coercion of the Federal Government." A week later, Jackson requisitioned the state's quota of arms from the Ordnance Bureau in Washington—including some 410 muskets, 302 rifles, 40 cavalry sabers, and 160 sets of infantry and cavalry accouterments—and requested a gun carriage

14 McPherson, Battle Cry, 294; Crofts, Reluctant Confederates, 130-142; Ryle, Missouri: Union or Secession, 71-72, 155; John A. Hockaday to James S. Rollins, 6 May 1861, folder 74, James S. Rollins Papers, WHMC-Columbia; Hurt, Agriculture and Slavery, 298-300. Calculated Confederate 399 for a six-pound cannon, stating, "I have several very good guns, that I can mount by having a proper carriage as a model." Jackson's query about arma­ ments was much more than obligatory. By the last week of January, the gov­ ernor was attempting to secure the arms at the St. Louis arsenal, the largest federal arsenal in the slave states, with 60,000 muskets, 90,000 pounds of powder, 1.5 million ball cartridges, 40 field pieces, as well as the machinery to manufacture arms and ammunition. He had sent an emissary, Daniel M. Frost, a West Point graduate, a former state senator, and commander of the state militia, to meet on January 24 with the arsenal's commander, William H. Bell, and convince the North Carolinian not to resist any attempt by the governor to claim the arsenal in the event of the state's secession.15 Whatever plans Jackson might have laid to initiate secession took a dra­ matic turn on the day of the convention election. In a remarkably peaceful vote, Unionism prevailed over disunion with thunderous resonance. Of 140,000 votes cast, Unionists—whether Conditional or Unconditional, and

15 Aikman Welch to Abiel Leonard, 22 January 1861, folder 451, Abiel Leonard Papers, WHMC-Columbia; Sale, "Jackson and the Secession Movement," 16; Jackson to Colonel H. K. Craig, 16 January 1861, Claiborne Fox Jackson Letter, WHMC-Columbia; Requisition for Ordinance [sic] and Ordinance [sic] Stores ... for the year 1861, folder 1, Governor's Papers: Claiborne Fox Jackson, General Correspondence, 1861, Missouri State Archives; Edward C. Smith, The Borderland in the Civil War (New York: Macmillan Company, 1927), 116, 122, 127; Basil W. Duke, Reminiscences of General Basil W Duke, C.S.A. (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1911), 37; Frost to Jackson, 24 January 1861, in Robert J. Rombauer, The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861: An Historical Sketch (St. Louis: Nixon-Jones Printing Company, 1909), 142-143; Robert E. Miller, "Daniel Marsh Frost, C.S.A.," Missouri Historical Review 85 (July 1991): 382-383; Phillip T. Tucker, "'Ho, For Kansas': The Southwest Expedition of 1860," ibid. 86 (October 1991): 22-36; John S. Bowen to Jackson, 10 March 1861, Missouri Volunteer Militia Papers, William R. Perkins Library, Duke University, Durham, N.C.

Both pro-secessionists and Unionists recognized the importance of the St. Louis arse­ nal, which had been established in 1827.

State Historical Society of Missouri 400 Missouri Historical Review they received nearly equal votes—polled nearly 110,000, or just less than eight in every ten. So sure were Missouri's voters of their desire to preserve the state's connection to the Union that not one avowed secessionist candi­ date received election to the convention. Yet neither did Missourians reward those known to be Republicans; only four were elected, and all from St. Louis. Missouri had showed unequivocally for the Union. Within a month, the convention would hold to its bargain; when its members voted 98-1 in favor of a resolution declaring that "no adequate cause [existed] to impel Missouri to dissolve her connections with the Federal Union," they became the only state convention that voted against severing its state's ties to that union.16 Historian James McPherson has written that Missouri's stand for state autonomy was tantamount to secession. To border state residents, whether in Missouri or Kentucky, nothing could have been further from the truth. Viewing with resolute seriousness their status as border states, residents believed themselves both geographically and ideologically between the polar extremes of northern abolitionism and southern secessionism and thus they would naturally serve as moderators of the gathering storm. A Harvard stu­ dent wrote to a slaveholding friend at home in Kentucky, "The fact is, Kentucky & the other border states are the main pillars of the union. And all things considered they are the great regulators in the present domestic quar­ rel. You will allow me therefore to propose thirty three times nine cheers for Old KentuckyT A Missourian wrote just as passionately, "I think there is no doubt but what Missouri may yet be saved from the awful consequences of Secession—which is necessarily civil war. Your position—(neutrality) is cer­ tainly the only wise and safe policy that Missouri can pursue. . . . Father informs me that you had heard I had bolted my position as an advocate of the Union. My answer to the report is never, never never!' That summer, a bor­ der state conference called at Frankfort, Kentucky, saw only representatives from the two states in attendance. While the infant Confederate states might have held forth state sovereignty as the constitutional cornerstone of seces­ sion, patriotic border state residents believed their duty lay in defending state sovereignty only against extremism within the Union. Until the federal gov­ ernment attempted to make war upon a sovereign state, or to coerce one of the loyal states to make war upon the seceded states, neutrality was anything but secession.17

16 Parrish, History of Missouri, 6; Parrish, Turbulent Partnership, 9-14; Roed, "Secessionist Strength," 419-421; Snead, Fight for Missouri, 66-67; Journal and Proceedings of the Missouri State Convention . . . 1861, 11-20. 17 McPherson, Battle Cry, 294-295; E. A. Sophocles to H. T. Duncan, Jr., 1 January 1861, Duncan Family Papers, Margaret I. King Library, University of Kentucky, Lexington; Hockaday to Rollins, 6 May 1861; Crofts, Reluctant Confederates, 195-214. Calculated Confederate 401

With such a mandate, only the least astute or most doctrinaire of chief executives would pursue any secessionist course that deviated from the clear will of the people of Missouri. Contrary to the claims of many who have written since, Jackson was neither. A quarter-century of personal struggle to achieve this office, this power—with the knowledge gained of the human caprice that drives the political realm—was not lost on Jackson. He was a shrewd judge of popular mood. As a career office seeker, he had mastered the fine art of politics. Having risen phoenix-like from political exile only months earlier, Jackson recognized implicitly that any overt pursuit of seces­ sion, in defiance of not one but now three contrary dicta, would likely have cost him not only his governorship, but also certainly all chance of the state's ultimate alliance with the Confederacy. Rashness would serve neither pur­ pose. Yet the governor did indeed want secession, and he was anything but dismayed at the outcome of the recent convention. In fact, if anything, he was encouraged by it, for Jackson had hatched a plan. He now intended to set a trap that, once sprung, would ensnare the federal government and pro­ pel Missouri out of the Union.18 Jackson had no intention of foisting secession upon his Missouri con­ stituents. The convention's ringing repudiation of immediate secession echoed unmistakably over the state, but even more resonant was its stand against the federal government's coercion of the states. Former Governor Stewart's appeal to maintain the state's allegiance to the Union through "the high position of armed neutrality" now strengthened his successor's hand in preparing for secession. James O. Broadhead, a St. Louis Unionist, recog­ nized the fragility of Missouri's political stance, "It is a great mistake to sup­ pose that. . . [Missouri] could at this time be classified as a Union state. . . . [I]t may be confidently assumed that at least two-thirds of the voters of the state outside of St. Louis held that 'if the North (meaning the Federal Government), pending the attempt to adjust matters peaceably, should make war upon any Southern state, Missouri would take up arms in its defense.' This was the declaration but such is not Unionism." Jackson recognized that the actions that would prove most singular to Missouri's course would not be his; rather, they would be the federal government's.19

18 Arguments that Jackson disregarded the decision of the state convention in pursuit of secession originated with Snead, Fight for Missouri, 68-69. See also John McElroy, The Struggle for Missouri (Washington, D.C.: National Tribune Company, 1909), 40; William E. Smith, The Francis Preston Blair Family in Politics (New York: Macmillan Company, 1933; reprint, New York: Da Capo Press, 1969), 2: 29-30; Parrish, David Rice Atchison, 214; Peterson, Freedom and Franchise, 100. 19 Snead, Fight for Missouri, 15-16; James O. Broadhead, "St. Louis During the War," James O. Broadhead Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 402 Missouri Historical Review

The governor also recognized that he occupied the proverbial catbird's seat. The people of Missouri, unlike those in the seceded states, had declared themselves neither above nor below the Union but equal in stature to it. Allegiance to their nation came only through its respect for their state. Jackson now merely needed to maintain fealty to his home state in order to satisfy these conditions. Should the free states of the federal government, on the other hand, make war on the slave states in an effort to bring them back into the Union, Missouri's geographical position—surrounded on three sides by free states—and the river systems it controlled rendered the state a gate­ way through which troops would inevitably need to move to reach the Confederacy. In effect, coercion by way of military force was inevitable in Missouri. Indeed, with the Union needing to vanquish the Confederacy to win the war (or in James McPherson's apt words, "The South could 'win' the war by not losing; the North could win only by winning"), any coercive moves would come from the north and west.20 Jackson's best strategy was to prepare the state for its defense and to por­ tray himself as its indefatigable defender. To cultivate his public image as Missouri's sentinel, as well as to crystallize notions of Missouri's state sov­ ereignty and potential victimization, he proclaimed his paramount devotion to his state whenever possible. On one occasion, after receiving a commis­ sioner from Georgia, one observer recalled, "Jackson raised aloft the banner of the State, and called upon the Southern men of Missouri to rally under its folds, fearless of the gathering forces of those who were rebelling against her." The power of this "state first" image as secession corollary was both obvious and disturbing to the state's Unconditional Unionists. One such member of the state convention, James O. Broadhead, charged that "the cry of 'making war upon a sovereign state' so freely used in the convention and out of it was a subterfuge and designed to elicit and strengthen the regard and sympathy which the people had for their state as a political entity to which as such they had become attached."21 Alarmed by the apparent rise of antigovernment sentiment in the state, Unconditional Unionists in St. Louis actually strengthened Jackson's hand. Congressman Frank Blair (son of the Republican Party founder and whose brother, Montgomery, would soon be named to Lincoln's cabinet) began arm­ ing the city for war, enlisting thousands of the city's Germans into Home Guard units while actively soliciting government arms and ammunition for them through his brother. Blair soon convinced the War Department that the city's secessionist "Minute Men" intended to capture the undermanned arse­ nal and arranged the transfer of eighty army regulars under command of

McPherson, Battle Cry, 336. Snead, Fight for Missouri, 69; Broadhead, "St. Louis During the War." Calculated Confederate 403

Frank Blair, a staunch Unionist, orga­ nized his congressional campaign sup­ porters, the uWide Awakes," and German Americans into Home Guard units as the secession crisis deepened in Missouri during the spring of 1861.

State Historical Society of Missouri

Captain Nathaniel Lyon from Kansas. In Lyon, a rock-ribbed antislavery zealot, Blair found both an extremist and an ally. Together, the two men soon threw the city into a frenzy of fear so pronounced that the Republicans suf­ fered a complete defeat in the March city elections, losing control of the gov­ ernment they had dominated for the past four years. Even St. Louis now evinced a clear distrust of the Republican president it had only recently helped to elect. One Unionist wrote, "It is impossible in my opinion to hold the people in check many days longer unless the Union men can be furnished with Some appricable [sic] reason for Some of the acts of the government which will Satisfy the people that it is not the intention either to attack Mo - or provoke an attack on her part to afford an excuse to whip her into submis­ sion."22 Missouri's fraying tightrope gave way on April 15 with news that the small federal garrison holding Fort Sumter, in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina, had surrendered to state troops. In response, Abraham Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers for ninety days of national service to put down the rebellion in the seceded states. Missouri's quota, reported Secretary of War Simon Cameron to the state's governor, would be 3,123 men. Jackson's response to Cameron—his most famous statement—was

22 Snead, Fight for Missouri, 94-95; St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, 9 January 1861; Galusha Anderson, The Story of a Border City During the Civil War (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1908), 71; Peckham, Nathaniel Lyon, 69-71, 93-95; Kirkpatrick, "Missouri on the Eve," 108; Smith, Borderland, 148-149; William E. Parrish, Frank Blair: Lincoln's Conservative (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998), 90-95; J. P. Lancaster to J. O. Broadhead, 9 May 1861, box 1, Broadhead Papers. For an assessment of Lyon see Phillips, Damned Yankee. 404 Missouri Historical Review

immediate and icily uncompromising, "Sir: - Your requisition is illegal, unconstitutional and revolutionary; in its object inhuman & diabolical. Not one man will Missouri furnish to carry on any such unholy crusade against her Southern sisters." He called for the legislature to meet in special session on May 2 to take "measures, ... for the more perfect organization, and equipment of the militia of this State, and to raise the money, ... as may be required to place the State in a proper attitude of defence." To firm the will of his constituency, the governor threw down Missouri's gauntlet.23 Jackson then stepped up his efforts to prepare the state for a second effort at secession. On the day of Lincoln's call for troops, the governor sent an emissary to the Confederacy to obtain mortars and siege artillery for an attack upon the arsenal in the event that the state seceded. Finally, upon Daniel Frost's suggestion, Jackson ordered the commander of the militia in the St. Louis district to form a camp of instruction near the city and autho­ rized him to muster militia companies into the service of the state. Jackson recognized that until the General Assembly passed the military bill he had requested in his inaugural address (which would give him unprecedented power to arm the state), he had no authority to call out the state militia. He did, however, have the power to order militia commanders to assemble their men for "training" at "convenient" locations throughout the state, and there­ fore he instructed Frost to establish a camp at St. Louis on May 3. Jackson remained cautious in wielding his public authority, knowing that the best chance for Missouri's secession lay in his maintaining the role of steward rather than assuming that of provocateur. Virtually every newspaper editor in the state, including the influential Missouri Republican and Missouri Statesman, agreed with him, satisfied enough by Jackson's "PEACE POLI­ CY" for the latter to publicly declare the governor "against secession!'24 However politic Jackson's public actions might have appeared to Missourians, his private intentions now moved him toward more overt maneuvering for the state's secession. Requesting artillery from Confederate

23 McPherson, Battle Cry, 273-274; Kirkpatrick, "Missouri in the Early Months," 235; U.S. War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D.C., 1880-1901), ser. 3, vol. 1: 68-69 [here­ inafter cited as O. R.]; Jackson to Cameron, 17 April 1861, folder 10, Bryan Obear Collection, WHMC-Columbia; Leopard and Shoemaker, eds., Messages and Proclamations, 3: 384. 24 Broadhead, "St. Louis During the War"; Draft of the 1858 Militia Bill, Missouri Militia Collection, Missouri Historical Society; McElroy, Struggle for Missouri, 62-63; Snead, Fight for Missouri, 148-149; Phillips, Damned Yankee, 176; St. Louis Daily Missouri Republican, 27 April 1861; Columbia Missouri Statesman, 3 May 1861. On April 17, Jackson sent Basil W. Duke and Colton Greene, both ardent secessionists, to Montgomery, Alabama, to meet with Confederate President Jefferson Davis and to procure artillery for the Missouri militia. See C. F. Jackson to Jefferson Davis, 17 April 1861, box 1, Jefferson Davis Letters, Perkins Library; Duke, Reminiscences, 44-50. Calculated Confederate 405

President Jefferson Davis to "batter down [the] walls, and drive out our ene­ mies [from] The Arsenal at St Louis, now under the command of an Abolition officer," Jackson wrote buoyantly that "Missouri has been exceedingly slow and tardy in her movements hitherto, but I am not without hope that she will promptly take her stand with her Southern sister States." Yet upon learning that he would soon receive artillery from the captured arsenal at Baton Rouge and that Davis "look[ed] anxiously and hopefully for the day when the star of Missouri shall be added to the constellation of the Confederate States of America," Jackson could but reluctantly delay the Confederate president's request for a regiment for service, claiming that "we are using every means to arm our people, and, until we are better prepared, must move cautiously." Eleven days earlier, on April 19, Jackson had written to David Walker, pres­ ident of the Arkansas convention that, impelled by Lincoln's call for troops, would soon sever that state's tie to the Union. In his letter, Jackson admit­ ted:

I have been, from the beginning, in favor of prompt action on the part of the southern states, but a majority of the people of Missouri, up to the present time, have differed with me. . . . [M]y present impression is—judg­ ing from the indications hourly occurring—that Mo will be ready for seces­ sion in less than thirty days; and will secede, if Arkansas will only get out of the way and give her a free passage. . . . Whatever may have been our prior differences, it seems to me, that the time has come, when all true southern men should be united as a band of brothers against the common enemy. Public sentiment here is rapidly leading to this point. A few days more will determine all.25

25 Jackson to Davis, 17 April 1861; Davis to Jackson, 23 April 1861, in Rombauer, Union Cause, 212-213; O. R., ser. 1, vol. 1: 690; Jackson to Walker, 19 April 1861, folder 3, Governor's Papers: Claiborne Fox Jackson, General Correspondence, 1861. Another letter purported then and since as being Jackson's, dated April 28, 1861, and addressed to Joseph W. Tucker, a native South Carolinian, lawyer, and editor of the St. Louis Missouri State Journal, makes similar yet more implicatory statements regarding the gover­ nor's stance on secession. Used widely by historians, including this author in an earlier study, the letter includes the following statement: "I do not think Missouri should secede today or tomorrow but I do think it good policy that I should publicly so declare. I want a little time to arm the state and I am assuming every responsibility to do it with all possible dispatch. . . . [Missouri] ought to have gone out last winter when she could have seized the public arms and public property & defended herself. . . . Who does not know that every sympathy of my heart is with the South?" The letter, which federal troops on Lyon's orders reportedly seized during a July 12, 1861, search of Tucker's office, resulted in the editor's arrest and subsequent prose­ cution for treason prior to his flight from St. Louis to the Confederate states. A close analysis of the handwriting suggests that Jackson may well not have written the letter. A comparison of the original letter, located in the James O. Broadhead Papers at the Missouri Historical Society, with other extant samples of Jackson's handwriting (especially his inaugural speech, the lengthiest sample of his writing, located in the John Sappington Papers 406 Missouri Historical Review

Jackson's intent to use "armed neutrality" as a strategy for secession became well known among those who favored Missouri's scission. Benjamin F. Massey, the secretary of state, soon intimated to John F. Snyder, a Bolivar Democrat, that the governor's plan drew strength from the highest circle of Missouri's officeholders. "Secession is tremendously popular," wrote the buoyant state officer. "The great difficulty now is to Keep seces­ sion back awhile. . . . [Sterling] Price will call the convention shortly. He says he Know[s] they would pass an ordinance of secession in a day, ... the idea is now not whether we will secede, but the only question is when and this will depend on the headway we may make in arming and equiping [sic]." Three days later, Massey wrote again, "We are here, entirely satisfied an ordi­ nance would be sustained now by the people by a very large majority. . . . We are doing something even in advance of the action of the legislature toward getting arms and ammunition, though I can not tell you exactly what it is. . . . [I] am thus content to leave the execution to those whose special duty it is."26 Clearly, Jackson was privy to these secessionist impulses and machina­ tions. As the months had passed, the governor had come to recognize the volatility of the situation in St. Louis as well as the fact that Lyon and Blair were zealots, having twice managed to remove the moderate commander of the Army's Department of the West, William S. Harney, with Lyon com­ manding in the interim. Jackson now moved to provoke them into initiating

in the WHMC-Columbia) reveals inconsistencies in a number of key letters as well as the over­ all form and spatial dimensions of the chirography. Nothing indicates that Jackson dictated the letter to an amanuensis; indeed, the letter begins with the phrase "I write this letter in confi­ dence. . . ." The events surrounding the "discovery" of the letter lend further doubt to the letter's authorship. Tucker's strident opposition to the extremism of Unconditional Unionists in St. Louis resulted in harsh editorials targeting Blair and Lyon in his newspaper. On July 12, Lyon ordered his adjutant general in St. Louis, Chester Harding, to arrest Tucker and suppress his paper. The city's Committee of Safety, a powerful coterie of politicians who served as a Unionist military junto in the city, replaced Asa S. Jones, the government attorney, with one of their members, lawyer James O. Broadhead, as supervisor of the search of Tucker's office. The "discovery" of the letter in Tucker's desk, in the words of one Unionist observer, "more than any other document then in loyal hands justified the policy of Lyon." Once publicized, the let­ ter went far to delegitimize Jackson's authority as governor. Much of the substance of Tucker's subsequent arraignment, with Broadhead as prosecutor, centered around the verification of Jackson's handwriting, to which various witnesses offered decidedly mixed responses. Because of the analysis and the contemporary controversy surrounding the letter's veracity, this author has chosen not to use it as evidence of Jackson's secessionist impulses, which his unpub- licized-and thus unpoliticized-letter to Walker amply reflects. See Peckham, Nathaniel Lyon, 158-159, 286-287, 301; William F. Swindler, "The Southern Press in Missouri, 1861-1864," Missouri Historical Review 35 (April 1941): 398; Shalhope, Sterling Price, 233, 236-237; Broadhead, "St. Louis During the War"; Prosecution for TreasonVUnited States v. Tucker, [1861], 1-2, Broadhead Papers; Columbia Missouri Statesman, 2 August 1861. 26 Massey to Snyder, 26, 29 April 1861, both in box 2, John F. Snyder Papers, Missouri Historical Society. Calculated Confederate 407

an incident that would accelerate events in his favor. On May 3, the day after the legislature met in special session, the governor issued a message again requesting the reorganization of Missouri's militia in order to provide fully for the state's defense, which, in light of the well-publicized mobilization occurring in St. Louis, seemed necessary. Two days later, legislators again took up debate on the bill as militia units from all over the state converged on their various district encampments, a measure prescribed by the 1858 Militia Act and carried out annually. On May 6, Frost established his camp at wood­ ed Lindell's Grove, on the far western edge of St. Louis; appropriately, he named it Camp Jackson.27 As if scripted, Missouri's world turned upside down within four days of the militia's encamping. On May 10, Lyon and Blair marched some 6,500 troops from the St. Louis arsenal to Camp Jackson, forcing the surrender of 669 militiamen (of 891 in camp) who had not managed to escape the con­ verging federal columns. The pair had received reports that Confederate can­ non from Baton Rouge, poorly disguised in boxes marked as marble, had arrived at night by steamer and that they, along with cannon held by the state and shipped to Frost "for repairs," were secreted in the camp. Moreover, they had learned that Jefferson City was awash in troops, powder, and arms, including the cannon taken from the Liberty arsenal. To "save" the St. Louis arsenal, Lyon had ordered the preemptive strike. After capturing the militia, in a grandiose display of might, Lyon marched the prisoners through hostile

27 Phillips, Damned Yankee, 159-165; James W. Covington, "The Camp Jackson Affair: 1861," Missouri Historical Review 55 (April 1961): 201-203; Anderson, Border City, 88-89; Parrish, Frank Blair, 99-101; Parrish, History of Missouri, 12-13; Draft of the 1858 Militia Bill.

State Historical Society of Missouri 408 Missouri Historical Review

throngs that packed the city streets for nearly the entire six miles from the camp to the arsenal. The humiliating procession soon erupted in violence; in response to a small fracas near the center of the column, the barely trained Home Guard units opened fire on the crowd, resulting in twenty-eight deaths and as many as seventy-five injuries. For the next days, rioting tore through St. Louis's normally quiet brick streets; thousands fled the "Black Dutch" government troops who, as many frightened residents believed, were "shoot­ ing women and children in cold blood."28 The ''coup de tat at St. Louis," as one contemporary Missourian referred to the Camp Jackson affair, was the watershed of Missouri's Confederate odyssey. Termed "the greatest military blunder of the Civil War" by yet another contemporary—phraseology that historians have echoed since—the action galvanized Missouri's countryside, turning thousands of residents who had recently given support to the federal government into strong southern rights advocates. By representing that government as a coercive power, the military junto in St. Louis caused shoestring Unionists to regard them—and not the Confederates—as warmongers. "Frank Blair is dictator," moaned one resident, "and if the slightest show of resistance is made we will be crushed out." Another predicted, "The rain of perfect teror [sic] has commenced." Even Unconditional Unionists found their allegiance tested, if not ended, in the aftermath of Camp Jackson. Charles Gibson, recently arrived in the nation's capital as solicitor of the U.S. Court of Claims, heard the news over the telegraph while in Philadelphia. "The report came upon me like a bomb," Gibson moaned. "I learnt since I came here of some daring villains—aboli­ tionists, that are as eager for Missouri to secede as Gov. Jackson is, in order that they might 'pitch in.'" Uriel Wright, a member of the convention that had voted so decisively against secession, was more declarative. "If Unionism mean[s] such atrocious deeds as [I have] witnessed," he pro­ claimed, "[I am] no longer a Union man."29

28 Parrish, Frank Blair, 100-103; Allen P. Richardson to J. O. Broadhead, 24, 30 April 1861, both in box 1, Broadhead Papers; Phillips, Damned Yankee, 181-195; Snead, Fight for Missouri, 168-172; Mark M. Krug, ed., Mrs. Hill's Journal: Civil War Reminiscences, By Sarah Jane Full Hill (Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1980), 13-18; Alice E. Cayton to Alexander Badger, 12 May 1861, Badger Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 29 J. B. Henderson to J. O. Broadhead, 13 May 1861, box 1, Broadhead Papers; Phillips, Damned Yankee, 192-199; William C. Breckenridge to S. B. Laughlin, 15 April 1921, box 2, William C. Breckenridge Papers, Missouri Historical Society; Parrish, Turbulent Partnership, 24-26; Parrish, Frank Blair, 102; Unsigned to Dear Sister, 20 May 1861, box 1, Civil War Collection, Missouri Historical Society; Allen P. Richardson to J. O. Broadhead, 11, 20 May 1861, both in box 1, Broadhead Papers; Charles Gibson to Thomas T. Gantt, 13 May 1861, Charles Gibson Papers, Missouri Historical Society; J. Thomas Scharf, History of Saint Louis City and County (Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts and Company, 1883), 2: 1485. Calculated Confederate 409

Within hours of the incident, news of the federal coup reached the state capital. In fifteen minutes, the legislature passed Jackson's long-debated mil­ itary bill, declaring that "the City of St. Louis has been invaded by the citi­ zens of other States, and a portion of the people of said city are in a state of rebellion against the laws of the state." The legislature then granted the gov­ ernor sweeping military powers "to take such measures, as in his judgment he may deem necessary or proper to repel such invasion or put down such rebellion." Anxious legislators—including the governor—sent their families from the state capital in anticipation of a federal advance. Within a week, the legislature had given Jackson authorization to take possession of the state's railroads and telegraph lines "whenever in his opinion the security and wel­ fare of the State may require it" and requested that he mobilize the state mili­ tia. Missouri careened toward another type of conflict: a war within a war.30 Jackson's gambit had worked, for virtually all of the state's newspapers condemned the Camp Jackson capture. The governor now found many sym­ pathetic ears. When Price ordered out the state militia in all sectors, thou­ sands flocked in patriotic rage to recruiting stations, seeking to liberate their homeland from "Goths and Vandels [sic]" who they now saw as the vanguard of federal coercion. "Missouri is my own country," one State Guard officer boasted, and its defense was to him the "holy cause of liberty." "The time has arrived," proclaimed former St. Louis mayor William Carr Lane, "when every patriot ought to show his hand, acting in stern and harmonious action, until the iron heel of the despot shall be removed from the neck of Missouri." Another resident seethed, "My blood boils in my veins when I think of the position of Missouri - held in the Union at the point of Dutchmen's bayonets -1 feel outraged . . . but the sullen submission of downtrodden men will be avenged the more terribly in the days of their uprising - may I live to see that day." Yet another was more somber. "Deadly collisions have taken place between the citizens of the state and the so-called Federal troops . . . result­ ing in an antagonism of feeling which will take many long years to remove. ... I fear that the disaffected will never return to their allegiance to the gov­ ernment." He might well have been right; one militia enlistee at Jefferson

30 Snead, Fight for Missouri, 172-174; Peckham, Nathaniel Lyon, 165-167, 169-176; Kirkpatrick, "Missouri in the Early Months," 240; Jackson to Eliza Jackson, 3 June 1861, in Eleanora G. Park and Kate S. Morrow, Women of the Mansion, Missouri, 1821-1936 (Jefferson City, Mo.: Midland Printing Company, 1936), 132; Laws of the State of Missouri, Passed at the Called Session of the Twenty-first General Assembly, . . . May 2, 1861 (Jefferson City, Mo.: J. P. Ament, 1861), 48; Parrish, Turbulent Partnership, 24; Parrish, History of Missouri, 14-17. 410 Missouri Historical Review

City proclaimed, "They are ordered here to defend the Capitol, and they firm­ ly believe that the Government is the worst of enemies, intending to invade unlawfully the Soil of Missouri."31 Despite the windfall change of mood, Jackson did not move recklessly, though pressured to push for secession. He dispatched Sterling Price, who had chaired the "submissionist" convention in March only to come to the governor's side in the aftermath of Camp Jackson, to St. Louis to meet with the moderate federal department commander, William S. Harney, reinstated after the Camp Jackson debacle. The resulting Harney-Price agreement maintained the fragile balance between state and federal authorities.32 While eliciting generally favorable responses from Missouri's moder­ ates, the agreement—published in the newspapers—drew censure from

31 J. D. and B. P. McKown to Son, 29 May 1861, folder 3, John D. McKown Papers, WHMC-Columbia; "Letter from Col. John T. Hughes," Liberty Tribune, 13 September 1861; "Reminiscences of Patrick Ahern," n.d., Mrs. Jesse P. Henry Papers, Missouri Historical Society; William Carr Lane to Sterling Price, 3 June 1861, box 8, William Carr Lane Papers, ibid.; Unsigned to Dear Sister, 20 May 1861, and H. S. Turner to Dear General, 15 July 1861, both in box 1, Civil War Collection; Richardson to Broadhead, 20 May 1861. 32 M. Jeff Thompson memoirs, 13-14, 17-19, folder 2, Meriwether Jeff Thompson Papers, WHMC-Columbia; Parrish, History of Missouri, 16, 20; Kirkpatrick, "Missouri in the Early Months," 258-261; Robert E. Miller, "'One of the Ruling Class' - Thomas Caute Reynolds: Second Confederate Governor of Missouri," Missouri Historical Review 80 (July 1986): 425- 434; C. F. Jackson to George R. Taylor, 14 May 1861, George R. Taylor Collection, Missouri

State Historical Society of Missouri

A career army officer, William S. Harney commanded the Department of the West during early 1861. Frank Blair and Nathaniel Lyon considered Harney too moderate toward the pro- Confederate faction in Missouri and successfully urged his dismissal by President Abraham Lincoln. Calculated Confederate 411 extremists on both sides. Unconditional Unionists such as Nathaniel Lyon "regarded [the agreement] only as a trick of the secession Governor, to gain time, get arms and prepare again for war." Former mayor of St. Joseph M. Jeff Thompson, a member of the state convention who now advocated seces­ sion, ignored Jackson's earlier admonitions against leaving the state to solic­ it aid from the Confederate government. Seeing the governor before he left, Thompson left his "temporising [sic] and vacilating" friend with bitter part­ ing words: "'Governor, before I leave, I wish to tell you the two qualities of a soldier, one he must have, but he needs both: one of them is Common Sense and the other is Courage—, and By God! you have NEITHER.'"33 The elevation of Lyon ("Lyon the murderer," as one newspaper referred to him) to interim department commander on May 30 was likely not unwel­ come news to Jackson. He recognized that another event such as Camp Jackson could well propel the state into secession. Indeed, he hoped for it. He wrote his wife on June 3, "Since the removal of Gen. Harney it is thought that Lyon will commence vigorous operations in the state to subdue the peo­ ple of the state. I very much fear he will do it, but if he does, I shall resist him with all the power I can call to my aid. It is my duty to remain at my post, and I shall do so let what may come." Only reluctantly, at the insistence of proslavery moderates, did Jackson contact the federal commander for a meeting. Fearing arrest, Jackson gained from Lyon the promise of free pas­ sage to and from St. Louis, and with Price and an aide traveled on June 10 by train, arriving that evening at the sumptuous Planters' House.34

Historical Society; Thomas C. Reynolds to C. F. Jackson, 5 April 1861, Thomas C. Reynolds Papers, Missouri Historical Society; Gerald Cannon, "The Harney-Price Agreement," Civil War Times Illustrated 23 (December 1984): 42. Jackson sent a personal emissary, Edward C. Cabell, to Richmond to confer with Davis on Missouri's behalf. Disgusted by the governor's apparent conciliation, Reynolds briefly con­ sidered returning to Missouri and assuming the governorship if Jackson abided by the terms of the Harney-Price agreement. Reynolds never regained the esteem he once held for Jackson; his diary rarely and only obliquely mentions the governor. See also Reynolds, "General Sterling Price and the Confederacy," 18-44, and Reynolds to Jefferson Davis, 20 January, 13 November 1880, all in Reynolds Papers, Missouri Historical Society; Reynolds diary, 1862-1866, Thomas Caute Reynolds Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 33 Lyon to Miner Knowlton, 26 May 1861, quoted in Ashbel Woodward, Life of General Nathaniel Lyon (Hartford, Conn.: Case, Lockwood and Company, 1862), 260-261; M. Jeff Thompson memoirs, 19; Donal J. Stanton, Goodwin F. Berquist, and Paul C. Bowers, eds., The Civil War Reminiscences of General M. Jeff Thompson (Dayton, Ohio: Morningside House, 1988), 11-16, 46-50. In his memoirs, Thompson claimed to have begun his advocacy of seces­ sion once the state convention had established the imprimatur of the Unconditional Unionists and removed the meeting from Jefferson City to St. Louis. 34 Parrish, Frank Blair, 107-108; Peckham, Nathaniel Lyon, 159; Jackson to Eliza Jackson, 3 June 1861, in Park and Morrow, Women of the Mansion, 132; Phillips, Damned Yankee, 211-214. 412 Missouri Historical Review

The meeting at the Planters' House the next morning effected all that Jackson could have hoped for. When Lyon declared bluntly, "Better, sir, far better that the blood of every man, woman, and child within the limits of the State should flow, than that she should defy the federal government," and completed his ultimatum with the shocking peroration—"This means war"— the governor's plan for Missouri's secession was on the verge of fruition. Although neither Jackson nor Price could have predicted Lyon's peremptory declaration of war, they understood its implications in the fullest sense. Hastening back to Jefferson City, taking care to destroy the Gasconade River bridge and cut the telegraph wires in the event that Lyon would send troops, the governor had his aide, Thomas L. Snead, prepare a proclamation for pub­ lic release under Jackson's name the following day.35 Now presented with the opportunity to bring to realization his passive- aggressive strategy for Missouri's secession, Jackson used the proclamation to reiterate the theme that he was confident would sound most clearly among

35 Parrish, Frank Blair, 107-108; Phillips, Damned Yankee, 211-214; St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, 2 July 1861; Snead, Fight for Missouri, 199-200; Peckham, Nathaniel Lyon, 247-248. While Snead's 1886 account of Lyon's dramatic conclusion ("I would see you, and you, and you, and you, and you, and every man, woman, and child in the State, dead and buried") has more verve, the more contemporary account, published three weeks later in the St. Louis Daily Missouri Democrat, is likely the more accurate rendition.

State Historical Society of Missouri

Jackson hoped that public reaction to Lyons inflammatory statements during the June 10 meeting at the Planters' House would result in a call for Missouri's secession. Calculated Confederate 413 the state's residents: the federal government was the aggressor bent upon peaceable Missouri's coercion. "A series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages have been inflicted upon the peace and dignity of this common­ wealth," the message began, "and upon the rights and liberties of its people, by wicked and unprincipled men professing to act under the authority of the United States Government." At every opportunity, Jackson wove a rich tapestry of victimization, selecting strands resonant among freedom-loving Missourians. "The solemn enactments of your Legislature have been nulli­ fied; . . . your commerce with your Sister States has been suspended; . . . peaceful citizens have been imprisoned without warrant of law; unoffending and defenceless men, women, and children have been ruthlessly shot down and murdered; and other unbearable indignities have been heaped upon your State and yourselves."36 The proclamation further condemned Lyon and Blair for their "utter con­ tempt" of the Harney-Price agreement and offered a rendition of the Planters' House conference that charged "it was the intention of the Administration to take military occupation, under these pretexts, of the whole State, and to reduce it, as avowed by General Lyon himself, to 'the exact condition of Maryland.'"37 Reminding the state's residents again, if disingenuously, that "Missouri is still one of the United States; that the Executive department of the State Government does not arrogate to itself the power to disturb that relation," Jackson's message also averred the state's power to call "a conven­ tion which will, at the proper time, express your sovereign will." Jackson's opus concluded with a call to arms, both literal and figurative. In the literal sense, the governor called for fifty thousand militia volunteers "for the pro­ tection of the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens of this State." Figuratively, however, Jackson's statement offered the denouement of Missouri's identity, a logical progression from the clarion of his inaugural address, a call to arms for Missourians to become defiant Southerners in the fullest sense by linking their oppression by the federal government with the North's oppression of the South. Beyond mere abstraction—the disavowal of federal imperative, whether constitutional or congressional, in the question of slavery—Missourians now should effect a Southern apotheosis by the forcible expulsion of federal authority, disavowing its right (as Lyon had

36 Claiborne Fox Jackson Proclamation, 12 June 1861, WHMC-Columbia; Peckham, Nathaniel Lyon, 249-252; Snead, Fight for Missouri, 200-206. 37 Jackson Proclamation, 12 June 1861. Because of its strategic importance to the nation­ al capital, Lincoln suspended the writ of habeas corpus and declared martial law in Maryland. Federal troops quickly took control of transportation lines and began suppressing secessionists. The Maryland legislature declared the state's neutrality. See McPherson, Battle Cry, 284-290. 414 Missouri Historical Review claimed it) to rule over their state and over themselves. "Fellow citizens," Jackson exhorted,

All our efforts towards conciliation have failed. We can hope for noth­ ing from the justice or moderation of the agents of the Federal Government in this State. They are energetically hastening the execution of their bloody and Revolutionary schemes for the inauguration of a civil war in your midst; for the military occupation of your State by armed bands of lawless invaders; for the overthrow of your State Government; and for the subver­ sion of those liberties which that Government has always sought to protect; and they intend to exert their whole power to subjugate you, if possible, to the military despotism which has usurped the powers of the Federal Government. . . . You are under no obligation, whatever, to obey the uncon­ stitutional edicts of the military despotism which has enthroned itself at Washington, nor to submit to the infamous and degrading sway of its wicked minions in this State. . . . Rise, then, and drive out ignominiously the invaders who have dared to desecrate the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes!38

Lyon's lightning advance on Jefferson City dashed any hopes for Jackson's well-laid scheme. Within hours of the reception of the governor's proclamation, Lyon embarked two thousand men toward the capital, travel­ ing up the Missouri River by boat rather than by rail, as Jackson had expect­ ed. Unprepared for the swift sortie and unable to marshal sufficient forces to combat the federal troops and Home Guard so suddenly in their midst, Jackson was forced to lead his routed militia from the capital to the Ozarks. Ultimately some thirty thousand Missourians joined the armies of the Confederacy (as compared with more than one hundred thousand who fought for the Union). No reluctant Confederate, Jackson sought the best opportunity for Missouri's secession, one he calculated as lying with the federal govern­ ment's eventual violation of the state's neutrality. Without widespread sup­ port for secession in the initial months of his governorship, and without the mandate of his state's electorate, but with a widespread opposition to federal interdiction or coercion, which he saw rightly as inevitable, the waiting game proved Jackson's best—perhaps his only—option for effecting secession. Ultimately, his pragmatism—coupled with aggressive Union military action—cost him any real chance for Missouri's secession. Once Lyon's troops forced the governor into his saddle, Missouri's chance for entrance into the Confederacy proved as ephemeral as the hoofbeats of its exiled leader's galloping horse.

Jackson Proclamation, 12 June 1861. Larry W. Burt

Unlikely Activism: O. K. Armstrong and Federal Indian Policy in the Mid-Twentieth Century

BY LARRY W. BURT*

In 1932 voters in the Springfield area elected a young Republican jour­ nalist and college professor to the Missouri General Assembly. Over the next half-century, Orland Kay "O. K." Armstrong became a well-known figure in area politics. He served three terms in the Missouri General Assembly, 1933- 1936 and 1943-1944, and was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1951 to 1953. He made an unsuccessful bid for the 134th District Missouri House seat in 1982. In between political offices, Armstrong engaged in freelance writing and crusaded passionately for a vari­ ety of conservative causes, including nonintervention before World War II, anticommunism after World War II, and antipornography from the early

*Larry W. Burt is an associate professor of history at Southwest Missouri State University, Springfield. He received the M.A. degree from the University of South Dakota, Vermillion, and the Ph.D. degree from the University of Toledo.

415 416 Missouri Historical Review

1960s through most of the 1970s.1 He gained a reputation as a colorful and sometimes controversial activist. Surprisingly, he exercised some of his greatest political influence in federal Indian policy, an unlikely arena for a politician from a state with few Native Americans, no reservations, and little history of political interest in national Indian issues in the twentieth century. The son of a Baptist preacher, Armstrong was born in Willow Springs, Missouri, in 1893. He attended high school at Carterville, Missouri, gradu­ ated from Drury College in Springfield in 1916, then taught English and pub­ lic speaking for one year at Southwest Baptist College in Bolivar, Missouri. Armstrong spent the next year in the U.S. Army Air Corps before going to France in 1918 to work for a year with the Young Men's Christian Association. After returning to the United States, he earned a law degree from Cumberland University in Tennessee, but he never practiced law. In 1922 he married Louise McCool, a Georgia native and a recent graduate of the Baptist Woman's Missionary Training School in Louisville, Kentucky. The couple shared interests in journalism and missionary work. They moved to Columbia, where Armstrong enrolled in journalism school at the University of Missouri and received both a bachelor's degree and a master's degree in 1925. He spent the next three years founding and heading the jour­ nalism department at the University of Florida. The Armstrongs then moved to Springfield, where O. K. became director of public relations and alumni secretary at his alma mater, Drury College.2 In 1927, Armstrong published his first article and, within a short time, launched a career as a freelance journalist, with pieces appearing in Nation's Business, Country Gentleman, Saturday Evening Post, Harper's, and The Christian Herald. In 1931, Bobbs-Merrill published Armstrong's first book, Old Massa 's People: The Old Slaves Tell Their Story, an anthology of stories of plantation life in the Old South based on interviews with former slaves. He continued to write prolifically throughout the remainder of his life.3 Louise died of breast cancer in 1947. Two years later, Armstrong mar­ ried Marjorie Moore, who, like Louise, was a graduate of the Woman's Missionary Training School and had interests in journalism and Baptist mis­ sionary work. After earning her master's degree in religious education, Moore had worked for the Baptist Student, a periodical for Baptist youth.

1 "Patriot Armstrong Dies at 93," Springfield News-Leader, 16 April 1987. 2 Sandra Holmes Tinsley, "The Armstrongs Are O. K.—And Marjorie!" Springfield Magazine 8 (January 1987): 20; "Obituary—Orland Kay Armstrong," Springfield News- Leader, 17 April 1987. 3 "Orland Kay Armstrong—His Vitality is Amazing," Springfield News and Leader, 17 January 1971; "Obituary—Orland Kay Armstrong"; Orland Kay Armstrong, Old Massa's People: The Old Slaves Tell Their Story (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1931). O. K. Armstrong All

State Historical Society of Missouri

Armstrong graduated from Drury College in 1916 and later became director of pub­ lic relations and alumni secretary at the school.

After seven years, she left to become managing editor of the Commission, a publication of the Southern Baptist Foreign Mission Board.4 In 1942, Armstrong wrote his first piece for Reader's Digest, entitled "Barriers Between the States Must Go!" and thus began a long relationship with the popular magazine. The young writer fit in well with the political and journalistic world of Reader's Digest and became friends with its creators, Lila and DeWitt Wallace. By the 1940s, Reader's Digest had become a high­ ly successful, mass circulation magazine based on a formula of easy-to-read, Christian, patriotic, flag-waving, conservative, government-bashing articles written in an inspirational, triumph-over-tragedy style where good prevailed over evil. Armstrong became a staff writer for the magazine in 1945, even­ tually contributing 120 articles on a wide variety of topics. Five of these arti­ cles focused on Native Americans.5 Reader's Digest championed a return to government policies that encouraged assimilating Indians into mainstream American institutions and

4 Marjorie Armstrong, interview by author, 11 April 1994; Tinsley, "Armstrongs," 21. 5 O. K. Armstrong, "Barriers Between the States Must Go!" Reader's Digest 40 (April 1942): 78-80; John Heidenry, Theirs Was the Kingdom: Lila and DeWitt Wallace and the Story of the Reader's Digest (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1993), 13; Tinsley, "Armstrongs," 20, 22. 418 Missouri Historical Review

life. It gave Native American issues and a conservative editorial voice on federal Indian policy much more exposure than any Indian or Indian-interest newsletter or national news magazine of the time. Advocating or attempting some form of Indian assimilation went back to the earliest contact with Europeans. A federal policy of forced assimilation took shape in the last few decades of the nineteenth century when reformers, primarily New Englanders, arose in opposition to what they viewed as a failed policy of confining Native Americans on reservations. At the time, most Indians and reformers considered reservations to be little more than open-air prisons. They proposed to stop segregating Indians, instead grant­ ing them citizenship, private property, and "civilization" while forcing them to conform to Euro-American values and institutions. Although Indians were to be given rights as American citizens, there was no intention of accepting them into the national social fabric as equals. Anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan's ideas became the intellectual foundation for this policy. He built upon existing "simplicity to complexity" concepts and advanced a theory of universal stages of human development—savagery, barbarism, and civiliza­ tion. He also added a touch of positivism in his belief that progress was non- racial and people could be instructed in ways to accelerate the process.6 In other words, Indians had the capacity to progress and be assimilated. Most Indian reformers influenced by Morgan, however, mistakenly assumed that this would be much easier to accomplish than proved to be the case. Morgan's ideas served as the starting point for federal Indian policy for roughly the next half-century. Assimilationists believed their own culture to be superior to that of the Indians and supported bans on expressions of Indian culture they judged as outdated and "uncivilized." They also advocated dividing reservations into individual allotments to replace communal tribal­ ism with private landownership. The passage of the Dawes Severalty Act of 1887 accomplished this goal. Under its provisions, land titles, after the assignment of individual allotments, would be restricted and remain in trust with the U.S. government for twenty-five years. After the trust period expired, an Indian would receive a fee simple title to the allotment and be granted citizenship. This was presumably done to protect Native Americans from losing land in deals with non-Indians more familiar with the economic customs of the dominant culture. Long-standing greed for Indian land was also a motivation. Farmers and settlers supported the Dawes Act because

6 Frederick E. Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880- 1920 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 10-13, 17-19. O. K. Armstrong 419 any reservation lands left after allotment were declared "surplus" and opened for homestead claims by non-Indians.7 At the conclusion of the twenty-five-year trust period, it was clear that most Indians remained ill-prepared to be thrown into the arena of private land dealings and the larger American economy. As a result, presidents routinely postponed the expiration of trust arrangements, and allotted land remained in trust status. Much of it was leased to non-whites because multiple heirship inheritance, specified in the Dawes Act, created so many co-owners after the original allottee died that it proved easier to lease the land than to decide who among the Native American co-owners would work it. Nevertheless, mil­ lions of acres passed out of Indian hands over the next few decades through sales to non-Indians as assimilationists found ways to remove trust restric­ tions on many allotments and get them fee-patented.8 By the early 1900s, a challenge emerged to assimilation and the anthro­ pology that supported it. As American society became increasingly secular­ ized, the intensity of the campaign to Christianize Native Americans slowly faded. Scientists and social scientists looked less to the social Darwinism of British intellectual Herbert Spencer and Yale political and social scientist William Graham Sumner and increasingly turned to anthropologists like Franz Boaz, Ruth Benedict, and Alfred Kroeber, whose less ethnocentric the­ ories of cultural pluralism contributed to a better appreciation and acceptance of Indian culture.9 In the 1930s, President Franklin Roosevelt, Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, and Commissioner of Indian Affairs (CIA) John Collier all embraced cultural pluralism. In what became known as the Indian New Deal, they attempted to turn U.S. policy toward an acceptance of cultural diversity and the return of some degree of tribal sovereignty. The Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) of 1934 halted further land allotment, extended land trust status indefinitely, authorized the return of "surplus" lands undis­ posed of under the Dawes Act, and set up a revolving fund credit program to promote economic development by tribes. In a significant recognition of Indian sovereignty, the act resurrected bilateral, government-to-government relations by encouraging tribes to establish governments that would exercise

7 "General Allotment Act," in Wilcomb E. Washburn, ed., The American Indian and the United States: A Documentary History (New York: Random House, 1973), 3: 2188-2192. 8 Janet A. McDonnell, The Dispossession of the American Indian, 1887-1934 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), 87-120. 9 John W. Ragsdale, Jr., "The Movement to Assimilate the American Indians: A Jurisprudential Study," University of Missouri-Kansas City Law Review 57 (fall 1989): 422- 423. 420 Missouri Historical Review

The Indian New Deal of the 1930s attempted to shift U.S. policy toward an acceptance of cultural diversity and the return of tribal sovereignty.

National Archives some independent authority and coexist with state and local governments.10 Assimilationists, however, still had enough strength to launch a drive to turn federal Indian policy back in their direction. Conservative opposition to John Collier and the Indian New Deal emerged in the mid-1930s and increased over the next several decades, roughly paralleling similar criticism of Roosevelt's New Deal. In fact, many of Collier's most vocal opponents, Senators Elmer Thomas, Lynn Frazier, and Burton Wheeler, were also the most outspoken opponents of Roosevelt's policies. Over the next decade- and-a-half, assimilationists succeeded in stalling the Indian New Deal by reducing its funding levels, blocking further legislation, and finally forcing John Collier to resign in 1945.11 That Armstrong would turn his journalistic pen to Indian affairs and fed­ eral Indian policy at some point was no great surprise. Both of his wives had been educated at Baptist missionary schools, and he had been involved in

10 Sources on John Collier and the Indian New Deal include Lawrence C. Kelley, The Assault on Assimilation: John Collier and the Origins of Indian Policy Reform (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Kenneth R. Philp, John Collier's Crusade for Indian Reform, 1920-1954 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1977); Graham D. Taylor, The New Deal and American Indian Tribalism: The Administration of the Indian Reorganization Act, 1934-1945 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980). 11 John S. Painter, "Congressional Conservatism and Federal Indian Policy, 1928-1950" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Organization of American Historians, Detroit, Mich., 2 April 1981), 3, 10-15. O. K. Armstrong 421 leadership roles since his youth within the Southern Baptist Convention. In 1945, Armstrong became one of the founding members of Springfield's University Heights Baptist Church, a congregation affiliated with the American Baptist Churches as well as the Southern Baptist Convention. The American Baptist Churches had a history of missionary work and supported the National Council of Churches after its creation in 1949. Armstrong later belonged to the National Council of Churches Division of Home Missions, and his interest in federal Indian policy may have derived in part from his background in Christian mission activities. His primary motivation, howev­ er, arose from his political ideology.12 He put his political convictions into practice with zeal and passion and pursued political causes with boundless determination. Armstrong's first piece on Indians, "Set the American Indians Free," appeared in Reader's Digest in August 1945. It portrayed early reservations as concentration camps that by the 1870s had evolved into centers of pater­ nalistic control where Indians became "wards" of the government and were segregated from mainstream America. It went on to describe a history of sidetracked efforts at the noble goal of assimilating Native Americans into Euro-American institutions and culture and called for finally "emancipating" Indians and giving them full U.S. citizenship rights by dismantling the reser­ vation system, ending trust restrictions on land allotments, and terminating recognition of treaty rights or separate sovereignty.13 With the publication of "Set the American Indians Free," Armstrong joined the growing debate over the direction of federal Indian policy. The impetus for the piece actually came out of the anti-Collier campaign. Bryon J. Brophy was a twelve-year Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) employee who "couldn't stomach" Collier's Indian New Deal and left the agency to work for the Bureau of Training within the War Manpower Commission. He served as a paid source of materials and ideas in Armstrong's research for the Reader's Digest article.14 Armstrong shared Brophy's distaste for the Indian New Deal and its acknowledgment of Indian culture. He later referred to Collier's Indian Reorganization Act as reverting "people who were well advanced in most instances along the road to civilization and full citizenship" back to "primi­ tive and uncivilized ways." On another occasion, he noted that what sepa­ rated him from "the old John Collier—namely 'keep 'em Indians' types" was

12 Kay Armstrong, interview by author, 16 February 2000. 13 O. K. Armstrong, "Set the American Indians Free," Reader's Digest 47 (August 1945): 47-52. 14 Bryon J. Brophy to Armstrong, 12 November, 1 December 1945, box 22, Miscellaneous folder, O. K. Armstrong Papers, Western Historical Manuscript Collection, University of Missouri-Columbia. 422 Missouri Historical Review

National Archives

A 1930s Cooking Class in the Pierre, South Dakota, Indian School his belief "that they should have been brought into the stream of American life—yes, the white man's way of life, if you please, half a century ago. They can keep all the Tndian-ness' that is worth a whoop and still hold productive jobs and send their kids to integrated schools." Armstrong saw himself as a crusader who had "to fight the 'Collier Crowd'—who seem always to be determined to block anything that would tend to remove Indians from their racial culture, even for something a thousand times better."15 Armstrong and the assimilationists of the 1930s shared much of the same motivation as those of the late nineteenth century: the nationalistic position that Indian sovereignty could not coexist with American sovereignty, a con­ descending attitude toward Indian cultures that they saw as "museum pieces," the belief that Indians could and should progress toward a "civilized" lifestyle, the notion that freedom meant participating in a system based on private property and private enterprise without government interference, and the conviction that traditional Indian religions had to be replaced with

15 Congressional Record, 82nd Cong., 1st sess., 1951, 97, pt. 3: 3401; Armstrong to Roul Tunley, 19 January 1971, box 19, Dr. Cahn's Indians folder; Armstrong to Susan Hirsh, 28 March 1962, box 22, Termination Program folder, both in Armstrong Papers. O. K. Armstrong 423

Protestant Christianity. Many earlier reformers had come out of religious missionary backgrounds. In fact, CIA Thomas Jefferson Morgan (1889- 1893) was a Baptist minister who became the corresponding secretary of the Baptist Home Mission Society and editor of its Home Mission Monthly after leaving the BIA. Most earlier assimilationists would have concurred with Armstrong's position that "tying the Indian to a common tribal estate—what­ ever may be his pride in the racial group—can never lift him into the level of personal initiative and enterprise needed to make a success at farming or ranching."16 In other ways, Armstrong and his generation of assimilationists differed from their past counterparts. In the 1930s, a small group of ultra-conserva­ tive opponents of the New Deal started to combine the intense anticommu- nism of the immediate post-World War I period with their opposition to the New Deal and likened the bureaucracy of government programs to commu­ nist totalitarianism. The strong sense of nationalism that grew out of the World War II experience created an atmosphere in which this ideology gained popularity. Armstrong concluded that the BIA had "enslaved" Indians and kept them on reservations "little better than concentration camps," where "they learn[ed] the ways of totalitarianism and collectivism."17 This new gen­ eration of assimilationists no longer trusted or accepted the ideas of anthro­ pologists who had turned away from the "linear progressive" theories of Lewis Henry Morgan and embraced instead the theories of cultural pluralism that stood as the foundation for the Indian New Deal. Armstrong's article brought him considerable attention. He received critical responses from "those soft-headed anthropologist socialists that weep over the loss of Indian culture." Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes requested that Reader's Digest allow him to write a rebuttal, but the editors felt that Armstrong's piece had too few "factual errors" to warrant any such response.18 Letters of praise came in from assimilated Indians in Oklahoma, mixed-bloods eager to learn of eligibility for settlements with the govern­ ment, and Indian organizations and individual off-reservation Indians work-

16 Francis Paul Prucha, "Thomas Jefferson Morgan 1889-93," in Robert M. Kvosnicka and Herman J. Viola, eds., The Commissioners of Indian Affairs, 1824-1977 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979), 193, 201; Armstrong's handwritten notes on ideas for a proposed article, n.d., box 20, Financial folder, Armstrong Papers. 17 Congressional Record, 82nd Cong., 1st sess., 1951, 97, pt. 10: 13402; ibid., 82nd Cong., 2nd sess., 1952, 98, pt. 2: 2493. 18 Kenneth W. Payne to W. C. Clark, Assistant to the Secretary of the Interior, 22 October 1945, box 22, Response on Indian Article folder, Armstrong Papers. 424 Missouri Historical Review ing for the termination of their tribes.19 South Dakota Republican Senator Harlan J. Bushfield, an assimilationist, inserted the article into the Congressional Record and widely distributed copies of it under his franking privilege.20 Missionary groups also rallied in support. Mark Dawber of the Home Missions Council of North America requested and distributed thirty- five hundred reprints and then invited Armstrong to the next meeting of the group's Indian Committee.21 Marjorie, Armstrong's wife, later described her husband's interest in Indians and federal Indian policy as "casual." This was necessarily so for someone who had researched many subjects during his freelance writing career and been an activist for a number of causes. The success of the first Indian article and the overall reaction to it led Armstrong to dig deeper into Indian affairs. "Wally [Dewitt Wallace, owner and publisher of Reader's Digest] wanted another one soon afterward, so I went back to the reservations and did one on how we could wind up the Bureau and get many of the Indians

19 Mrs. M. H. Lee to Armstrong, 20 November 1945; Mr. and Mrs. Wade Crawford to Armstrong, n.d.; O. K. Chandler, Secretary of the Administrative Board of the American Indian Federation, to Armstrong, 30 November 1945; J. Bartley Milam to Armstrong, n.d., all in box 22, Miscellaneous folder, Armstrong Papers. 20 Congressional Record, 79th Cong., 1st sess., 1945, 91, pt. 12: A3648. 21 Mark Dawber to Armstrong, 8 November 1945; Home Missions Council of North America (staff member) to Armstrong, 5 December 1945, both in box 22, Miscellaneous fold­ er, Armstrong Papers.

Assimilationists hoped to ucivilize " Native Americans by introducing them to Euro- American values and practices, including Western-style agriculture.

National Archives

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fl^Hfr> tfi| ||J|,I;;I||1S||1 Wi§lfl;lM 111 llil;i-itV-:- : f Wi&S99 W*: '"» A •HBK - : O. K. Armstrong 425 off the reservations and into the stream of American life." The second arti­ cle was another assimilationist tract entitled "Let's Give the Indians Back to the Country," published in 1948. In it, Armstrong emphasized the incompat­ ibility of Indian tribal citizenship and sovereignty within the sovereignty of the United States and outlined some policy changes to eliminate special Indian status.22 In the 1950 race for Missouri's sixth congressional seat, Republican Armstrong defeated Democrat George Christopher. He went to Washington, D.C., pledged to the conservative positions of cutting nondefense spending, ending federal control of welfare programs, eliminating government involve­ ment in the marketplace, and taking a hard-line stance in the passionate anti- communist crusades of the post-World War II "red scare."23 While in Congress, Armstrong quickly allied with the small but growing movement of assimilationists who soon would be referred to as terminationists. Within a few years, that label would be attached to assimilationists who called for fed­ eral withdrawal from Indian affairs and elimination of the services provided to Native Americans. They also hoped to establish a tribe-by-tribe legislative process that would revoke IRA charters of self-government and eliminate special Indian status and separate sovereignty.24 Bills providing for the termination of several specific tribes had been introduced in Congress since the end of World War II, and certain legislators attempted to expand the idea into a national policy affecting all groups. Utah Congresswoman Reva Beck Basone first introduced this type of bill in the House of Representatives in 1949, noting, "It is my observation that the Indian wants more than anything else to live like the white man." Shortly thereafter, Senator George Malone of Nevada introduced a bill calling for the complete termination of all tribes within three years. He continued in this crusade throughout most of the 1950s. On March 6, 1951, Armstrong intro­ duced House Resolution 3073, a companion measure to Senator Malone's bill, to abolish the BIA, remove trusteeship status, and repeal the Indian Reorganization Act.25 None of these bills received enough support to get beyond committee action. While in Congress, Armstrong also lobbied with

22 Marjorie Armstrong, interview, 11 April 1994; Armstrong to John Allen, 3 July 1965, box 21, Unlabeled folder, Armstrong Papers; O. K. Armstrong, "Let's Give the Indians Back to the Country," Reader's Digest 52 (April 1948): 129-132. 23 "Political Notes," Bias—Springfield's Weekly Newsletter, 8 June 1950, 8; "Armstrong Apparent Winner in Hot Congressional Race," Springfield Leader and Press, 1 November 1950. 24 Larry W. Burt, Tribalism in Crisis: Federal Indian Policy, 1953-1961 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 5, 19-22. 25 Congressional Record, 82nd Cong., 2nd sess., 1952, 98, pt. 2: 2492; Burt, Tribalism in Crisis, 79; Congressional Record, 82nd Cong., 1st sess., 1951, 97, pt. 10: 13400-13401. 426 Missouri Historical Review

Olympic officials on behalf of Indian athlete Jim Thorpe, who hoped to win back Olympic medals stripped from him when he took small amounts of money for playing football, in violation of his amateur status. Unfortunately for Thorpe, the congressman's help was of no avail.26 While termination forces gradually gained numbers and confidence, it was not until after 1953, when Republican Dwight Eisenhower became pres­ ident and Republicans gained control of both houses of Congress, that some of their agenda was accomplished. Armstrong, however, could not join directly in the terminationists' most significant victories. Redistricting prior to the 1952 election had placed him in the same district as Republican Representative Dewey Short. Armstrong bowed to seniority and stepped aside. Eisenhower's selection to be Commissioner of Indian Affairs was ter- minationist Glenn Emmons, a banker from Gallup, New Mexico, and a 1952 campaign supporter. Over the next decade, Congress passed fourteen bills terminating 109 tribes. Most of them were small, with holdings that repre­ sented only 3 percent of the lands owned by federally recognized tribes. Already known as a supporter of similar positions on Indian policy issues, Armstrong used his journalistic skills to promote Emmons's policies. He wrote three additional Indian-related articles during the 1950s (the first one co-authored with wife Marjorie), and each praised a particular termina- tionist program. Emmons cooperated in all of the pieces, supplying data, resources, and information.27 The first article, entitled "The Indians Are Going to Town," described a recent BIA program, known as "relocation," that encouraged Native Americans to move off reservations and into large cities. A number of Indians had migrated to urban areas during World War II in search of war- related jobs. The bureau first began to officially promote the relocation pol­ icy among Navajos after a major blizzard that hit their reservation in the win­ ter of 1947-1948 required an emergency airlift to prevent starvation. The subsequent government investigation came up with a "surplus population" theory to explain the reservation's chronic poverty, and the BIA moved to assist those who would relocate.28 Armstrong's article on the relocation program appeared in early 1955 and clearly bore the stamp of Emmons's promotional campaign for the poli­ cy. It emphasized the same points that the commissioner had made in many speeches and presentations around the country, including the Indians'

26 Kay Armstrong interview. 27 Armstrong to Harry Harper, Bun Mahony, and John Allen (Reader's Digest editors), n.d., box 19, Dr. Cahn's Indians folder, Armstrong Papers. 28 O. K. Armstrong, "The Indians Are Going to Town," Reader's Digest 66 (January 1955): 39-43; Larry W. Burt, "Roots of the Native American Urban Experience: Relocation Policy in the 1950s," American Indian Quarterly 10 (spring 1986): 85-88. O. K. Armstrong All

Armstrong unsuccessfully lobbied p Olympic officials on behalf of Jim Thorpe when the athlete attempt­ ed to regain the medals stripped from him after he received money for playing football.

Larry W. Burt

propensity to work with their hands, the "surplus population" theory on reservations, and happy relocatees living within the abundance of America's post-World War II material culture.29 In November 1955, Reader's Digest published Armstrong's "Give the Indians an Even Chance." This article restated many of the same themes he had promoted in the 1940s. Reservations were places of stifling segregation, and Indians treated as "wards" of the government had little chance to succeed within the dominant economy and society. They, however, had the potential to do well if federal policy would remove the barriers of special Indian sta­ tus and allow them to compete with the rest of America. Much of the essay consisted of character sketches of successful assimilated Indians: athlete Jim Thorpe, artist Richard West, humorist Will Rogers, former U.S. Senator and Vice President Charles Curtis, several BIA officials, and Indian nurses, elec­ tricians, and steelworkers.30 The last of the 1950s articles, "The Navajos Feel the Wind of Progress," was published near the end of Emmons's term in office and offered a glow­ ing report of the commissioner's efforts with the Navajos on the nation's largest reservation and the one closest to his home in Gallup. The easing of restrictions in the leasing of Indian lands had recently resulted in an increase in oil, uranium, and coal production. The subsequent income from the leas­ es, together with special rehabilitation money appropriated by Congress in the 1950 Navajo-Hopi Act, meant money devoted to developmental efforts. Emmons used some of it to place more Navajo children into classrooms by

29 Armstrong, "The Indians Are Going to Town," 39-43. 30 O. K. Armstrong, "Give the Indians an Even Chance," Reader's Digest 67 (November 1955): 101-105. 428 Missouri Historical Review quickly building additional facilities and contracting with public school dis­ tricts around the reservation to educate Navajo students. He used some of the money to attract outside businessmen to set up factories on the reservation. In each case, Armstrong gave a very positive portrayal in his article of the roles played by both Emmons and the Navajo tribal council, one of only a handful that had endorsed Emmons in his original appointment as commis­ sioner in 1953.31 Armstrong and Emmons remained in contact after the CIA left his post in 1961. Emmons continued to assist Armstrong in his writing on Native Americans, and Armstrong for a time edited a manuscript that Emmons start­ ed after he left office. Freedom for the First Americans reflected Emmons's and Armstrong's continuing adherence to the "liberation" view of termina­ tion and assimilation. It advocated a plan of gradual termination on a tribe- by-tribe basis that would culminate with the nation's bicentennial celebration on July 4, 1976, and underscore the theme of freedom without the barriers of separate Indian status.32 Armstrong also fought an aggressive campaign to defend Emmons's record and the assimilationist policy of termination. Opposition to it had emerged from tribal governments and a number of liberal politicians by the late 1950s and intensified thereafter. Some of the most vocal criticism had come from church organizations. Like the African American civil rights movement, much of the opposition to termination policies and early stirrings of sentiment toward the self-determination policies that would dominate the later 1960s and beyond came out of church congregations. As early as 1955, denominational organizations began condemning termination, and critical articles started appearing in religious publications. On March 3, 1955, the National Council of Churches, upon recommendation of its Division of Home Missions, issued "A Pronouncement on Indian Affairs." The statement cautioned against haste and urged consultation in termination, called for the preservation of Indian cultural identity, and insisted on protection against treaty violations.33 Armstrong resisted this shift in philosophy and in the churches' policy advocacy. In 1961 the Division of Home Missions responded favorably to an invitation from Professor Sol Tax, a University of Chicago anthropologist and activist for Indian causes, to participate in a forum on federal Indian pol-

31 O. K. Armstrong, "The Navajos Feel the Wind of Progress," ibid. 74 (March 1959): 203-206; Burt, Tribalism in Crisis, 51-52. 32 Armstrong to Glenn Emmons, 26 November 1962, box 21, Indians-What Education is Doing For Them folder, Armstrong Papers; Burt, Tribalism in Crisis, 127. 33 Harold Fey, "A Pronouncement on Indian Affairs," box 20, Indians-National Council of Churches folder, Armstrong Papers. O. K. Armstrong 429 icy. The meeting, later known as the Chicago Conference, criticized termi­ nation, advocated the preservation of Indian culture and sovereignty, and pro­ duced the famous "Declaration of Indian Purpose," one of the earliest and most important influences in the policies of self-determination. When the Chicago Conference issued a promotional pamphlet with the church group's name on it in January 1961, Armstrong fired off an angry letter to the head of the Division of Home Missions, E. Russell Carter. He was "astounded that the National Council of Churches would put its imprint on any distribution of this pamphlet." A short time later, Armstrong wrote to Emmons, "I saw the Chicago report, and it made me sick." His judgment on the matter later proved faulty when he noted in a letter to one of his Reader's Digest editors, Hobe Lewis, "I doubt that much attention will be paid to Dr. Sol Tax of the University of Chicago and his anthropologists who sponsored that wild Indian meeting in Chicago last June."34 As another part of his defense of termination, Armstrong researched the progress of termination legislation. He sent letters of inquiry in 1960 and early 1961 to BIA officials and tribal governments in an attempt to learn the fates of those tribes terminated under Emmons in the 1950s. None of the responses he received from Native Americans expressed anything more than reluctant acceptance of being terminated and guarded optimism for the future, and only a few of those from non-Indian BIA officials sounded at all enthusiastic. In fact, a number were negative and quite a few scathing. Stewart Snow, chairman of the Shivwitts (one of the terminated Piute groups in Utah), answered in no uncertain terms, "No! We do not recommend ter­ mination for other small tribes, neither do we recommend the land trustee­ ship." Nonetheless, Armstrong informed his editors that, "without exception, the program has been beneficial" and submitted a draft that praised termina­ tion and pointed to its many successes.35 By this time, however, the policy of termination had become very con­ troversial. A "seriously concerned" Hobe Lewis wrote to Armstrong in June 1961 and pointed to several newspaper accounts that raised doubts about ter­ mination. He subsequently postponed publication of Armstrong's article.

34 E. Russell Carter and Beth E. Marcus to the National Fellowship of Indian Workers, 10 January 1961; Armstrong to E. Russell Carter, 4 March 1961, both in box 19, Used Notes, Letters, and Clippings folder, ibid.; Burt, Tribalism in Crisis, 67; Armstrong to Glenn Emmons, 8 August 1961, box 21, Expenses for Emmons Book folder; Armstrong to Hobe Lewis, 30 December 1961, box 21, Indians-Set Them Free folder, both in Armstrong Papers. 35 Stewart Snow to Armstrong, 26 December 1961, box 20, Terminated Tribes folder; Armstrong to Hobe Lewis, 30 December 1961; untitled manuscript by Armstrong; Armstrong, "Why Not Grant Freedom for the Original Americans?" all in box 21, Indians-Set Them Free folder, Armstrong Papers. 430 Missouri Historical Review

Editors compiled and sent to Armstrong a package entitled "Condemnation and Proof of Policy's Failure," with newspaper articles from around the coun­ try descriptively detailing and criticizing termination. This series of events brought his project to a close.36 In 1965, Reader's Digest associate editor John Allen wrote to Armstrong, encouraging him to research and write another article on Indian problems. He especially pointed to the dismal statistics on Native American income and living and health conditions. This was in keeping with recent developments in Indian affairs. When Democrats replaced Republicans after the presidential election of 1960, they had renounced the largely discredited termination policy and placed a much higher priority on economic develop­ ment in federal Indian policy. President John Kennedy's Aid to Appalachia program and President Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty shifted national attention to concerns of poverty, economic development for the poor, and the civil rights of racial minorities.37 Despite this shift in policy, Armstrong's view of civil rights for Native Americans remained assimilationist. He began "in depth research on Indian education, with the view of showing the inconsistency of a national policy of integration for Negroes and other minority races—except for the Indians, and the absurdity of trying to keep them segregated when much of their poverty, disease, lack of education, and lack of progress has been due to keeping them in the concentration camps known as 'reservations.'"38 He saw the accep­ tance of tribalism and traditional culture as the equivalent of the racial segre­ gation of African Americans; emancipation would require assimilation and an end to reservations. As a part of the research for his proposed piece on Indian schools, Armstrong wrote to several such institutions around the country, asking whether or not they were integrated and at times arguing his own viewpoint. He rhetorically asked Ralph Knudsen, president of Bacone College in Oklahoma, "Would not much of the so-called 'Indian Problem' be solved if Indian children and youths could be brought more quickly into the main­ stream of American life by integration of their schools?"39 Armstrong knew that BIA policies allowing increased tribal control over schools sometimes resulted in predominantly Native American schools. He

36 Hobe Lewis to Armstrong, 16 June 1961; "Condemnation and Proof of Policy's Failure," n.d., both in box 21, Indians-Set Them Free folder, Armstrong Papers. 37 John M. Allen to Armstrong, 30 June 1965, box 21, Unlabeled folder, Armstrong Papers; Larry Burt, "Western Tribes and Balance Sheets: Business Development Programs in the 1960s and 1970s," Western Historical Quarterly 23 (November 1992): 479. 38 Armstrong to Roul Tunley, 6 January 1971, box 19, Dr. Cahn's Indians folder, Armstrong Papers. 39 Armstrong to Ralph E. Knudsen, 28 November 1966, box 21, Unlabeled folder, ibid. O. K. Armstrong 431

saw that as a contradiction to the integration sought by the African American civil rights movement. More Indian control over schools harkened back to the 1930s, when John Collier and his education director, Willard Beatty, bor­ rowed from philosopher John Dewey's progressive theories of education and introduced the community approach to Indian education. Schools over which tribes had considerable control served as educational facilities during the day and as centers for community activities during off-hours.40 That inevitably meant an all-, or nearly all, Indian student constituency. In May 1967, Armstrong wrote confidently to Glenn Emmons that his article had been accepted and scheduled for publication in early fall. Emmons, however, had realized that the new policy of self-determination was becoming firmly entrenched and ceased work on the Indian policy man­ uscript that Armstrong had helped with earlier. An optimistic Armstrong urged him to resume work on the project so it could be finished in time to influence the upcoming 1968 elections. In a significant indication that even Reader's Digest was beginning to change its stance on federal Indian policy, editor Edward Thompson nixed Armstrong's article because it did not "prove that integration was necessarily good."41

40 Margaret Connell Szasz, Education and the American Indian: The Road to Self- Determination Since 1928 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974), 50-55, 60- 63, 169-174. 41 Armstrong to Glenn L. Emmons, 4 May 1967; Edward Thompson to Armstrong, 16 February 1967, both in box 19, The Indians folder, Armstrong Papers.

Larry W. Burt

Armstrong was a loyal supporter of Glenn Emmons, commissioner of Indian affairs under President Eisenhower. 432 Missouri Historical Review

In subsequent years, Armstrong had less opportunity to be involved in Indian affairs. Unusual circumstances in 1973, however, brought him back to Washington for one last venture into matters of federal Indian policy. As a part of the Red Power Indian protests organized by the American Indian Movement in the early 1970s, demonstrators occupied and trashed parts of the BIA building in Washington, D.C. Louis Bruce, CIA under President Richard Nixon, viewed as too sympathetic to the demonstrators, was fired.42 Several complicated shake-ups in the top levels of the BIA followed. In one instance, Marvin Franklin, an Iowa Indian from Oklahoma, was appoint­ ed the acting assistant to the secretary of the interior for Indian affairs, a new post equivalent to the CIA. Franklin hired Armstrong as his special assistant, but it seemed like an odd match. Armstrong primarily edited a manuscript Franklin had been working on entitled "Self-determination for American Indians." Not a terminationist, Franklin had earlier written on the need to keep the BIA. Franklin struck Armstrong as "a little detached." Marjorie Armstrong later reported that her husband "just couldn't figure the guy out." The position did not last long. In yet another bureaucratic shake-up, Armstrong was terminated with twenty-four hour notice on February 14, 1974. He continued to work on the manuscript for a short time thereafter, but it was never published.43 As self-determination policies clearly emerged victorious over forced assimilation, Armstrong began to promote the industrialization of reserva­ tions as the best solution to problems of Indian policy. He was not alone. Nearly all sides in the debate over the direction of federal Indian policy reached the same conclusion by the 1960s and 1970s. Yet each side empha­ sized industrialization for different reasons and hoped to accomplish it in dif­ ferent ways. Armstrong saw it as vindication of Emmons's programs, which had included an initiative to entice private businessmen to establish factories on reservations and hire Indian employees in the late 1950s, "so that every American reservation Indian can get a decent job and support his family by the sweat of his brow."44 Although industrialization was clearly the trend of the future, most of what would be accomplished toward that goal occurred due to federal programs in the 1960s and 1970s rather than through develop­ ment by private businessmen.

42 George Pierre Castile, To Show Heart: Native American Self-Determination and Federal Indian Policy, 1960-1975 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1998), 123-124. 43 Armstrong to Rogers C. B. Morton, 14 August 1974, box 19, Self-Determination for American Indians—And How to Achieve It folder, Armstrong Papers; Marjorie Armstrong, interview, 4 April 1994; Armstrong to Alvin Josephy, 22 August 1974, box 19, Used Material- Chapter 1 folder, Armstrong Papers. 44 Armstrong to Josephy, 22 August 1974. O. K. Armstrong 433

Armstrong was one of the most determined and die-hard activists within a generation of assimilationist reformers. He gave ground slowly and grudg­ ingly as self-determination overwhelmed the concepts in which he most believed. Despite the fact that most Indians came to think of termination as one of the worst chapters in federal Indian policy, Armstrong remained com­ mitted to his convictions. He underestimated, and never really understood, the forces behind the nationalist movements of indigenous peoples and racial minorities that rocked the world in the 1960s and 1970s. The former con­ gressman failed to grasp why Native Americans came to see their reserva­ tions as the last bastions of precious homelands and to cherish their separate culture and heritage. Armstrong always saw his work as part of the same struggle for integra­ tion and equality for minorities advocated by the larger civil rights move­ ment. In 1969, Southwest Missouri State College sponsored a series of speakers on current events and issues entitled "Kaleidoscope: Patterns of a Changing World." In one public presentation, comedian Dick Gregory defended the controversial Black Power movement that was gaining in pop­ ularity at the time. He credited it for most of the improvements in the status and conditions of African Americans. In a presentation in the series three weeks later, Armstrong rebutted Gregory, pointing to his own work in Indian policy reform to illustrate his commitment to racial minorities and as a "sen­ sible program of civil rights."45

45 "Armstrong: Dick Gregory Didn't Bring Changes," Springfield Leader and Press, 27 February 1969.

An Easy Answer

Kansas City Evening Star, September 18, 1880. "How shall we get the young men to Church?" is the title of an article in a religious week­ ly. Get the girls to go, sainted brother, get the girls to go. [Philadelphia Chronicle-Herald]

A Good Question

Maysville Western Register, June 2, 1870. An old soaker replied to a temperance lecturer by the following poser: "If water rots the soles of your boots, what effect must it have on the coat of your stomach?" Columbia, Missouri, c. 1940

Show Me Missouri History: Celebrating the Century Part 3

BY LINDA BROWN-KUBISCH and CHRISTINE MONTGOMERY*

The following is the final installment of a three-part series reviewing some of the issues, events, and people that shaped Missouri's history from 1900 until the end of the 1960s. It is based on a video script the State Historical Society of Missouri is developing to commemorate the twentieth century. Unless otherwise indicated, all photographs are from the Society's collections.

Stephens College Archives

*Linda Brown-Kubisch is a reference specialist at the State Historical Society of Missouri. She received the M.A. degree in history from the University of Missouri-Columbia. Christine Montgomery, photograph specialist at the State Historical Society of Missouri, has a B.A. degree in fine arts from the University of South Dakota, Vermillion.

434 Celebrating the Century 435

"What's Next, Adolf?"

As the 1930s ended, German Chancellor Adolf Hitler began his expan­ sionist push into neighboring Central European countries. On September 3, 1939, Great Britain and France declared war on Germany, marking the beginning of World War II. Although alarmed by Hitler's military aggres­ sion, Americans were reluctant to become involved in another foreign war. President Franklin D. Roosevelt announced that the United States would remain neutral but begin preparing for the possibility of war. Government expenditures on the military soared and reached $75 million per day by 1941. On December 7 of that year, Japanese airplanes bombed the U.S. naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, and other American bases in the Pacific. The fol­ lowing day, Congress declared war on Japan. The United States went to war against Germany and Italy three days later.

jjjjjp W H H

W • ; ill

'f.' s&*&ii££$&:'' ^^-mm^tl 436 Missouri Historical Review

Construction of Fort Leonard Wood, 1942

Approximately 450,000 Missouri men and women responded to the call to service during World War II. The army began construction of Fort Leonard Wood in Pulaski County in 1940 and activated Camp Crowder near Neosho the next year. The University of Missouri and various state colleges also trained men for the military. Jefferson Barracks, used by the military since 1826, served as the largest Army Air Corps technical training base in the nation. In 1942, Stephens College in Columbia became the first American college to train women as aviators for the commercial air trans­ portation industry. Ten percent of the women aviators who served during World War II received their initial training at Stephens.

Flight training, along with courses that per­ mitted a student to receive her solo flight, pri­ vate, and commercial pilot's licenses, began at Stephens College in 1943.

Aviation photos on this page cour­ tesy of Stephens College Archives Celebrating the Century 437

U.S. Army Popular with his men, Omar Bradley was described "as typically Missourian as a Corncob pipe." He is pictured above with General Dwight D. Eisenhower (left) and Lieutenant General Courtney Hodges (right). Missouri also furnished eighty-nine generals and admirals to the war effort. Most notable among these was General Omar Bradley, born in Clark and later a resident of Moberly. His leadership was pivotal in the invasion of occupied France and Germany in 1944 and 1945. Three naval commanders came from Lamar—Charles Lockwood commanded the submarine fleet in the Pacific; Freeland A. Daubin directed the submarine fleet in the Atlantic after Pearl Harbor; and Thomas S. Combs commanded the USS Yorktown. Brookfield-born Dorothy C. Stratton became the first director of the Coast Guard Women's Reserve, or SPARS, in 1942. Stratton, who achieved

Lamar produced many important military figures of World War II, including, left to right, Vice Admiral Charles A. Lockwood, Vice Admiral T. S. Combs, and Rear Admiral Freeland A. Daubin. Photos courtesy Lamar Democrat 438 Missouri Historical Review

SPARS air traffic control operators con­ ducted pre-flight briefings with pilots. Captain Dorothy Stratton (left) earned the Coast Guard Legion of Merit medal. [Photos courtesy of U.S. Coast Guard] the rank of captain within two years of her appointment, was the first woman officer accepted for service in the history of the Coast Guard. The SPARS could not go to sea, and Captain Stratton held no authority over enlisted men, but by filling shore jobs, the SPARS released the men who had previously held these positions for combat duty. St. Louis native Adela Riek Scharr joined the Women's Auxiliary Ferrying Squadron, or WAFS, of the U.S. Army Air Corps Air Transport Command in September 1942. WAFS pilots were the first women to fly air­ craft on military missions as part of a U.S. military organization. By the fol­ lowing January, Scharr served as the commanding officer of the WAFS cadre at Romulus Air Force Base near Detroit. The WAFS became part of the newly established Women's Air Force Service Pilots, or WASPS, in 1943 and ferried aircraft between military bases. These pilots flew 80 percent of all ferrying missions during World War II, sometimes encountering enemy fire.

Jlli: Jillr Jlplf Jliiir

pw™8^^^^ Adela Riek Scharr, seen here climbing into the cock­ w pit of a P-51 Mustang, was the first woman to fly the / notorious Bell Airocobra, commonly referred to as the "flying coffin." [Photo courtesy of Patrice Press] Celebrating the Century 439

St. Louis served as a district hub of arms manufacturing for the ordnance depart­ ment, earning it the nickname, the "bomb city." During the war years, Missouri firms received $4.3 billion in defense contracts to produce a wide range of products. The majority of these con­ tracts went to companies in urban areas. To meet the wartime demand, thou­ sands of young, white, middle-class women previously confined by social convention to teaching, secretarial, and nursing occupations entered the high­ er-paying industrial workforce.

Taken from the name of a popular song, "Rosie the Riveter" became the affectionate nickname for a woman employed in the war industries. By 1944, 16 percent of work­ ing women held jobs in the war industries, making up half the industry's workforce.

National Archives Chamber of Commerce of Greater Kansas City 440 Missouri Historical Review

Hannibal native Donald M. Nelson served as chair of the War Production Board. [Above photo courtesy of Savitar, University of Missouri]

Like all Americans on the home front, Missourians struggled with the rationing of basics such as sugar and gasoline. The war even dictated fashion. Fabrics such as wool, cotton, silk, and the newly discovered synthetic nylon were needed for uniforms. Federal guidelines established the amount of material that could be used per dress, necessitating shorter hemlines and nar­ rower skirts. Men's fashion eliminated the three-piece suit to save on fabric.

A shortage of goods influenced wartime fashion, encouraging the conservation of material. Slacks, previously worn by women only for work or as casual attire, became popular and practical in the workplace.

USE If UP - WEAR IT OBT- ' Char.es Trefts, SHS Mm IT DO!

^t^^ InuR umimND OUR GOODS m FICHTINK Celebrating the Century 441

War bond rallies and posters encouraged citizens to support the armed forces. Local communities organized drives to collect paper, metal, fats, and rubber to aid the war effort. Hospitals across the state trained nurse's aides to relieve the shortage of medical staff. As in World War I, families planted "Victory gardens," which supplied approximately 40 percent of the produce consumed in the home. Five million U.S. citizens left the countryside for factory work in the cities, while the government urged the remaining farmers to increase pro­ duction. New technology, such as the mechanical corn picker, helped to meet the demand for farm products and lessened the need for agricultural workers. Farmers enjoyed a return to prosperity as food prices rose.

WHMC-Columbia 442 Missouri Historical Review

After winning their first and only pennant, the St. Louis Browns played the Cardinals in Sportsman's Park in the 1944 "Streetcar" World Series. The only other ballpark to host an entire series was New York's Polo Grounds, where the 1921 and 1922 series between the Yankees and the Giants were played. In celebration of the 1944 series, Mayor Aloys P. Kaufmann offi­ cially declared it "Baseball Week" in St. Louis. Both St. Louis University and Washington University closed down for the festivities. Many fans favored the Browns, but the Cardinals won their fifth world championship in six games. The Browns left St. Louis for Maryland in 1953 and became the Baltimore Orioles. Upon President Roosevelt's death on April 12, 1945, Vice President Harry S. Truman assumed the presidency. On May 8, just days after Hitler's suicide, Germany surrendered, but the war with Japan continued. When

Led by the outstanding pitching of Bob Gibson, the St. Louis Cardinals captured World Series titles in 1964 and 1967. [Photo at left by Charles Trefts, SHS]

By 1955 the state had acquired another American League base­ ball team with the arrival of the Kansas City Athletics. [Photo at left courtesy of Western His­ torical Manuscript Collection- Kansas City]. Celebrating the Century 443

National Park Service, courtesy Harry S. Truman Library Elected for an unprecedented third term, President Franklin Roosevelt held a press conference with Vice President-elect Harry S. Truman in November 1944. Japan refused to reach a peace agreement, Truman agreed to use the recent­ ly developed atomic bomb on Hiroshima on August 6. After demands for an unconditional surrender went unanswered, the U.S. dropped another atomic bomb on the city of Nagasaki. The devastating results of these new bombs stunned the world, killing an estimated 100,000 to 130,000 Japanese civil­ ians and destroying miles of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Shortly thereafter, the Japanese government agreed to an unconditional surrender. Although the United States and the Soviet Union fought common foes during the war, relations between the two nations were strained. In 1947, Congress adopted the Truman Doctrine, a policy of containment, whereby the U.S. would apply counterpressure to Soviet attempts to expand. A "cold war" of ideological but nonviolent hostilities and tensions grew between the two countries that would last for decades.

After taking the oath of office follow­ ing the death of Roosevelt, Truman became the thirty-second president. [Abbie Rowe, National Park Service, courtesy Harry S. Truman Library] 444 Missouri Historical Review

After arriving by train, former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and U.S. President Harry Truman rode in a motor­ cade through Fulton. On March 5, 1946, at the invitation of Truman and Westminster College President Franc McCluer, former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill delivered one of his most famous speeches in Fulton. Denouncing the Soviet Union's expansion into Eastern Europe, Churchill declared, "An iron curtain has descended across the continent." He warned that the Soviets would become a "growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization." Churchill's speech contributed the term "iron curtain" to the emerging vocabulary con­ nected with postwar global tensions.

John Raeburn Green (left) founded the lecture series that brought Churchill and, later, other world figures such as Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, and Mikhail Gorbachev to Fulton.

Photos on this page by Massie-Mo. Dept. of Resources, SHS Celebrating the Century 445

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The University of Missouri set up tem­ porary camps to fill the housing need.

An influx of older students overwhelmed Missouri's universities and colleges as returning war veterans took advantage of the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, better known as the G.I. Bill of Rights. The fed­ eral government paid for tuition and books and provided veterans with a liv­ ing allowance while they attended school. To handle the rapidly increasing number of students, the University of Missouri-Columbia established trailer camps and borrowed surplus barracks from local military bases to provide low-cost housing for married veterans and their families. Employers laid off four million working women to make jobs available for returning soldiers. Social convention again determined that married women should stay home so men could find employment. Veterans who found jobs became part of a federal income tax base that had been enlarged in 1942 to help pay for the $370 billion war debt. The Revenue Act of 1942 required low-income wage earners to pay income tax for the first time in U.S. history. The payroll deduction method, initiated as a temporary measure under the act, became permanent after the war.

All photos on this page courtesy of Savitar, University of Missouri Archives 446 Missouri Historical Review

WHMC-Kansas City Denied access to many white-owned businesses like the Fox and Loews theaters, African Americans had to establish their own. The all-black Paseo YMCA in Kansas City opened in 1914.

Many African American soldiers who had risked their lives in the fight for democracy during World War II came back to poverty and discrimination. Despite desegregated public transportation and unrestricted voting, Missouri upheld school segregation. In addition, many public accommodations such as hotels, restaurants, and entertainment facilities remained closed to African Americans. Kansas City and St. Louis enforced housing restrictions on blacks and Jews. These restrictions remained in place until 1948 when the U.S. Supreme Court, in Shelley v. Kraemer, ruled against discriminatory housing practices in the form of restrictive covenants. Lawyers for J. D. and Ethel Shelley of St. Louis brought the case to the Supreme Court after local white landowners sued to restrain the Shelleys from taking possession of

The Shelley house at 4600 Labadie Avenue, St. Louis, is now a state historic site. [Courtesy Missouri Cultural Resources Inventory, Mo. Dept. of Natural Resources, Historic Preservation Program, Jefferson City] Celebrating the Century 447

Daniel Fitzpatrick's cartoon depicts the mudslinging that occurred during the 1948 campaign year.

their new home. Shelley v. Kraemer became a landmark case in the fight against discrimination and segregation. During the 1948 presidential race, polls indicated that New York Republican Governor Thomas E. Dewey led incumbent Harry Truman. Political analysts predicted that Dewey would easily win the election. In an effort to gain the votes of workers, veterans, and African Americans, Truman called for the repeal of the 1947 Taft-Hartley Law (which had limited the right of unions to strike), promised increased military spending, and issued a presidential order desegregating the armed forces and the federal civil ser­ vice. To revive his flagging popularity, the president embarked on a whistle-

Before all the votes had been counted, the Chicago Daily Tribune printed a headline announcing Dewey as the presidential winner. St. Louis Mercantile Library, Univ. of Missouri-St Louis 448 Missouri Historical Review

stop train tour of the country. Despite the pollsters' predictions, Truman won the election by a narrow margin. The postwar economic boom attracted many families to the cities, where they found employment and higher salaries in new manufacturing industries. By 1950, 57.9 percent of the state's population resided in urban areas, with 40 percent living in St. Louis and Kansas City. Manufacturing replaced agri­ culture as the state's number-one employer. Per capita annual income for those living in Kansas City reached $1,912, compared to $990 in rural areas. As blacks and the rural poor moved into the cities, many middle- and upper- class white families moved to the suburbs. The G.I. Bill provided veterans with low-interest loans for housing. Residential construction soared. Modern, single-family homes contained a vast array of new, time-saving devices. Refinements in vacuum cleaners, dishwashers, and laundry dryers made these appliances more compact and economical to own.

The automobile revolutionized American culture. Drive-in businesses made it possible to eat, bank, or watch a movie without getting out of the car. Shopping malls and parking lots soon became part of the urban landscape. [Photos on this page courtesy of Missouri State Archives]

CREBTWOOB „ PLAZA Celebrating the Century 449

U.S. Navy Born in Keytesville, Maxwell Taylor commanded both U.S. and United Nations troops in Korea. He became chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in 1962. On June 25, 1950, Communist North Korea invaded South Korea. Backed by the United Nations, President Truman ordered American troops into South Korea to stop the invasion. Although never officially declared a war, approximately 20,000 Missourians served in the "Korean Conflict." Of that number, 3,800 sacrificed their lives. After the conflict ended in 1953, the U.S. continued to station troops in South Korea to monitor the activities of Chinese and Soviet Union forces that remained in the North. In 1954 communist forces gained control of sections of North Vietnam, escalating a conflict in Southeast Asia. The United States Navy received orders to aid the removal of over half a million refugees. St. Louis native Dr. Thomas A. Dooley and a naval medical team treated the sick and injured refugees as they awaited evacuation. In 1956, Dooley returned to Southeast Asia to build hospitals, and he became a cofounder of the Medical International Cooperation (MEDICO). MEDICO staff established fourteen hospitals in nine Asian countries. Medical teams managed the hospitals for one year and then turned the facilities over to the host government.

Thomas Dooley, the youngest U.S. Medical Corps officer to receive the Legion of Merit award, also received the National Order of Vietnam. He died of cancer in 1961, at the age of thirty-four. [Photo courtesy of Western Historical Manuscript Collection-St. Louis] 450 Missouri Historical Review

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U.S. Air Force Missouri State Archives U.S. Air Force

Underground missile silos were located in a fourteen-county area around Whiteman Air Force Base, an area of nearly ten thousand square miles. With the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union, the cold war ended. WAFB imploded the last Minuteman mis­ sile silo in 1997.

As Churchill had predicted in 1946, communist aggression continued. The U.S. and the Soviet Union became embroiled in an arms race, which led to the proliferation of atomic bombs and long-range missiles with nuclear warheads. In 1962 the federal government began installing 150 Minuteman missile silos around Whiteman Air Force Base. To facilitate the transportation of military troops and weapons, President Dwight Eisenhower signed the Federal-Aid Highway Act in 1956, authoriz­ ing $33.5 billion to build 42,500 miles of interstate highways. Missouri was the first state to award a construction contract with the new funds. Other highway projects that were funded with federal dollars included expressways and freeway loops around Kansas City and St. Louis. Celebrating the Century 451

In the struggle to end discrimination, blacks increasingly demanded change, especially in education. In 1935, the University of Missouri denied Lloyd Gaines, an African American, admission to the law school despite his educational qualifications and the fact that Missouri did not have a state law school for black students. With the backing of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Gaines took his case to the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1938 the court ruled in Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada that the university had to admit Gaines or set up a state law school of equal standard for black students. Rather than desegregate the university, the Missouri General Assembly passed a bill to establish Lincoln University Law School in St. Louis in May 1939.

Lloyd Gaines was not among the thirty stu­ dents to attend Lincoln University Law School in 1939. He mysteriously disap­ peared during a visit to Chicago and was never heard from again. [Photo courtesy of Columbia Missourian7

Governor Lloyd Stark (1937-1941) signed the bill establishing the Lincoln University Law School.

After the University of Missouri denied admission to Lucile Bluford to pursue graduate work in journalism in 1939, she also sought legal redress. Again the court ruled in favor of maintaining segregation but said that if the state did not establish a journalism school for black students in a reasonable length of time, the university would have to admit Bluford. Because of her case, the state founded the Lincoln University School of Journalism. 452 Missouri Historical Review

Savitar, University of Missouri Archives During the 1940s, St. Louis University and Washington University opened their doors to black students, and in 1950, the University of Missouri admitted its first black graduate students. At that time, Marjorie Toliver sought a court order to attend Harris Teachers College in St. Louis. Toliver claimed that Stowe College, the school established to train black teachers, was not equal in terms of accreditation granted, facilities, libraries, or labo­ ratories. The court held that the two schools were not required to be identi­ cal to provide black students with equal privileges. In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court, in Brown v. Board of Education, ruled school segregation unconstitutional. Desegregation of Missouri public schools took place slowly but without the violence experienced in some southern states. Job discrimination and low salaries continued to ensure that many blacks remained relegated to poor, segregated neighborhoods, espe­ cially in St. Louis and Kansas City. Despite massive funding for desegrega­ tion programs, school districts in these urban centers still face the challenge of integrating their schools and providing a quality education to all children regardless of race.

During one of the largest voter turnouts on a student referendum, MU students voted in favor of admitting blacks to the university in 1949. [Photo courtesy of Mizzou Magazine/ Celebrating the Century 453

Charles Trefts, SHS The percentage of American households who owned a television rose from 9 percent in 1950 to almost 90 percent by 1960. Many families gath­ ered in their living rooms to eat TV dinners and watch The Milton Berle Show, I Love Lucy, The Ed Sullivan Show, and Howdy Doody televised in black and white. The Bob Cummings Show, starring Joplin native Bob Cummings, and The Ozzie and Harriet Show, with former Kansas City resi­ dent Harriet Nelson, were among the most popular TV shows. From 1963 until 1985, Marlin Perkins, director of the St. Louis Zoo, hosted Mutual of Omaha's Wild Kingdom. The show won four Emmy awards and taught Americans of all ages about wild animals and their habitats.

Actor Bob Cummings fre­ quently visited his home state. [Inset photo courtesy of Savitar, University of Missouri Archives]

Missouri State Archives

Kansas City residents first saw live TV coverage in 1949 when station WDAF broadcast the retirement dinner of Democratic Party chair William M. Boyle. Harry Truman gave the address. [Reprinted with permission of Kansas City Star7 454 Missouri Historical Review

-> -1 Seated left-right: Astronauts Gordon Cooper, CjgfRttEft ' Deke Slayton, and Wally Shirra. Standing left- right: Gus Grissom (astronaut), James McDonnell, and astronauts Alan Shepard, Scott f*t Carpenter, and John Glenn.

The Boeing Company

Spurred on by the Soviet Union's 1957 launching of Sputnik, the first satellite to orbit the earth, the United States government rushed to launch its own satellites. By the late 1950s, St. Louis-based McDonnell Aircraft Company won the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) contracts to build the Project Mercury and Project Gemini spacecraft that carried the first Americans into space. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy announced a plan to put a man on the moon by the end of the decade.

At right, astronauts board a Gemini spacecraft in a McDonnell man-rated chamber. Below, McDonnell employees assemble a spacecraft in a dust-free environment at the St. Louis facility.

The Boeing Company

The Boeing Company, Courtesy of Missouri State Archives Celebrating the Century 455

Rocketdyne, Division of The Boeing Company Rocketdyne ceased operations at the Air Force Plant 65 site at Neosho in 1968. The Air Force awarded the con­ tract for the work there to Continental Aviation, which later became Teledyne Industries. The Air Force ceased its involvement at the site in 1980. Other Missouri manufacturing firms have also provided essential com­ ponents to the aerospace industry. Rocketdyne in Neosho was the primary manufacturer of rocket engines for NASA spacecraft and satellites. DIT-

Governor Warren E. Hearnes (1965-1973) accepted a moon rock from the historic Apollo II moon flight of July 1969. Missouri State Archives 456 Missouri Historical Review

MCO, a Kansas City company, produced electrical systems analyzers to test the Gemini vehicle and the Titan booster. The Atlas Plastics Company in Cape Girardeau manufactured plastic for flight suits worn by the astronauts. The Eagle-Picher Company and the Vickers Division of Sperry Rand in Joplin manufactured batteries and pumps for aerospace use. Unable to compete with the immediacy and visual impact of television in conveying the news, radio stations began playing more music to survive. Many radio stations turned their marketing efforts toward the group with money in their pockets, the "Baby Boomers." Born during the years follow­ ing World War II, this large segment of the population gained power as a con­ sumer group during the 1960s. Continuing prosperity allowed parents to provide these offspring with luxuries in addition to necessities. Fewer chil­ dren were forced to work outside the home to augment the family income as they had done in earlier decades. "Boomers" were able to purchase transistor radios or vinyl records to play on portable phonographs. Many tuned in to hear the new sound that emerged in the 1950s called rock 'n roll. Chuck Berry, one of its leaders, began his musical career in the early fifties in St. Louis nightclubs. He recorded his first big hit, "Maybellene," in 1955. Other Berry top-ten hits included "Johnny Be Goode" and "Roll Over Beethoven." Ike Turner's Kings of Rhythm played St. Louis venues in the 1950s and early 1960s. Turner saw potential in the talented sixteen-year-old Anna Mae Bullock, who had recently moved to the city from Nutbush, Tennessee. With the 1960 hit, "A Fool In Love," they became the Ike & Tina Turner Revue.

Ike and Tina Turner performed at the University of Missouri-Columbia in 1967. Before she became Tina Turner, Anna Mae Bullock briefly attended Sumner High School in St. Louis. [Photo courtesy of Savitar, University of Missouri Archives] Celebrating the Century 457

Ninety-six percent of women who responded to a 1962 Gallup poll said that being a housewife made them happy. By the end of the decade, many had changed their opinions.

Tina Turner later pursued a solo career and won three Grammy awards in 1984. Chuck Berry and Tina Turner are both members of the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame. After winning the vote in 1920, the women's rights movement entered a period of low-key activity. This ended in the 1960s when women's rights activists again became more visible in the political arena. During the late 1960s, they fought for and, in some cases, won equal pay for equal work, plus a stronger voice in politics. Around the country, women joined con­ sciousness-raising groups to explore the personal impact of female social­ ization. By increasing awareness, the feminist movement helped to decrease sexual discrimination, but it also fueled the ongoing debate about abortion and birth control. St. Louis native Leonor Kretzer Sullivan became the first woman elect­ ed from Missouri to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1952. Until her retirement in 1977, Sullivan played key roles in enacting consumer and envi­ ronmental protection legislation. She also sponsored bills authorizing feder-

In addition to her other duties, Leonor Kretzer Sullivan served on the House Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee. 458 Missouri Historical Review

Western Historical Manuscript Collection-Kansas City Western Historical Manuscript Collection-Columbia Racial tension ran high in the 1960s, but not all confrontations erupted in violence. In 1960, CORE members picketed a Columbia restaurant that refused to serve blacks on an equal basis with white customers. al funds for the development of the Jefferson National Expansion Memorial and St. Louis flood control projects. Civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., advocated nonvio­ lent protest marches and sit-ins. In cities across Missouri, activists boycotted businesses that refused to hire blacks and staged sit-ins at segregated restau­ rants. Between August 1963 and March 1964, the St. Louis chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) held a series of demonstrations at the Jefferson Bank & Trust Company, which refused to hire blacks. Overall, the demonstrations were peaceful, and when they ended, Jefferson Bank had hired five black clerical workers. Other banks and businesses in the city also reexamined their discriminatory hiring practices. Despite these inroads, a

i? J fe- r~— " „ "Z II i «3W ~ 9 i i9| • i^Mfl Missouri National Guardsmen assisted Kansas City police in their efforts to quell riots following the 1968 murder of Martin Luther King, Jr. [Photo cour­ tesy of Western Historical Manuscript Collection- Kansas City] Celebrating the Century 459

significant portion of the African American population continued to face poverty and prejudice. Growing dissatisfaction on the part of many blacks and attempts on the part of the white community to maintain the status quo increased tensions that erupted in violent nationwide protests. On April 9, 1968, members of the Kansas City black community rioted when the school board refused to close the city's schools in observance of Martin Luther King's funeral. When the looting and arson finally ended four days later, six people had died and the damage to business and property totaled approximately four million dol­ lars. Antiwar protests intensified in 1965 after President Lyndon Johnson escalated the U.S. military presence in Vietnam. Since the mid-1950s, the United States military had served South Vietnam in a training and advising capacity in its fight against communism. The first U.S. combat troops arrived in 1965. The Vietnam conflict became the longest and most unpop­ ular war in American history. Confronted with the reality of the war each day on the evening news, a growing segment of the American population demanded that the U.S. government stop military intervention in Southeast Asia. On October 15, 1969, approximately one million people nationwide participated in antiwar demonstrations. Five thousand people marched through Columbia to protest the war. By the time the majority of American military troops withdrew in 1973, 1,412 Missourians had died in the conflict. Two years later, President Gerald Ford called U.S. involvement "finished," and the last American troops and civilians left Vietnam.

By 1969 only 32 percent of the American population polled supported the Vietnam War. [Both photos courtesy of Savitar, University of Missouri Archives] 460 Missouri Historical Review

Walker-Missouri Tourism, SHS

Since the early 1900s, Missouri has undergone significant changes. Although St. Louis County remains the most populous area in the state, Kansas City is the largest city. Today more than 68 percent of the state's population lives in metropolitan areas, which also include Springfield, St. Joseph, Columbia, and Joplin. Manufacturing, agriculture, and tourism are the leading industries. The production of automobiles, aerospace equipment, and computers has supplanted that of shoes, streetcars, and chewing tobac­ co. Even though Missouri ranks second in the nation in agricultural income/export value, the face of agriculture is changing. Giant corporations that previously confined themselves to supplying grocers with finished prod­ ucts are becoming involved in the production of crops and livestock. Unable to compete with large corporate farm operations, few individuals depend entirely on agriculture to provide their livelihoods. Some small family farm­ ers are turning to a cottage-industry approach to survive, raising specialty livestock or organic crops. Tourism is one of the fastest-growing segments of Missouri's economy. The city of Branson became the number-one tourist destination in the nation

Both photos courtesy of Missouri State Archives Celebrating the Century 461 with its promotion of country music in the early 1990s. Timber and water resources that once attracted early immigrants to the state today serve as parks and recreational facilities. Missouri's rich cultural history has been preserved in sites such as the Scott Joplin house in St. Louis, the Pony Express station in St. Joseph, the Harry S. Truman home in Independence, and Thomas Hart Benton's house and artist's studio in Kansas City.

Interior of Thomas Hart Benton's Art Studio in Kansas City

Despite headways made by the civil rights and feminist movements in the 1960s, many minorities still find it difficult to attain traditional white-col­ lar jobs and management-level positions. Many women work outside the home today, and the earlier social stigma of married women working has dis­ appeared. While making inroads into higher-income, male-dominated pro­ fessions, women still make only seventy-four cents for every dollar earned by men.

During the latter decades of the century, women increasingly entered formerly male-dominated profes­ sions. 462 Missouri Historical Review

Advancements, especially in transportation and communications, have contributed to the breaking down of regional, national, and international bar­ riers. Transcontinental and intercontinental transportation is faster and easi­ er due to the construction of interstate highways and an expanding aviation industry. Missouri, the traditional gateway to the West, remains a major commercial and transportation center with over a thousand miles of interstate highways and almost five hundred public and private airports. The industri­ al age has evolved into the information age. Computers are now prevalent in the schools, in the workplace, and in many homes.

By June 1966, Missouri had completed over 640 miles of interstate highways, including this inter­ change on 1-29 and 1-35 in Kansas City.

Much of the technology that now shapes our daily lives existed only in fantasy in 1900. Missourians have both contributed to and benefited from these innovations and discoveries. Although what lies ahead for Missouri and its people in the twenty-first century is unknown, journalist Walter Williams's comment about the approach of the twentieth century still seems applicable: "A State is a product of its people. In field, mine, and forest are found the tools. The character of the population who uses the tools decides. In this Missouri is fortunate."

Some Confusion Here

Hannibal Tri-Weekly Messenger, September 18, 1852. The last case of absence of mind is that of a ship carpenter, who bit off the end of a cop­ per spike, and drove a plug of tobacco into the vessel's bottom. 463

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

Society Acquires Wyan Portrait

The State Historical Society recently purchased a George Caleb Bingham portrait of early-nineteenth-century Boonville merchant Jacob Fortney Wyan. Painted during the last half of the 1830s, the portrait descend­ ed through the Wyan family to Cynthia Harlan Vail, the subject's great, great, great-granddaughter. Jacob Wyan was born in Hagerstown, Maryland, in 1772 and orphaned as a child. Reared in Maryland, he lived in Virginia and Kentucky before moving with his third wife and family to Missouri about 1817. They settled in Boonville, where Wyan opened one of the first mercantile establishments. He became a prominent merchant, with a reputation for fairness and benev­ olence. Active in the Methodist Church and, reportedly, the first Mason to reside in Cooper County, Wyan donated land for the first cemetery in Boonville in 1821. Wyan first married Mary "Polly" Gay, then Sarah "Sallie" Gaines, with whom he had one daughter. He married Nancy Shanks in Crab Orchard, Kentucky; five children were born to this union. Jacob Wyan died in Boonville in 1842; his wife lived until 1882. The new acquisition is not a companion piece to the portrait of Nancy Shanks Wyan acquired by the Society in 1990, but Bingham painted both subjects during the late 1830s. 464 NEWS IN BRIEF

The new Stars and Stripes Museum/ February, and March. They included students Library in Bloomfield recently received a from textile and apparel and geography class­ $30,000 grant from the Robert R. McCor- es at the University of Missouri-Columbia, mick Tribune Foundation of Chicago, students from Missouri history classes at Illinois. Funds from the grant will be used to Columbia College, students from Russell produce an educational video about the Elementary School in Columbia, and mem­ newspaper Stars and Stripes, which was first bers of the Association of Professional published in Bloomfield during the Civil War. Genealogists.

The Mid-America Conference on History On February 24, James W Goodrich, will be held September 21-23, 2000, at the executive director of the Society, served as University of Kansas, Lawrence, with addi­ guest speaker at the Columbia Chamber of tional activities at the Command and General Commerce Mayor's Appreciation Breakfast. Staff College in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, A former Columbia city councilman, his and the Harry S. Truman Library in remarks focused on the history of the com­ Independence. For further information about munity and its mayors. On April 8, Goodrich the conference, contact Professor Theodore spoke about the life of Revolutionary War A. Wilson, Mid-America Conference veteran Tertius Taylor at a Columbian Coordinator, KU Department of History, Chapter of the Daughters of the American 2013 Wescoe Hall, Lawrence, KS 66045- Revolution luncheon at the Columbia 2130; phone: (785) 864-9460; fax: (785) 841- Country Club. 1763; e-mail: or on the web at . On April 15-16, Christine Montgomery, Society photograph specialist, attended the The American Association for State and Missouri Alliance for Historic Preservation Local History and the Louisiana Association Conference in Excelsior Springs. During the of Museums will host a joint annual meeting conference luncheon, the Alliance announced on September 20-23, 2000, in New Orleans. its list of the ten most endangered historic Edward Ball, author of Slaves in the Family, sites in Missouri. and plenary speakers Chef John Folse and Robert Weyeneth will address the meeting's The James J. Hill Library will award a theme, "It's a Matter of Trust: The Past, The number of grants to support research in the Present, and Historical Reconciliation." For James J. Hill, Louis W. Hill, and Reed/Hyde more information, contact the AASLH office Papers. The James J. Hill Papers offer infor­ at (615) 320-3203; e-mail: . mation on transportation, politics, finance, Native American relations, art, immigration, On August 4 and 5, the Missouri State and economics. The Louis W. Hill Papers Genealogical Association will hold its annual document similar subjects, as well as conference at the Capitol Plaza Hotel in Minnesota's iron mining industry, tourism, Jefferson City. Kory Meyerink, nationally and Glacier National Park. The Reed/Hyde recognized speaker and local historian, will Papers are concerned with the business and be the keynote speaker. For more informa­ personal lives of four generations of the tion and a registration brochure, contact Jerry Reed/Hyde family. The deadline for applica­ R. Ennis, Registration Chairman, 4900 Royal tions is November 1, 2000. For more infor­ Lytham Drive, Columbia, MO 65203; phone: mation contact W. Thomas White, Curator, (573) 442-2387; e-mail: . James J. Hill Library, 80 West Fourth Street, St. Paul, MN 55102; phone: (651) 265-5441; Several groups toured the State Historical e-mail: . Society's libraries and art gallery in January, Historical Notes and Comments 465

St. Louis University hosted the Missouri Woods University, and Pamela Sanfilippo Conference on History, held in conjunction from the Ulysses S. Grant National Historic with the Organization of American Historians Site, were reelected to the committee. annual meeting, on March 30-April 1. Katharine T. Corbett received the 2000 book The Missouri Folklore Society's annual prize for In Her Place: A Guide to St. Louis meeting will take place on October 19-21 at Women's History (St. Louis: Missouri Westminster College in Fulton. The program Historical Society Press, 2000). Mark Abbott emphasizes traditions of the past and cele­ collected the article prize for "Deja vu All brates their continuance. Activities will Over Again? St. Louis Master Plans and the include a private tour of the Winston Dream of the Democratic Community," Churchill Memorial, a driving tour of which appeared in the spring 1999 issue of Callaway County's Boonslick Trail region, as Gateway Heritage. well as lectures and demonstrations. For Newly elected Missouri Conference on more information contact Howard W. History steering committee members include Marshall, 2825 County Road 230, Fulton, Louis Gerteis, University of Missouri-St. MO 65251-9529; phone: (573) 295-4392; Louis, and James Giglio, Southwest Missouri email: or State University. Shawn Hull, William .

Sure Cure for the Soul

Maysville Western Register, June 7, 1870. A pious but injudicious individual with a set of stencil plates devotes Saturday nights in Waterbury, Connecticut, to posting scriptural questions on the blank walls. Working in the dark, he chooses some queer places. It is apt to destroy the intended effect, says the local paper, to read, "What must I do to be saved?" "Try Dr. Sprague's Female Strengthening Bitters."

Tips for Stagecoach Travelers

Blue and Grey Chronicle, April 1999. . .. When it is dusty, do not grease your hair...... Don't keep the stage waiting. Don't smoke a strong pipe inside the coach. Do spit on the leeward side. ... If you have anything to drink in a bottle, pass it around to the other passengers, but not to the driver while he is driving the team that pulls your coach.... Never shoot on the road as the noise might frighten the horses...... Don't imagine for a moment that you are going on a picnic. Expect annoyances, dis­ comfort, and some hardship.

The above list of travel suggestions for stagecoach passengers who are Westward bound, across the Great Plains, the Rockies, the Sierras to Sacramento is from the Omaha Herald newspaper, 1877. 466

LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES

Adair County Historical Society printed from vintage negatives made by pho­ Throughout April, May, and June, the tographers such as Solomon D. Butcher, Society exhibited the artwork of James Carleton E. Watkins, William Henry Jackson, "Frank" Walker, who lived in Kirksville from and Timothy H. O'Sullivan at the museum 1900 to 1943. Adair County high school through August 18. juniors Jerry Kiger, Kelly Moore, and Matt Magruder were chosen to receive Adair Ballwin Historical Society County Historical Awards, comprising a cer­ Members held a general business meeting tificate and a $100 savings bond. on March 14 at the Government Center. The George Bernges House in Ballwin is current­ Affton Historical Society ly being remodeled and will be returned to Nearly thirteen hundred people attended the Society's historic homes inventory. A the four-day "Bunny Hutch" Easter event at majority of Society members attended the the Oakland House beginning on April 13. spring meeting of the St. Louis County Barbara Maness presented the Easter story Historical Societies on April 4 at the Salem "The Mother of Christ" at the April 18 meet­ Methodist Church in Ballwin. ing. A slide presentation on Rome, Vatican City, Venice, Florence, Sorento, and Capri by Barry County Genealogical Walter H. Helfrich was the highlight of the and Historical Society April 30 meeting. Officers for 2000 include Jan Eiskina, president; Iva Roller and Loren Roden, vice Andrew County Museum presidents; Tricia Vaught, secretary; and and Historical Society Betty Jo Thomas, treasurer and registrar. The Society held a benefit dinner at the Frank Preston from the Monett Church of St. Jo Frontier Casino in St. Joseph on March Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints Family 23. More than six hundred people attended History Center was the guest speaker at the "The Last Cowboy," a presentation by R. W meeting on March 21. Members held a busi­ Hampton, at the fifth annual "Evening in the ness meeting on April 18. The Society meets West" on March 25 and 26. Hampton com­ the third Tuesday of each month at 7:00 P.M. bined storytelling and music to illustrate the in the Cassville Community Building. evolution of America from the 1880s to 2025. The Society opened Andrew County in the Spanish American War, an exhibit designed Barton County Historical Society and created by Savannah High School stu­ Members held their April 9 meeting three dents in March. On March 29 the Society miles south of Lamar at the Heartland sponsored a "Conservation 101" workshop in Horseshoeing School and viewed horseshoe­ conjunction with the Missouri Museums ing demonstrations by owners Chris and Association's annual conference in St. Kelly Gregory and their students. Joseph. Michael Fuller presented "Ragtime!" at the museum on April 28. Belton Historical Society Members gathered for the annual member­ Society members listened to a program ship dinner on May 7 at the Andrew County about the origins and activities of the Buffalo Senior Center in Savannah. Soldiers from the Indian Wars to the present day at the Old City Hall on April 30. The Audrain County Historical Society Society meets at 2:30 P.M. on the fourth Antique bells and three-faced glass are on Sunday of January, April, July, and October. display in the Society's museum in Mexico. The museum is open Monday, Wednesday, The Society is hosting a traveling art exhibit and Friday, 1:00-4:00 P.M., and Saturday, featuring eighty black-and-white images 11:00 A.M.-2:00 P.M. Historical Notes and Comments 467

Blue Springs Historical Society at the University of Missouri-Columbia, pre­ The Society gathered for the annual mem­ sented "The History and Tradition of bership dinner on April 25. Officers for 2000 Missouri Fiddle Music" at the annual spring were elected: Bruce A. Dotson, president; meeting held in White Hall School in New Russ Clark, vice president; Pat Parr, treasur­ Franklin on April 14. er; and Jackie Gilliland and Carol Cooper, secretaries. Brush and Palette Club Members shared selected paintings from Bonniebrook Historical Society their collections at the March 28 meeting in Kewpie Celebration 2000 took place on Hermann. April 11 and 12. Events included Maxine Hiett's Barter Tables at the Dogwood Inn in Caldwell County Historical Society Branson and the third annual Kewpie Several members attended the Northwest Auction, held on April 12 at the Hollister Missouri Historical Societies meeting in Auction Gallery. The Society sponsored a Plattsburg on April 29. Spring Antique Show and Sale on April 29 and 30 at the Ozark Empire Fairgrounds in Camden County Historical Society Springfield. Society members Robert and Helen Branyon presented their play, Camden Boone County Historical Society County, Our Heritage, Our Hope, at the April The Society sponsored an oral history 19 meeting; Buford Foster entertained the project training session on March 12. Larry audience during intermission. The Society Clark and Rod Gelatt discussed interviewing sponsored knitting, oil painting, and basket techniques and demonstrated the proper weaving classes at the museum in April and usage of recording equipment. Over one May. The Lake Jazz band performed at the hundred people attended the Society's Family May 13 meeting, which included a chicken History Day 2000 at the museum in and noodle dinner. Meetings are held at the Columbia on March 18. At the April 16 museum in Linn Creek on the third Monday meeting at the museum, Bill Heffernan and of each month. Lisa Heffernan Weil discussed the early Boone County settlement of Lexington; Bill Carondelet Historical Society Crawford and David Sapp spoke about the At a general meeting at the Carondelet Hiram Smith and Perry Spencer houses and Historic Center on February 27, Rich historic sites in the county. The Norm Fernandez and Mary Ann Stotler shared Stewart Retrospective exhibit is on display in information gathered from a genealogical the Montminy Gallery at the museum until conference they had attended. On March 19 the end of August. members assembled for a slide program on northern California and the Mexican Riviera. Boone-Duden Historical Society Kathy Corbett presented "Women in St. Society members gathered for a meeting Louis" at the annual spring luncheon meeting on February 28 at the Commerce Bank in on April 30. Local residents recently gath­ Wentzville. Cathy Goellner, historical ered at the Historic Center to celebrate and columnist for the St. Charles Journal, pre­ discuss the community's growing historic sented "Tracing your Family Medical preservation movement. Several of the fami­ History" at the April 24 meeting at St. Paul's lies renovating houses in the area shared their Lutheran Church in New Melle. ideas and experiences with restoration pro­ jects. Nearly 450 people attended the Boonslick Historical Society Carondelet Art and Artists exhibit at the Howard Marshall, chairman of the Historic Center, which included pieces from Department of Art History and Archaeology the Society's permanent collection and local 468 Missouri Historical Review artists. Located in the Memory Lane room of Alf Bolin's Head? Bushwhackers, Guerrillas the Center is a recreated, turn-of-the-twenti- and the Civil War in the Ozarks." The muse­ eth-century butcher shop and other recreated um in Ozark reopened on April 15; four storefront windows exhibiting many of the classes of third-grade students toured the Society's toy, book, and postcard collections. facility on opening day. Also on display is school memorabilia from the 1920s, artifacts from the World War I and Civil War Round Table of Kansas City II eras in Carondelet and antique stereopticon Catherine Clinton presented "Kansas views of the world. Women who fought in the Civil War" at the February 22 meeting. On February 13 and Cass County Historical Society 27, Dorothy Lickteig and Ed Shutt gave pre­ Jackie Polsgrove, director of the Crouch sentations as part of the "Bleeding Kansas Genealogy Library, discussed new resources Counties" series held at Constitution Hall available in the library at the February 27 State Historic Site in Lecompton, Kansas. meeting at Pearson Hall in Harrisonville. Max and Donna Daniels portrayed President Officers for the 2000 term include Thomas and Mrs. Abraham Lincoln at the March 28 Clatworthy, president; Ruth Minor and meeting. Newell L. Chester discussed "A Connie Price, vice presidents; Mary Margaret Band of Brothers," the relationships between Ingels and Katrine Cummins, secretaries; fellow West Point cadets prior to and after and Irene Webster Pippitt, treasurer. 1861, at the April 25 meeting. The Round Meetings are held on the fourth Sunday of Table meets at the Leawood Country Club in every month at 2:30 P.M. at Pearson Hall in Leawood, Kansas. Harrisonville. Civil War Round Table of St. Louis Cedar County Historical Society Round Table members heard Chris G. The Community Building in Stockton has Eckard present "Interpreting [Ulysses S.] been placed on the National Register of Grant: A Challenge Worthy of the Man" at Historic Places. A general meeting took the February 23 meeting. On March 22, place on February 29 at the museum in Daniel E. Sutherland, professor of history at Stockton. The Society meets the last Monday the University of Arkansas, spoke about his of each month except December, with meet­ books Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville: ing locations alternating between Stockton The Dare Mark Campaign and Guerrillas, and El Dorado Springs. Unionists, and Violence on the Confederate Home Front. Living historian William Chariton County Historical Society Christen discussed "Pauline Cushman" at the The Society sponsored an open house on April 26 meeting. All meetings are held in March 18 in recognition of Family History the Two Hearts Banquet Center. Day. The staff provided tips to help those doing genealogical research. Bob Butler pre­ Civil War Round Table sented "What is a Fiddle Anyway?" at the of Western Missouri April 16 meeting at the museum in Salisbury. Ken Apsnacott presented "Battle of An open house on April 30 celebrated the Stone's River" at the February 16 meeting at addition of the General Store and Print Shop Truman High School in Independence. On to the museum. March 22, Harold "Sonny" Wells discussed "Battle of Albany - The Last Ride of Bloody Christian County Museum Bill Anderson." Richard L. Kiper spoke and Historical Society about Major General John Alexander The Society met at the Christian County McClernand at the April 12 meeting. On Library in Ozark on March 19, with Fred May 10, members heard three presenters: Pfister presenting "Whatever Happened to Dori Semler on the Valentine Museum in Historical Notes and Comments 469

Richmond, Virginia, Sonny Wells on "VMI, al business meeting on May 7 at the Old The West Point of the South," and Mike Tavern in Arrow Rock. The Melodears and Calvert on "Andersonville Prison." Tempe McGlaughlin provided the entertain­ ment. Creve Coeur-Chesterfield Historical Society Friends of Historic Boonville Members toured the Emerson Electric The Friends sponsored "Love Notes" on Center at the Missouri Historical Society in February 12 at Turner Hall in Boonville. The St. Louis on March 24. On April 18 the program featured performances of Broadway Society sponsored a carry-in dinner at the love songs by local community members. historic Lake School; Ed Murray presented The Annual Big Muddy Folk Festival took "Process of Genealogy: Tracing your place April 7 and 8 at Thespian Hall in Ancestry." Boonville.

Dallas County Historical Society Friends of Jefferson Barracks Members gathered for a meeting at the Mike Pierce conducted a daylong tour of Buffalo Head Prairie Historical Park in the Bellefontaine Cemetery on April 22. On Buffalo on March 16. Linda Crawford pre­ April 29, the Friends hosted a World War II sented "My Ancestors in Dallas County," Canteen Dance at the Missouri National sharing old documents, deeds, contracts, and Guard Building 78 at the Barracks, with Civil War military records. The Society held music provided by the Gateway City Big a general business meeting on April 20, and Band. The Friends sponsored a Civil War members viewed the video Lessons in Family Campout on May 6 and 7. A Laughter by Carl Hurley. The Society meets Confederate Memorial Day ceremony took on the third Thursday of each month, except place at the Jefferson Barracks National January and February. Cemetery on May 7. A May Day Celebration, which included a walking tour DeKalb County Historical Society and Victorian picnic at the Jefferson Barracks The Society welcomed members from the Historic Site, also took place on May 7. Harrison County Historical Society in George R. Lee presented "Life in the Frontier January and members from the Gasconade Army" at the May 18 meeting. Currently on County Historical and Genealogical Societies exhibit in the Old Ordnance Room at the in February. Brownie Troop #351 of museum is World War Two: Pacific Theater of Maysville visited the museum on March 22. Operations, which includes artifacts and pho­ In May, Society members sold floral arrange­ tographs. ments and placed the flowers on graves. Gasconade County Historical Society Ferguson Historical Society The Society held a quarterly meeting on Society members met on February 27 at April 30 at St. John's United Church of Christ the Savoy in Ferguson. Farzad Faramarzi, in Bern. James Denny, historian for the owner and chef of the Savoy Banquet Center, Missouri Department of Natural Resources, shared photographs and discussed the history discussed his ongoing research for the bicen­ of the Savoy. tennial recognition of the Lewis and Clark Expedition in 2004. Friends of Arrow Rock On April 29 six interns from Missouri German-Austrian-Swiss Valley College in Marshall performed an Historical-Heritage Society of the Ozarks original theater piece introducing the Arrow More than one hundred members attend­ Rock gunsmith and his wife, John and ed the "Fruhling Versammlung" on April 15 Nannie Sites. Members gathered for a gener- at the Springfield Mid-America Cancer 470 Missouri Historical Review

Center Auditorium. Stephen Trobisch, pro­ his vision for the battlefield at the February 24 fessor of German at Southwest Baptist meeting at Mrs. O'Mealey's Cafeteria in University in Bolivar and Southwest Springfield. The Society hosted the seventh Missouri State University in Springfield, dis­ district History Day competition at the cussed prominent nineteenth-century Brentwood Branch Library on March 23. Tod German writers who encouraged people to Wilkinson presented "Ulster Scots or Scotch- immigrate—especially to Missouri. Harvey Irish ... America's Forgotten Ethnic Group" at Saalberg, recently retired professor of com­ the April 27 meeting at Mrs. O'Mealey's. munications at the University of Texas and Kent State University, concluded the program Henry County Historical Society by sharing proverbs to demonstrate basic A general meeting took place on February German philosophical thinking and character. 24 at the Annex in Clinton. Several Society The program also included singing, historical members toured Clark Welling's historic talks, and a variety of German food. home, Rosemont, in Montrose on March 12.

Glendale Historical Society Historic Madison County The Society met on March 9 at City Hall. Thelma Sikes presented a program on Bill Magnan presented "Creation and Native Americans in the Madison County Development of the U.S. Flag." area at the February 15 meeting. Members gathered for a meeting on March 21. Jeanette Golden Eagle River Museum Henson McClure discussed wars fought prior Members toured the new Missouri to the Civil War. At the general business Historical Society building in St. Louis on meeting on April 18, Debbie Couch fielded April 30. The Museum reopened on May 3 questions regarding the Pow Wow to take and will be open Wednesday-Sunday from place in September. Meetings are held at the 1:00 to 5:00 P.M. through Labor Day, and on Old Jail in Fredericktown. weekends from 1:00 to 5:00 P.M. until October 31. Historical Society of New Santa Fe Grain Valley Historical Society The Society recently dedicated two Santa Members gathered at the Society on Fe-Oregon-California National Historic March 23 for a general business meeting. Trails wayside exhibits, one in Minor Park at Bill Evans was the guest presenter. Holmes Road and Red Bridge Road, and a second in New Santa Fe. Grand River Historical Society and Museum Historical Society of Polk County Edward Milbank discussed Millbank's Susan Sparks and Jennie Springer pre­ Mill in Livingston County at the quarterly sented "Polk County: Genealogy and meeting on April 11 at the American Legion Obituary Codes" at the March 23 meeting at building in Chillicothe. The annual Spring the museum in Bolivar. Tea took place at the museum on May 7. Huntsville Historical Society Grandview Historical Society Brett Rogers presented "Rural and Small- The Society sponsored the annual Green Town African American Schools in Little Dinner on March 20 in the Depot Museum. Dixie and Beyond" at the February 15 meet­ A basement sale took place on April 12-15. ing. The museum reopened for the summer on April 1. The Westran fifth-grade class per­ Greene County Historical Society formed at the April 18 meeting. Minnie Richard Lusardi, superintendent of Dickerson presented "Saws and Old Sayings" Wilson's Creek National Battlefield, discussed at the May 16 meeting. Historical Notes and Comments 411

Independence 76 Fire Company tribe. All meetings were held at the Wyndam Historical Society Garden Hotel in Kansas City. Members gathered for business meetings on January 25 and March 28 at Rustler's Bar- Kimmswick Historical Society B-Q. Officers elected during the January Kathleen Stahlman, member of the Three meeting included Rick Webb, president, and Rivers Chapter of the Missouri Archaeo­ Minnetta Isaacks, secretary. logical Society, shared artifacts and slides from a dig at the Gillman Rock Shelter in Iron County Historical Society Hillsboro at the March 6 meeting. The April Society members held their twenty-sixth 30 meeting featured Jean O'Brien, who annual meeting on April 17 at the Ozark talked about the "Declaration of Arbroath," Regional Library in Ironton. the Scottish Declaration of Independence from England. The Society sponsored Jackson County Historical Society "Questions and Answers about Kimmswick The Society has two new exhibits on dis­ History" on May 1. All meetings were held play in the 1859 Jail Museum in at Kimmswick Hall. Independence: Follow the James Gang and Kansas City Commerce. The March 2 meet­ Kingdom of Callaway Historical Society ing included a presentation by Janice Schultz The March exhibit recognized Girl Scout about organizing genealogical records. On Month, and the collection case displayed the March 11, in recognition of Women's History playing card collection of Nancy West White. Month, Ann Vernon presented a program on Etta Moten Barnett. On April 8 the archives welcomed author Chris Wilborn, who dis­ Kirkwood Historical Society cussed his book Saturday Matinee in Olde The Society presented "The Third KC. The Society sponsored a living history Biennial Black History Celebration: Folk Art theater program, Outlaws and Preachers: and Song" on February 27 in Mudd's Grove. Civil War Soldier and Preacher in the County The program included a selection of spiritu­ Jail, and a Civil War workshop on May 6. als performed by Ann W. Pittman; a slide pre­ Greg Higgenbotham discussed "Infantry sentation, "Widening the Definitions of Muskets of the Civil War," and Jerry Uppman African-American Quilts," by Cuesta Ray and Friends performed traditional folk and Benberry; a children's choir composed of Dixieland music at the May 13 meeting. youth from various Kirkwood churches; Erma Reid portraying early abolitionist Jasper County Historical Society Sojourner Truth; and Marion Brooks, Vicky Members gathered for a business meeting Gobberdiel, and Rene Aitch performing the on March 12 at the Jasper County Archives play When Malinday Sings. The March 28 Building in Carthage. The title of the pro­ meeting featured Virginia Carter, a textile gram was "A Time for Sharing." specialist with an extensive background in the design, history, and techniques of embell­ Kansas City Westerners ished textiles and textile conservation. She The Westerners gathered on March 14 discussed textiles of the late 1800s and how and heard John W. Escott discuss "The they were created. Comstock Lode and the Nevada Dollars." Abe Reddekamp entertained members with Lafayette County Historical Society cowboy humor and songs at the April 11 Society members gathered at the John meeting. For the May 9 program, Jan Knox Village Activity Center in Higginsville English, principal chief of the Wyandotte on April 30. Walter and Roxie Schroeder dis­ Nation of Kansas, spoke about the history of cussed the books they published about the Wyandotte and current issues faced by the Warren County: History of St. Johns United 472 Missouri Historical Review

Church of Christ at Pinckney and 150 Years dent and Harold Miederhoff as secretary at on Smith Creek. The Society meets the fourth the January meeting. Ron Thomas presented Sunday of April and October. "Old Straight," the story of Alexander Peter Stewart of Tennessee, at the February 15 Lawrence County Historical Society meeting. Jim Skain discussed "Two Irish Gary Daughtrey presented a program Catholic Priests and the Confederacy, John about the African American community in Barmon and Alram Ryan" at the March 21 Mount Vernon in the early 1900s at the meeting. The April 18 meeting featured March 19 meeting at the Jones Memorial Andy Papen, who spoke about the "26th Chapel in Mount Vernon. Missouri Infantry (Union)." Nancy Kennedy presented "The Home Front During the Civil Lee's Summit Historical Society War" at the May 16 meeting. All meetings At the April 7 meeting in the Lee Haven are held in Columbia at the Boone County Community Building, Frank Graves present­ Historical Society. ed "Early Land Patents." Miller County Historical Society Lincoln County Historical A general business meeting and potluck and Archaeological Society dinner took place at the museum building in Harris Maupin discussed "Soldiers and Tuscumbia on April 9. Officers for 2000 Mountain Men-Revolutionary War through include Helen Wall, president; Eugene Keeth, Civil War" at Troy City Hall on April 20. vice president; Peggy Hake, secretary; and William Knox's painting Battleship Missouri Helen Gibson, treasurer. The Society spon­ was unveiled at the open house on May 7 at sored an open house at the museum on May 13. the Lincoln County Courthouse in Troy. Missouri Society for Military History Macon County Historical Society The April 1 meeting took place at the Members gathered for a business meeting Holiday Inn Select in Columbia. Guest at the Gaslight Coffee Shop in Macon on speakers included Buford "Buck" Katt, who March 2. discussed the life of General Leonard Wood; Tony Fusco, who presented details on the his­ Meramec Station Historical Society tory of Jefferson Barracks; Carlton Philpot, "Our Own Band of Angels," a memoir of who spoke about "Cathay Williams-Woman local World War II-era nurses, was the pro­ Buffalo Soldier"; and Michael Wilson, who gram at the March 15 meeting at the Scenic discussed the Missouri militia and the Regional Library in Pacific. The Society Blackhawk War of 1832. meets on the second Tuesday of each month at City Hall in Pacific. Moniteau County Historical Society Society members Delia Huff and Ruthie Mercer County Genealogical Norman, guides at the Maclay home in and Historical Society Tipton, dressed in period clothing to share the Land located on Highway 65 north of history of the house as well as life in the Princeton has been donated to the Society to 1930s at the March meeting. Jo Ann Radetic construct a new museum. On March 11 from the Department of Natural Resources members welcomed Patrick Clark from the Historic Preservation Program discussed his­ Andrew County Historical Society to discuss toric surveys at the May 8 meeting. implementing a planning process for the new facility. Montgomery County Historical Society The Society held its annual dinner meet­ Mid-Missouri Civil War Round Table ing on April 30 at the Senior Center in Members elected Roger Baker as presi­ Montgomery City. President William J. Historical Notes and Comments 473

Auchly presented a slide program, "Bands of Michael Piazza and University of Missouri- Montgomery County." The Society meets the St. Louis Gallery 210. The exhibit, Natural fourth Thursday of each month except in Bridge Road: Awareness of Place, ran from April, November, and December. March 9 to April 8 and comprised maps, clip­ pings, pictures, and recorded interviews with Morgan County Historical Society past and current residents along Natural Diane Huffman shared stories from her Bridge. thirty-five years experience at the Stover Post Office at the March 20 meeting. The Society Old Mines Area Historical Society sponsored a Pancake Day on April 17, with Society members gathered for the annual an evening business meeting at the Pioneer meeting on April 2 at the archives building in Restaurant in Versailles. Shelly Croteau and Old Mines. Sandy Hempe discussed preserving records. Osage County Historical Society John G. Neihardt Corral of the Westerners The Porch Pickers entertained members at Members gathered at Jacks Gourmet the February 28 meeting at St. John's United Restaurant in Columbia on February 10. H. Methodist Church in Linn. Members spon­ Clyde Wilson discussed the Native American sored an open house at the Townley House in Grave Protection and Repatriation Act (NAG- Chamois on April 30. The Society is now PRA). Marsha Knudsen presented "Warriors online: Mississippi River trade. Members partic­ "Bicentennial of Lewis & Clark: Their Trail in ipated in the Spring Craft Fair at the Center Missouri" at the May 11 meeting. on April 8.

Newton County Historical Society Pemiscot County Historical Society A Black History Month celebration took At the February 27 meeting, Charles place at the Newton County Historical Moss presented plans for the new jail in Schoolhouse in Neosho on February 20. Caruthersville. Martha Dorron discussed her Participants included the Second Baptist trip to Honduras at the March 24 meeting. Church youth choir, Betty Martin and Karynda Officers for 2000 elected at the April 28 Westfield, and Maurice Rodgers. Society meeting include Janey Turner, president; members sold books and took pictures of stu­ Betty Cole, vice president; Naomi Morgan, dents for the Photo 2000 Project at the secretary; and Wanda Willis, treasurer. Business and Industry Fair at Neosho High Meetings are held at the Presbyterian Church School on March 17 and 18. Several groups of in Caruthersville. fourth-grade students toured the Historic Park in Neosho during April and May. The Society Perry County Historical Society sponsored a tour of historic houses in the Big The Society met in the office behind the Spring Hill district on May 14. Faherty House in Perryville on March 5.

Normandy Area Historical Association Perry County Lutheran Historical Society The Association participated in a collabo­ Dianne Moran of the Missouri rative art exhibition with Chicago artist Humanities Council Speakers Bureau, pre- 474 Missouri Historical Review sented "The Battle of Pilot Knob" at the Comprehensive Mental Health Services March 19 business meeting in Altenburg. toured the museum in March. Ivan Risley Several members participated in self-guided discussed "Barrel Making" at the April 11 tours of southeast Missouri on April 29 and meeting at Raytown Christian Church. The 30. display titled Collecting Kansas City Style was exhibited at Crown Center in Kansas Pettis County Historical Society City from May 13 through June 18 as part of The Society gathered in the Yeater the celebration of Kansas City's 150th year. Building on the State Fair Community On display at the museum is an exhibit hon­ College campus, Sedalia, on March 27. oring the incorporation of Raytown. Local historian Bill Claycomb discussed the Museum hours are Wednesday through 1934 steam table explosion at the Missouri Saturday, 10:00 A.M.-4:00 P.M., and Sunday, Pacific shops in Sedalia. 1:00-4:00 P.M.

Phelps County Historical Society Reynolds County Genealogy The Society's archives are open on and Historical Society Tuesdays from 12:30 to 5:00 P.M. A new The Society held a general membership computer is available to aid researchers with meeting at the museum on April 2. Lou family history searches. Members gathered Wehmer of the Missouri State Highway at the new Phelps County Courthouse in Patrol discussed the conflict between the Rolla on March 21 to hear Donald Spencer Third Missouri State Militia and the Fifteenth and Mark Stauter present "No Question is too Missouri Cavalry. Meetings are held at the dumb to Ask." Carol Gaddy of the Phelps museum in Ellington on the first Sunday of County Circuit Clerk and Recorder's office every month. discussed records preservation at the April 18 meeting. Ripley County Historical Society Lou Wehmer discussed the Civil War in Pike County Historical Society Ripley County at the February 14 meeting at John Gillis presented "The Early Months the Community Center in Doniphan. of the Civil War in Pike County" at the meet­ ing at the First Christian Church in Bowling St. Charles County Historical Society Green on April 11. Members gathered at the Ponderosa restaurant in O'Fallon on April 29 for a gen­ Pleasant Hill Historical Society eral business meeting. Hal Berry, professor The Society welcomed Mark Randall as of history at St. Charles County Community the guest speaker at the April 16 meeting held College, served as the guest speaker. at the museum. Randall discussed Colonel Hiram Bledsoe, a Civil War hero from St. Clair County Historical Society Pleasant Hill. The Society held a membership meeting on March 21. Judith Gutherie presented "Old Ray County Historical Society Time Remedies" at the April 18 meeting at Members gathered at the Eagleton Center the Senior Center in Osceola. Members par­ in Richmond for a quarterly business meeting ticipated in the Lowry City Spring Fair on on April 27. May 13.

Raytown Historical Society St. Francois County Historical Society Society members held the annual Dianne Moran, a professional storyteller, Spaghetti Day at the Knights of Columbus historical reenactor, and naturalist, presented Hall on March 11. Members of Girl Scout "The Civil War Battle of Pilot Knob" at the Troop #297 and the Independence March 22 meeting. Meetings are held at Historical Notes and Comments 475

Ozark Federal in Farmington on the fourth 1840" at the March meeting held in the Keller Wednesday of the month, January through Library in Dexter. The Clippards shared vari­ October, and the third Wednesday in ous items they have made and collected that November. depict the fur-trading period.

St. Joseph Historical Society Stone County The Society held its annual Spring Historical/Genealogical Society Rummage Sale at Robidoux Row on May 13. Kathy Foster and Girl Scout Brownie Troop #491 discussed the Stults Cemetery St. Louis Browns Historical Society clean-up project at the March 5 meeting. At Society members gathered for the eigh­ the April 2 meeting in the Christian Church in teenth annual Browns Reunion/Dinner Galena, George Scott provided a glimpse into Banquet at Joe Hannon's Restaurant in his family's history. Maryland Heights on May 18. Texas County Missouri Genealogical Sappington-Concord Historical Society and Historical Society Reeve Lindbergh, daughter of Charles In celebration of its twentieth anniversary, Lindbergh, spoke to the Society in the the Society is focusing on the history of local Lindbergh High School auditorium on April rural schools. Loura Ford, of Houston, 13. On April 26 members gathered at the Missouri, who taught in one-room rural high school to hear Bob Butler discuss the schools and Houston schools, shared her history of fiddling and how it developed in experiences with members at the February this country. meeting. Ruth Massey and Ruby Mires dis­ cussed their rural teaching experiences at the Scott County Historical March business meeting. In April, the and Genealogical Society Society welcomed Meda Walker, Anna Mary Members gathered for a meeting in the Heavin, and Doris Rauscher as guest presen­ courtroom of the Scott County Courthouse in ters. All meetings took place in the St. Marks Benton on March 21. Catholic Church in Houston.

Sons and Daughters of the Vernon County Historical Society Blue and Gray Civil War Round Table Members gathered for a quarterly busi­ George Hitchcock Hinshaw discussed the ness meeting at the Bushwhacker Museum in life of James Beecher at the March 19 meet­ Nevada on April 7. Fred Pfister presented ing held in the conference room of the St. "Whatever Happened to Alf Bolin's Head: Francis Hospital in Maryville. Members Civil War in the Ozarks, 1860-1900." A gathered for a business meeting on April 9 revised edition of Bushwhackers of the and heard Harley Kissinger present a pro­ Border: The Civil War Period in Western gram on James Boles McNeely based on a Missouri, by Patrick Brophy, is now avail­ letter written by the Confederate veteran. able.

South Howard County Historical Society Washington Historical Society The Society held its annual pork and kraut The museum is open 1:00 to 4:00 P.M. on dinner at the Senior Center in New Franklin Saturdays and Sundays. The library is open on April 9. on Tuesdays from 9:00 A.M. to 3:00 P.M. Members cleaned up the Senate Grove Stoddard County Historical Society Methodist Cemetery near Berger on March Gail and Mike Clippard, members of the 18. On April 15, the Society toured Wildey Crowley Ridge Black Powder Club, present­ Cemetery, which contains the graves of many ed "Life during the Fur Trading Period: 1800- of Washington's founding families. As part 476 Missouri Historical Review of the ongoing museum series "Tools of Our Westport Historical Society Ancestors," the current exhibit is The The Society is celebrating its fiftieth Courthouse Office, which highlights the hun­ anniversary this year. Kansas City Star dreds of original courthouse records that have columnist C. W Gusewelle discussed his been microfilmed by Franklin County offi­ travels, as well as stories set a little closer to cials and the Society. home, at the February 18 quarterly dinner meeting at the Woodside Racquet Club.

Webster County Historical Society White River Valley Historical Society At the March 23 meeting in the Webster Lynn Morrow and Linda Myers-Phinney County Historical Museum in Marshfield, presented "The Shepherd of the Hills Mabel Masters shared photographs, newspa­ Country: Tourism Transforms the Ozarks, per clippings, and other memorabilia on 1880s-1930s" at the March 12 meeting in the Marshfield homes and businesses, and the Friendship House Banquet Room at the Society honored C. E. Boulson for his contri­ College of the Ozarks, Point Lookout. bution to historic preservation in the county. Bid Young discussed his seventeen weeks of basic infantry training in Texas during World Windsor Historical Society War II at the April 25 meeting. The museum Officers for 2000 include Rodney Wesner, opened in May with a special exhibit of president; Ben Corder, vice president; and antique radios and Victrolas. Other displays Larry and Jane Rodewald, corresponding sec­ include memorabilia on rural schools, agri­ retaries/historians. On March 20, Amy Moser culture, and county businesses. presented "Saving Your Family Treasures." Carol DeLozer discussed "Preserving Family History for Future Generations" at the April Westphalia Historical Society 17 meeting. Members gathered for an after­ Ken Luebbering and Robyn Burnett pre­ noon tea on May 7 and enjoyed Karen sented slides and discussed their recent book, Bullock's program "Grandma Moses," which Gospels in Glass: Stained Glass Windows in featured local artists. Missouri Churches, at the March 26 meeting at the museum. Officers elected at the meet­ ing included Connie Reichart, president; Winston Historical Society Shelly Hertzing, vice president; Kevin Huber, The museum welcomed visitors from secretary; and Mary Ann Klebba, treasurer. Kansas City and the Philippines in April. As a part of their tour of Westphalia, fourteen Regular business meetings take place on the students from Germany visited the museum first and third Thursdays of each month at the on April 18. museum.

Erratum

On page 304 of the April 2000 issue of the Missouri Historical Review, Senator James A. Reed was incorrectly referred to as a Republican. Reed was a Democrat. 477

GIFTS RELATING TO MISSOURI Doyle C. Akers, Denison, Texas, donor: Carl Akers, Jr. 1921-1993: University of Missouri-Columbia Graduate and Denver, Colorado Radio/TV Journalist 1948-1986, compact disc. (R) Terry L. Anderson, Independence, donor: A Guide to the Oregon Trail: Independence, Missouri to Fort Kearny, Nebraska, by the donor. (R) Robert Baumann, St. Louis, donor: St. Louis Black Pages, millennium edition; two articles from the St. Louis County Star Journal and an issue of the Gateway Globe. (R) Cass County Historical Society, Harrisonville, donor, via Anne Clark: Book no. '8' Deed Index: February 9, 1874 to May 1, 1876, Cass County, Missouri. (R) Betty Crigler, Fayette, donor: Catalog of Genealogical and Historic Books and Records, 1998-2000, by the Daughters of the American Revolution, Missouri State Society. (R) Carole Sue DeLaite, Columbia, donor: Miscellaneous items relating to the University of Missouri-Columbia, Columbia, and Missouri. (R) & (E) Don Dittmer, Concordia, donor: Our Heritage, Our Mission, 1850-2000: St. John United Church of Christ, Emma, Mo., by Sesquicentennial Steering Committee, St. John Church. (R) Chris Edwards, Columbia, donor: Blood on the Border: The War between Missouri and Kansas: A True Musical Story of Confederate Colonel William C. QuantrilVs Civil War Missouri Partisan Rangers, compact disc, by the donor. (R) Robert L. Elgin, Rolla, donor: Township Plat Book of Phelps County, Missouri, 1937. (R) Betsy Erb, Springfield, for Hazel Draper: Draper Genealogy with Allied Lines, 2 vols., collected by Caroline McConnell McGill, Arthur Gibbs Draper, Hazel Berg Draper, Elizabeth Hilton Draper, and Helen Matilda Berg. (R) Larry D. Franke, Chesterfield, donor: The Descendants of Louis H. Franke and Emilie L. Mueller, by the donor. (R) Linda Geist, Monroe City, donor: Issues of The Lake Gazette, April 2, 1997-March 24, 2000. (N) George I. Gird, Wichita, Kansas, donor: Aerial surveys and photographs of Missouri. (E) Phil Gottschalk, Columbia, donor: Extensive collection of books relating to the Civil War and Missouri history. (R) Donald R. Hale, Lee's Summit, donor: The History of Lee's Summit, Missouri: Its First 115 Years: 1830-1945; Index of the History of Lee's Summit, Missouri: Its First 115 Years: 1830-1945, both by the donor. (R) William Hall, St. Louis, donor: Items of Genealogical Interest (Births, Deaths, Marriages, Divorces, etc.) in the Springfield, Greene County, Missouri, Newspapers: The Springfield Leader, The Springfield Daily News for 1930, 2 vols.; Items of Genealogical Interest (Births, Deaths, Marriages,

*These letters indicate the location of the materials at the Society. (R) refers to Reference Library; (N), Newspaper Library; (A), Art Collection; (E), Editorial Office; (M), Manuscripts. 478 Missouri Historical Review

Divorces, etc.) in the Springfield, Greene County, Missouri, Newspapers: The Springfield Leader and The Springfield Daily News with Index for 1929, 2 vols.; Items of Genealogical Interest (Births, Deaths, Marriages, Divorces, etc.) in the Springfield Daily News with Index for 1934, 2 vols., all by the donor. (N) Mary Hobbs, Columbia, donor: Tiger Claw, 1951. (R) Jessica L. Hoffman, New Carrollton, Maryland, donor: "The End of an Era: [Thomas Hart] Benton's Year of Peril," by the donor. (R) Kansas City Star, Kansas City, donor: Kansas City: An American Story, by Rick Montgomery and Shirl Kasper; Union Station: Kansas City, by Jeffrey Spivak. (R) Ara Kaye, Columbia, donor: Pictorial History of La Grange, Missouri; History of La Grange, Missouri: Sesquicen- tennial, 1832-1982. (R) Donald M. Lance, Columbia, donor: "The Origin and Meaning of 'Missouri,'" Names, A Journal of Onomastics 47, no. 3 (1999): 281-290, by the donor. (R) Maxine Lusk, Sun City West, Arizona, donor: Max Schwabe scrapbook, 1942-1946. (R) Anita Mallinckrodt, Augusta, donor: Augusta Neighborhood News, July 1992-December 1996, loaned for microfilming. (N) Susan McCormack, Columbia, donor: Brad Pitt, by Bruce Newman. (R) Mid-Missouri Civil War Round Table, Jefferson City, for George A. Lyons: Wilson's Creek: The Second Battle of the Civil War and the Men Who Fought It, by William Garrett Piston and Richard W. Hatcher III. (R) Roscoe W. Mitchell, Houston, Texas, donor: Oregon County in World War I, by the donor. (R) Mike Murphy, Kansas City, donor: Video tape of Water and Fire: A Story of the Ozarks, with C. W. Gusewelle. (E) Norma Nyberg, Columbia, donor: Glenwood Criterion, 8 June 1870. (N) Parkway West High School, Ballwin, donor, via Gloria Trower: Parkway West High School: The First Three Decades, 1968-1998, by Bettie N. Brakebill. (R) Walter L. Pfeffer, Columbia, donor: Publications and other items relating to Columbia and its colleges. (R) Jewel Quinn, Jefferson City, donor: Directory, minutes of meetings, and weekly bulletins of the First Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), Jefferson City. (R) Loren and Augusta Reid, Columbia, donors: A History of the Gilman City Area, compiled by Bruce Williams; several published writ­ ings by the Reid family. (R) Ann L. Rogers, Columbia, donor: First Christian Church Membership Directory, Columbia, 1997. (R) Jack D. and Delores A. Rogers, Joplin, donors: Burial Places of Veterans of the Civil War: Barton County, Missouri, compiled by Jack D. Rogers. (R) Historical Notes and Comments 479

Buddy Samuels, Concordia, donor: ACWW Triennial Conference Home Hospitality Tour: Kansas, Missouri, Kansas City, Missouri, September 24, 1989', Concordia and Warrensburg phone directories; miscellaneous items relating to the Cooperative Extension Missouri Homemakers Program. (R) & (M) Rebecca B. Schroeder, Columbia, donor: Quinine and Quarantine: Missouri Medicine through the Years, by Loren Humphrey. (R) Roxana Schroeder, Warrenton, donor: A History of St. Johns United Church of Christ, Pinckney, Missouri, by the donor. (R) Art Smith, Fulton, donor: Millersburg News in a Nutshell, November 1991-December 1994; Millersburg Mirror, January 1995-December 1997, loaned for microfilming. (N) Synod of Mid-America, Overland Park, Kansas, donor, via Marilyn Keller: Presbyteriannews (including regional presbytery supplements), 1985-1991; MEMO, The Synod of Mid-America, June 1974-July 1981, loaned for microfilming. (N) University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico, donor: First Mail West, by Morris F. Taylor. (R) Kenneth E. Weant, Arlington, Texas, donor: Montgomery County, Missouri: 3547 Death Reports and Chronological Index to Selected Articles from The Wellsville Optic News, 3 January 1952 to 28 December 1962', Montgomery County, Missouri: 3707 Death Reports in and Chronological Index to Selected Articles from The Montgomery County Leader, New Florence, Missouri, 3 January 1891 to 25 December 1925; Montgomery County, Missouri: 3421 Death Reports and Chronological Index to Selected Articles (Includes WW II Draft Registration Lists.) from the Montgomery County Leader, 1 January 1926 to 19 October 1951, all by the donor. (N) Danny Williams, Sand Springs, Oklahoma, donor: Central Business College, Sedalia, Annual Catalogues, n.d., 1893. (R) Betty J. Williamson, California, donor: Moniteau County - Missouri: 1890 Personal Tax Book, compiled by Betty McDonald Williamson. (R) Robert Gail Woods, Hannibal, donor: Photographs of Missouri churches, church functions, and people; bulletins and listings of events from various churches and the Repertory Theatre in St. Louis. (E) & (R)

Better Put It Off

Kansas City Times, March 10, 1966. Philadelphia (AP)—The Procrastinators Club of America staged a protest demonstration here yesterday. . . . Seven members of the club . . . marched near City Hall, bearing signs with such slogans as:

"Procrastinators protest the War of 1812!" "President Madison this is your war" ....

Les Was, 44, club president, a producer of radio and television commercials, said the club was formed in 1957 "to promote the benefits of procrastination." "Many things would be much better put off for later," he explained. 480

MISSOURI HISTORY IN NEWSPAPERS

Appleton City Journal March 17, 2000: "The beginning for Prairie Home School [St. Clair County] was in 1897."

Buffalo Reflex January 26, 2000: "Images of the 20th Century in Buffalo & Dallas County," a special sec­ tion, included "The way things were: Memories of growing up in Dallas County in the 1930s," by Irene Bennett; "Electrification and road improvements changed landscape"; "Courthouse rose from ashes of one burned in 1955," by Pam Louderbaugh; "The Niangua Legacy," by Ronnie Powell; "Failed railroad debt held county in fiscal bondage for 70 years" and "Reflex published over 30 years before start of the 20th Century," by Jim Hamilton; "Memories of Depression era childhood," by Fred Clayton; Murrel Indermuehle "Young entrepreneur honed skills starting business in Depression," by Lyal Strickland-Hamm; photographs and time lines concerning Buffalo and Dallas County's people, schools, and businesses. March 8, 15, 22: "Dallas County History and Heritage" series featured, respectively, "Hogeye: Accounts of old Charity"; "Historic Map of Charity, Missouri"; "Closing notes on historic Hog Eye," history of the community of Charity. March 22: "Old newspaper articles, new book tell history of Fair Grove Schools," by Marilyn Smith.

Butler News-Xpress March 17, 2000: "Pleasant Gap Christian Church through the years."

*Carl Junction Courier March 31, 2000: "History, Legend & Lore 'The Twin Groves School,'" Jasper County, by John Durbin.

Carrollton Democrat February 22, 2000: "Political quarrel leads to death of two 1876 Carrollton editors," Alfred S. Kierolf and Isaac Newton Hawkins, by Brittany Bluth.

Chaffee Scott County Signal February 6, 2000: "Oakdale Cemetery stands west of Commerce," by Margaret Cline Harmon.

Columbia Missourian February 21, 2000: "The reluctant preacher," Harold Bell Wright, by Doug Johnson.

Concordia Concordian February 2, 2000: "A small, but growing, rural community, Concordia enters the 20th cen­ tury," by Gary Beissenherz. February 23: "St. John [United Church of Christ, Emma] to celebrate 150 years"; "Beginning of [Russell, Majors, and Waddell] freight company tied to early Concordia histo­ ry," by Alfred Rodewald.

Festus Jefferson County Leader April 27, 2000: "Adieu, Ginny: Landmark Barnhart diner [Ginny's Kitchen and Custards] slated for demolition," by Kim Robertson. Historical Notes and Comments 481

Ironton Mountain Echo February 23, 2000: "A Time Capsule Of Memories," four special sections on Ironton and Iron County in the twentieth century.

Jefferson City Catholic Missourian February 11, 2000: "Fatima High School's name tells of [Westphalia] community's Catholic heritage," by Joseph Welschmeyer. March 10: "Shrine of St. Patrick [in St. Patrick] testifies to saint's intercession." April 28: "Modern Cathedral [of St. Joseph's in Jefferson City] built on generations of faith," by Jay Nies.

Jefferson City News-Tribune February 1, 2000: [Shelley v. Kraemer] "Lawsuit ended 'restrictive covenants' that pro­ hibited property sales to blacks," by Gary R. Kremer. February 13, 27: "History Matters," a series by Gary R. Kremer, featured, respectively, "Lake Placid, a 'Recreational Center for Colored People,' fostered interracial cooperation a half-century ago in Morgan County"; "Lincoln Institute Instructor [Josephine Silone Yates] headed largest black women's group in U.S."

Kennett Daily Dunklin Democrat February 3, 2000: "Statue pays homage to [Kansas City] garment district."

Lebanon Daily Record March 26, 2000: "Denny Fulkerson: Well-known excavating contractor," by Kirk Pearce.

Licking News February 3, 2000: "Turn Of The Century Edition," contained photographs and abbreviat­ ed versions of stories dating back to the paper's beginning in 1893, including decade-long time lines that summarized the town's important historical events.

Linn Unterrified Democrat April 26, 2000: "The history of television in Osage County," by Joe Welschmeyer.

Maryville Daily Forum January 30, 2000: "Benedictine Sisters of Clyde celebrate 125 years," by Carolyn Elswick.

Neosho Daily News January 30, 2000: "Former Neosho canning factory [Neosho Packing and Manufacturing Company] now part of history," by Kay Hively. February 20: "A century ago, a Neosho college [Scarritt Collegiate Institute] was many's Alma Mater," by Larry James.

Nevada Daily Mail/Herald February 4, 2000: "The northern part of Vernon County as seen by Lt. [Zebulon] Pike in 1806," by Carolyn Gray Thornton. February 29: "A new look on the north side of the Square," remodeling of the First National Bank. March 9: [Benevolent and Protective Order of] "Elks set to celebrate centennial in Nevada," by Jeffrey Jackson. 482 Missouri Historical Review

Owensville Gasconade County Republican February 2, 16, 23, 2000: "The Century Series" featured, respectively, "Coach trains, cholera, saloons, drought dominate the news," in 1901, by Dave Marner; "Newspapers [Owensville Argus and Republican Banner] here in 1904 struggled 'to pay rent and paper bills'"; "1905 train wreck 'big news' in city's two papers," both articles by Bob McKee.

Piedmont Wayne County Journal-Banner April 6, 2000: "MAT Container Corp. and Wilson Cafe Damaged By Fire 1976."

St. Louis Post-Dispatch February 20, 2000: "Low [Mississippi] river gives up tiny glimpses of history," wreckages of Civil War gunboat believed to be the Monarch near Kimmswick and the passenger boat City ofSaltillo near Barnhart, by Tim Rowden. February 27: "Hudlin family, Its history rides on the underground railroad," by Donald E. Franklin. April 28: "Documentary Oh Freedom After While revisits 1939 protest by evicted share­ croppers," by Carolyn Olson.

St. Louis Review February 4, 2000: "Sisters of St. Joseph of Carondelet restore motherhouse," by Barbara Watkins. February 25: "St. Raphael the Archangel [Parish, St. Louis Hills] celebrates 50th anniver­ sary."

Sweet Springs Herald April 26, 2000: "Sweet Springs School District: Celebrating a Century of Education."

Troy Free Press February 9, 2000: "Lincoln County Recollections" series featured "Buchanan College remembered," by Charles R. Williams.

Washington Missourian February 16, 2000: "Washington Historical Society Preserving Yesterday, Today For Tomorrow," discussed Gottfried Duden, by Dorris Keeven.

Webb City Sentinel February 11, March 17, 31, 2000: "Ancestors Legends & Time," a series by Jeanne Newby, featured, respectively, Redings Mill near Joplin, the Circle Mine at Oronogo, and O. H. Picher.

Colorful Language

St. Louis Daily Times, March 2, 1877. When a railroad man gets a divorce, he calls it breaking his coupling from his caboose. 483

MISSOURI HISTORY IN MAGAZINES America's Civil War March, 2000: "Bloody Bill's Centralia Massacre," Bill Anderson, by Stuart W. Sanders.

Blue & Gray Magazine Winter, 2000: Joseph "Porter's Campaign in Northeast Missouri, 1862," by Scott E. Sallee; "Last Letters by Several of the Palmyra Condemned."

The Blue and Grey Chronicle February, 2000: "Who was Colonel Eli Hodge whose Men were Trapped at Camp Bliss?" by Wayne Schnetzer; "A Sick Man," Sterling Price.

Boone's Lick Heritage, Boonslick Historical Society March, 2000: "The Early History of Glasgow"; "Pritchett College and Morrison Observatory," in Glasgow; "An Example of Missouri Talk: The Pritchett-Sweeney Debate." All articles by Kenneth Westhues.

The Bushwhacker, Civil War Round Table of St. Louis April 26, 2000: "John M. Schofield."

CFM News, Conservation Federation of Missouri May, 2000: "100 Years of Modern Forestry: Creating Healthy Forests for Missouri's Future."

Christian County Historian February, 2000: "A Woman of Vision: The Story of Lucille Adams Anderson," by Shirley Stewart.

Columbia Senior Times March, 2000: "Columbia's Black Schools United a Community"; "Locust Creek Covered Bridge [in Linn County] is One of Five Left in Missouri," by Sara D. Barger. April, 2000: "Putting Out Fires: The Columbia Fire Department at Work." May, 2000: "The Ellis Fischel Cancer Hospital Turns 60 Years Old." Unless otherwise designated, all above articles by Michelle Long Windmoeller.

Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly Winter, 1999: "A History of the Missouri Synod's Participation in the Military Chaplaincy, Part I," by Dale E. Griffin.

The Diggings, Old Mines Area Historical Society Winter, 2000: "History and Customs of Washington, Iron, St. Francois & Ste. Genevieve Counties," by J. T. Miles.

Ferguson Notes, Ferguson Historical Society Winter, 2000: "Through the Years: Church Street," in Ferguson, by Irene Sanford Smith; Harrison "Tiffin's Pond," by E. R. Schmidt.

Friends of Arrow Rock Winter, 2000: "Historic Site Markers: Arrow Rock Cemetery, Memorial Presbyterian Church, and Experiment." 484 Missouri Historical Review

Gateway Heritage, Missouri Historical Society Winter, 1999-2000: "Well Worth the Visitor's While: Sightseeing in St. Louis, 1865- 1910," by Jennifer A. Crets; "The Museum of the Western Jesuit Missions," by William B. Faherty, S.J.; "A City Awakened: The Kansas City Race Riot of 1968," by Eric Juhnke; "Julia Catherine Stimson and the Mobilization of Womanpower," by Marion Hunt; "The Forensic Conservator and the Science of Lewis and Clark," by Carolyn Gilman; "Stepping Up to Power: The Political Journey of American Women," by Harriett Woods.

GSCM Reporter, Genealogical Society of Central Missouri March/April, 2000: "Stories about Physicians, Surgeons and Dentists," by North Todd Gentry and edited by Juanita Winegar.

Heart Lines, Heart of America Genealogical Society January/February, 2000: "Emigration and Migration in the Heart of America," Part I. April/May, 2000: "Emigration and Migration in the Heart of America," Part II. This and the above article by Robert M. Perkins.

The Jefferson Barracks Gazette, Friends of Jefferson Barracks April/June, 2000: "Don Carlos Buell for President," by Esley Hamilton.

Lawrence County Historical Society Bulletin April, 2000: "Camp Salomon," by J. Dale West.

Missouri Army Argus March 1, 2000: "Banishment from Missouri in 1864," Confederate sympathizers, by B. A. C. Emerson.

Missouri Monitor, American Rivers March, 2000: "Arrow Rock: A Trip Back in Time," by Kelly Miller.

Missouri Resources Winter, 1999-2000: "Bootheel Politics, Frontier Style," by H. Dwight Weaver.

Newsletter, Boone-Duden Historical Society January/February, 2000: "Events in the Life of Daniel Boone"; "One Room School Teacher: Irene Helmich," Part II.

Newsletter, Carondelet Historical Society Winter/Spring, 2000: "Carondelet's Bakery Brick Houses," by NiNi Harris.

Newsletter, Cedar County Historical Society January, 2000: "Cedar Springs, Missouri"; "Jericho Springs, Missouri."

Newsletter, Chariton County Historical Society April, 2000: "The 35th Missouri Infantry at Keytesville: The Search for Guerrillas," by Tom Kenny.

Newsletter, Howard County Genealogical Society February, 2000: "Glasgow: Its Early History, Its Early Settlers and their Homes," Part I. Historical Notes and Comments 485

March, 2000: "Glasgow: Its Early History, Its Early Settlers and their Homes," Part II. This and the above article by Anna Mae Birch.

Newsletter, Osage County Historical Society February, 2000: "That's the Way it Was: February, 1900." March, 2000: "That's the Way it Was: March, 1900."

Newsletter, Raymore Historical Society February, 2000: "How Van Buren County became Cass County"; "Methodist Church in Missouri."

Newsletter, Saint Charles County Historical Society March, 2000: "O'Fallon: The Irishman Behind the Name," John O'Fallon.

Newsletter, Sappington-Concord Historical Society Spring, 2000: "Civil War History Presented."

Newsletter, Scott County Historical and Genealogical Society February, 2000: "Joseph J. Russell." March, 2000: "Albert DeReign."

Newsletter of the Phelps County Historical Society April, 2000: "Introduction," brief history of Jerome, Missouri, by John F. Bradbury, Jr.; "Growing up in Jerome," by Lenore Morris.

North Central News, North Central Columbia Neighborhood Association Spring, 2000: "Brief History of the Wabash Station."

Our Clay Heritage, Clay County Museum and Historical Society Spring, 2000: "151 Year Old Tree Still Stands," note on Madison Miller, founder of William Jewell College.

Ozarks Mountaineer February/March, 2000: "Pay Down: Memories of a Little Mill Town," by Ethleyn Bray Ammerman; "Early Cattle Drives Through the Ozarks," by Larry Wood; "Little Drummer Girl Rests in Pineville," Patience Starkey, by Kay Hively; "Butterfield Overland Mail." April/May, 2000: "The Life and Death of Civil War Guerrilla Tom Livingston," by Larry Wood.

Ridgerunner Spring, 2000: "Albino Farm," by Jena Alaimo; "Alf Roberts: A Featured Ozarkian from the Past," by Kelli Stubbs; "Old Horton: The Lost Town," by Kitty McFarland; "The History and Legend of Twin Ponds" and "West Plains Fire Department" by Monica Wright; "Murders from the Past: Three 1940's Murders in the Ozarks," by Amber Speraneo and Kitty McFarland; "Moody Church of Christ: Featuring Brother Joe Brown," by Eric Brown; "Marvel Cave" and "Meramec Caverns," by Louis Mongillo; "History of the Missouri Fox Trotting Horse" and "The Ozark 'Hillbilly,'" by Chad Turner; "Frank and Jesse James," by Gina Mongillo; "Union Hill Chapel and Cemetery," in West Plains, by Zach Evertsen. 486 Missouri Historical Review

Ripley County Heritage Spring, 2000: "Profile: Major James Wilson, USA" and "Profile: Colonel Timothy Reeves, CSA," by Lou Wehmer; Timothy "Reeves Legacy Lives On," by Eugene Braschler.

Rural Missouri March, 2000: "Horseman Tom Bass: A Missouri Legend," by Joan Gilbert.

St. Charles County Heritage April, 2000: "Electrical Living Shows," by Louis Launer; "Rufus Easton, Attorney, Public Servant, and First Postmaster of St. Louis," by Dennis Hahn.

St. Louis Genealogical Society Quarterly Spring, 2000: "Josiah Barrow's Diary."

St. Louis Lawyer March 1, 2000: "A Brief History and Description of BAMSL [Bar Association of Metropolitan St. Louis]"; "Old St. Louis Legal Records Mean a New American Past," by Kenneth H. Winn; "The St. Louis Bar a Century Ago," by Marshall D. Hier; "Voyage of Discovery," the Lewis and Clark Expedition, by Peter Dunne.

Springfield! Magazine February, 2000: "Bingham School Pupils Salute Namesake's Hero Abe Lincoln in Telecast," by Robert C. Glazier; "A Scrapbook of Memories about Thomas Market," by Marilyn Thomas Smith; "Queen City History (Part XXXIV): In 1926, Drury College Campus Adds Library, Women's Dorm & Music Hall," by Robert C. Glazier. March, 2000: "Springfield Educators Produced Myriad Telecasts Live When TV Began" and "Queen City History (Part XXXV): New Luxury Hotel [Kentwood Arms] Starts 1926 Construction Boom," by Robert C. Glazier; "Legend of an Epitaph," George Ashley, by Jack Randall. April, 2000: "Queen City History (Part XXXVI): City Mildly Celebrates Settling and Purchases Doling Park in 1929," by Robert C. Glazier; "Springfield Teachers Got Ready Early for Television's 1953 Arrival."

Tree Shakers, Meramec Valley Genealogy and Historical Society March/April, 2000: "Remember When," Catholic population in the Franklin area during 1830s and 1840s, by Barbara Brundick Bruns.

The Twainian, Mark Twain Research Foundation March, 2000: "Riding a Comet: The Humble Beginnings of Samuel L. Clemens," by John J. Huffman.

Wagon Tracks, Santa Fe Trail Association February, 2000: "Dr. John Sappington: Southern Patriarch in the New West," by Thomas B. Hall III, Kathy Borgman, and Pam Parsons.

Washington, Washington University Spring, 2000: "The Talent of Co-ed Fannie Hurst," by Brooke Kroeger; "Historic Hilltop: McMillan Hall." 487

IN MEMORIAM

EARL ENGLISH of Columbia; two daughters, Esther E. Bland Earl English, former dean of the of St. Louis, and Barbara E. Leach of University of Missouri-Columbia School of Rockville, Maryland; four grandchildren; and Journalism, died in Columbia on April 11, five great-grandchildren. 2000. He was born in Lapeer, Michigan, on January 29, 1905, and married Ceola Bartlett DAVISON, ELLEN K., Kirksville: on June 14, 1930. English began teaching September 16, 1929-January 11, 2000 journalism at UMC in 1945 and became asso­ DELEZENE, OLIVE M., Fredericktown: ciate dean four years later. He was appointed December 25, 1920-March 21, 1999 dean in 1951 and continued in that role until HOOPS, WALTER, St. Louis: his retirement in 1970. April 2, 1902-May 25, 1999 During his years at UMC, English pio­ MEYR, VERNON R., Altenburg: neered the accrediting of journalism schools September 3, 1921-April 24, 2000 and traveled throughout the United States MILES, TAYLOR, Kennett: evaluating institutions for the American April 23, 1910-December 24, 1999 Council of Education. He was a member of MUELLER, MRS. GEORGE P., St. Louis: several journalism organizations, including May 5, 1922-October 21, 1999 the Missouri Press Association, the American PEREZ-MESA, DR. CARLOS, Columbia: Society of Newspaper Editors, Kappa Tau February 1, 1925-April 9, 2000 Alpha, and the Sigma Delta Chi honorary PFEIFFER, WALTER C, Bridgeton: journalism fraternity. English served as December 16, 1927-May 16, 1999 chairman of the National Council on RENFROW, RICHARD N., Cape Girardeau: Research in Journalism and as executive sec­ January 24, 1926-March 24, 1998 retary of the Accrediting Commission of the SANDERS, MRS. NORMAN, Cape Girardeau: American Council of Education for February 17, 1903-September 27, 1999 Journalism. WARNER, JAMES W, Denver, Colorado: Survivors include his wife, Ceola English July 24, 1913-May 22, 1999 488

BOOK REVIEWS In His Own Hand: A Historical Scrapbook of St Charles County, Missouri. By John J. Buse and Photography by Rudolph Goebel (n.p.: Jack Buse, 1998). viii+144pp. Photographs. $25.00, plus postage and handling, paper. Available from Jack Buse Charity Foundation, Buse Industries, 177 North West Industrial Court, Bridgeton, MO 63044. Little Germany on the Missouri: The Photographs of Edward J. Kemper, 1895-1920. Edited by Anna Kemper Hesse (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998). xvi + 166 pp. Photographs. Appendix. Selected Bibliography. Index. $29.95.

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, many amateur and professional photographers set about recording the technological changes that were occurring in their everyday lives. Advancements in pho­ tography itself, such as the development of smaller cameras and dry gelatin negative plates, made taking pictures outdoors more convenient. Still, glass- plate collections were bulky and not always appreciated by subsequent gen­ erations who had to deal with their storage. Stories often circulate about pho­ tographs and negatives being dumped down a well or thrown into a ditch after the death of the creator. Thanks to the efforts of astute family members, two valuable photograph collections have been preserved to become part of the Western Historical Manuscript Collection at the University of Missouri- Columbia. Two recent publications make them more readily accessible to the public and bring an innovative approach to the concept of the "picture book." In His Own Hand: A Historical Scrapbook of St. Charles County, Missouri reproduces the work of professional photographer Rudolph Goebel, accompanied by the carefully handwritten captions of his contemporary, local historian John J. Buse. After setting up his St. Charles studio in 1856, Goebel began photographing a broad spectrum of community events—laying the cornerstone of Borromeo Church, the first night of entertainment at Blanchette Park, and the digging of the sewer system, to name a few. Around 1900, he gave two thousand photographs to John Buse. Buse, an avid ama­ teur historian, set about writing captions for Goebel's photos, creating a scrapbook history of St. Charles. Buse used county histories and newspaper articles as references for scenes photographed before his arrival in the area in 1890, but his later personal reminiscences are the most affective. His description of the town's strong emotional reaction to the end of World War I is as powerful as the accompanying photos. Buse's son, John H. Buse, pre­ served the material, and his grandson, John L. "Jack" Buse, helped produce this publication. The decision to include Buse's captions "in his own hand" and use sepia-colored reproductions to replicate the original scrapbook was a good one. It transmits the original's intimate, diary-like quality. An even larger collaborative effort is found in Little Germany on the Book Reviews 489

Missouri: The Photographs of Edward J. Kemper, 1895-1920. A Gasconade County vintner by profession, Edward J. Kemper began photographing his farm and the Hermann area in 1895 and continued until the early 1920s. Four editors, each an authority in his/her field, apply their knowledge to various aspects of Kemper's work and the scenes represented in it. Anna Kemper Hesse, Kemper's daughter, donated the collection to WHMC. Images of Hesse taken by her father and her memories provide the book's framework. Hesse coauthors a biographical essay on Kemper with noted German American historian, Adolf Schroeder, who also contributes a brief history of the town of Hermann. Photographer and University of Missouri art profes­ sor Oliver Schuchard examines the artistic and technical merit of Kemper's vision, and Erin McCawley Renn, administrator of the Deutschheim State Historic Site in Hermann provides as interesting afterword on the German American architecture visible in the images. Kemper's photographs are not treated as illustrations to a text, but as documents to be mined for historical content. A wintry cornfield scene is not simply a landscape but a demon­ stration of the use of a modern checkrow planting device. Accompanying the photo of Market Street is an interesting explanation of how the street was altered from its original form after the townspeople's dreams of Hermann rivaling St. Louis in size were not to be realized. Rudolph Goebel, John J. Buse, and Edward Kemper were German Americans living in eastern Missouri, but anyone interested in the turn-of- the-century era will find their efforts engaging. The photographs and Buse's writings are historical artifacts with a universal appeal, and the wealth of information found in both volumes makes them worth reading again and again. Perhaps these volumes will inspire readers to look at the old pho­ tographs in the basement, their father's diary, or the scrapbook kept by their grandmother as history worth preserving.

State Historical Society of Missouri Christine Montgomery

Truman Defeats Dewey. By Gary A. Donaldson (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1998). 270 pp. Map. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $27.50.

The triumph of the underdog is one of the more enduring fascinations in American political history. Anyone with a fleeting interest in American pol­ itics would instantly recognize the photograph of the smiling Harry Truman holding a copy of the Chicago Tribune and its headline "Dewey Defeats Truman," erroneously reporting the outcome of the 1948 presidential elec­ tion. Popular accounts of the election, such as those by Jules Abels and Irwin Ross, have been recently updated by Harold I. Gullan. Each, however, has been flawed by a lack of scholarly discipline. That weakness in the election's literature is corrected by Gary Donaldson's study. 490 Missouri Historical Review

Donaldson, a history faculty member at Xavier University of Louisiana and author of several studies of American foreign policy and domestic poli­ tics since 1945, has written a thoughtful analysis of national partisan politics following the death of Franklin Roosevelt and the strategies pursued by Republicans and Democrats to guide postwar national development that cul­ minated in Truman defeating Dewey. Unlike Gullan's contemporary work, Donaldson argues that the outcome was not predetermined, nor was it simply rewiring the 1936 New Deal coalition for action. Rather, the victory reflect­ ed Truman's creation of a new coalition, anticipated by James Rowe and managed by Clark Clifford and his cohorts in the administration following the 1946 election giving Republicans control of the Eightieth Congress. The key players in this victory were African Americans, organized labor, and Democrat liberals who were identified with the Americans for Democratic Action. They reluctantly came together in the summer of 1948 to support Truman. The Eightieth Congress made it clear that the Republican Party disdained each of their aspirations; Henry Wallace sinking under the weight of the communist issue no longer held any hope; Dixiecrats' racist harangues handed the banner of civil rights to Truman, while Wallace's asso­ ciation with the Reds kept that burden off Truman's shoulders. "What had been a disastrously divided party in the face of all the postwar problems of the nation came together, for one brief moment, on November 2, to elect Harry Truman" (p. 203). Donaldson's strength lies in his analysis of Henry Wallace and the split­ ting of the Democratic left. He develops the role played by the ADA in fram­ ing issues and shaping national policies that positioned Truman as the archi­ tect of containment and loyalty programs that vitiated the radical left in American politics. Similarly, his discussion of the erosion of Southern dom­ inance in the Democrat Party is important for what it reveals about subse­ quent partisan trends clarified by the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Truman Defeats Dewey should replace previously published popular works dealing with the 1948 election. Donaldson's research is comprehen­ sive; his analysis impeccable; his thesis compelling. This book clearly explains why Truman was smiling as he held up the newspaper that would become an icon of the political underdog.

Washburn University William O. Wagnon

Bloody Bill Anderson: The Short, Savage Life of a Civil War Guerrilla. By Albert Castel and Thomas Goodrich (Mechanicsburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1998). ix + 170 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Notes. Bibliographical Essay. Index. $24.95.

If Albert Castel and Thomas Goodrich sought in this touching work to glorify William T. Anderson "for the ages," they failed miserably. Readers Book Reviews 491 of this study will quickly realize, however, that such was far from the authors' intention. They confess to some differences of opinion concerning Bloody Bill, and a reader might well surmise that this divergence could be an underlying source of strength for this narrative. When Bloody Bill was felled by a Missouri State Militia volley near Albany, Missouri, on the afternoon of October 27, 1864, legend sprang up that this zealous adherent to the Confederate vision and defender of helpless Missourians against Yankee atrocities had become a martyr to the Lost Cause. If anyone pointed to the bestiality displayed by Anderson's guerrilla band and to the widespread suffering and anguish he had perpetrated, this was easily explained and justified by a jail's collapse in Kansas City on August 13, 1863, in which one of "Captain" Anderson's sisters was killed and another "disfigured for life" (p. 27). Who could be a model Boy Scout after that? The truth about the legend, laid out in clinical detail by Goodrich and Castel, is that Bill Anderson was in fact a Kansas horse thief who personally cared no more for Confederates or Missourians than the grasshoppers on his family farm just east of Council Grove, Kansas. Indeed, after a brief peace­ time career as a horse rustler at home, Bloody Bill had charged into Jackson County and begun robbing and frequently "paroling" local citizens regardless of their views on the sectional crisis. "There's a lot of money in this busi­ ness," he explained to potential recruits for his mounted hoodlums. William C. Quantrill, a somewhat more "committed" Confederate of similarly doubtful mental and emotional stability, caustically warned this early Jayhawker to give his depradations some political "cover" by confining them to known Unionists. He could continue lifting dead men's wallets while sanctifying his conduct as a "civic duty." And all this came about long before any jails fell down. Gentry Countians may be startled to read that their county seat "lay on the Missouri shore" in 1864, but this detracts very little from an honest and feeling study that makes the case that the Civil War in Missouri was "differ­ ent" (pp. 130, 132), that the one word that sums up Bloody Bill is "savage," and finds no comfort in sensing that "his spirit still lives and will do so until the end of time" (p. 144).

Central Missouri State University Leslie Anders 492

BOOK NOTES Wine-Making in "Duden Country." By Ralph Gregory and Anita Mallinckrodt (Augusta, Mo.: Mallinckrodt Communications & Research, 1999). 26 pp. Illustrations. $4.00, paper, plus postage.

This report on the history of wine-making in seven counties bordering the Missouri River, an area referred to as "Duden Country" in reference to Gottfried Duden, an early pioneer, reveals several interesting facts about the development of viniculture in that area. Ralph Gregory and Anita Mallinckrodt explain the circumstances that pushed newly arriving immi­ grants toward wine-making while dispelling persistent rumors concerning the subject. The authors highlight the difficulties immigrants faced in finding the variety of grape best suited to the "Duden Country" environment. This inter­ esting look at a unique way of life in Missouri also details how certain com­ munities, including Hermann and Augusta, developed around wine-making. The booklet can be ordered from Mallinckrodt Communications, 498 Schell Road, Augusta, MO 63332.

Audrain Co. Missouri: Reflections of the Past, 1945-2000. By Gayle Messer (Virginia Beach, Va.: Donning Company, 1999). 128 pp. Illustrations. Index. Bibliography. $25.00, plus $4.00 for shipping and han­ dling.

Described by the author as a "'family album' of the places and events of Audrain County for the past five and one-half decades," this book concen­ trates on life in northeast Missouri during the latter portion of the twentieth century. Each of its twelve chapters provides photographs and commentary on an individual topic, including agriculture, industry, churches, schools, government, competitions, events, transportation, and war veterans. This well-written and richly illustrated book can be purchased through the Audrain County Historical Society, P.O. Box 398, Mexico, MO 65265.

Kansas City: An American Story. By Rick Montgomery and Shirl Kasper (Kansas City: Kansas City Star Books, 1999). viii + 390 pp. Illustrations. Bibliography. Index. $49.50.

This comprehensive account of Kansas City looks at its growth from a small post at the confluence of the Kansas (or Kaw) and Missouri Rivers to the sprawling city of today. The authors not only discuss the development of the city as a whole but also mention a number of its most famous personali­ ties, including Casey Stengel, Jean Harlow, Walter Cronkite, Count Basie, and Charlie Parker, and ordinary individuals who contributed to the city's history. Well-written and wonderfully illustrated, this book will appeal to readers interested in the story of Kansas City. Book Notes 493

Letters of a Lifetime. By Sally K. Babinat (Milwaukee, Wise: Babblins Publishing, 1999). 235 pp. $35.00, plus $4.00 shipping and handling.

When she rescued a trunk of letters from her grandmother, Sally K. Babinat had no comprehension of the history contained within them. Using her great great-grandmother Christiana Dean's correspondence with friends and family, the author has produced an engaging book of late-nineteenth-cen­ tury Missouri and family history. The book takes the reader on a journey through Dean's life: from a young girl in Putnam County, to a wife and moth­ er of five near Joplin, to the tragic death of her husband in Oklahoma and her decision to stay there and raise her children on her own. Through Dean's cor­ respondence, the reader glimpses the challenges and joys associated with farming and family life during this time period. The volume is available from Letters of a Lifetime, Sally K. Babinat, P.O. Box 351, Big Bend, WI 53103.

Macon County Pictorial History. Compiled by Chuck Kindle (Marceline, Mo.: D-Books Publishing, 1999). 128 pp. Illustrations. $37.43, plus $5.00 shipping and handling.

With the primary purpose of preserving "old photographs that might have otherwise been lost," the Macon Chronicle-Herald and the Macon Journal put together this handsomely designed and illustrated work. In it are photographs of Macon County's people, businesses, buildings, industrial sites, and schools over the last 120 years. It is available through the Chronicle-Herald, 204 West Bourke, Macon, MO 63552.

Union Station: Kansas City. By Jeffrey Spivak (Kansas City: Kansas City Star Books, 1999). vii+ 269 pp. Illustrations. Bibliography. Index. $39.95.

When it opened in 1914, Kansas City's Union Station was the third- largest train terminal in the United States. It served as the starting point for the first streamliner trains and hosted visiting presidents and New Year's Eve celebrations under its famed clock. A gangster-era massacre took place just outside its walls, and the building has recently been restored and reopened as Science City. In this beautifully illustrated volume, Jeffrey Spivak chronicles these events and more with photographs and recollections of those who have played a part in the station's history.

Our Heritage—Our Mission, 1850-2000: St John United Church of Christ, Emma, Mo. (Emma, Mo.: St. John United Church of Christ, 2000). 226 pp. Illustrations. $22.00, paper, plus $3.00 shipping and handling.

Using minutes, reports of the pastors, and three books recording bap­ tisms, marriages, confirmations, and funerals, several members of the St. 494 Missouri Historical Review

John United Church of Christ have pieced together the history of their place of worship over the last 150 years. Sketches of pastors; baptism, confirma­ tion, marriage, and death records; and historical highlights are covered in this volume. The book can be ordered from Don Dittmer, 725 Main, Concordia, MO 64020.

Past Perfect: True Tales of Town and 'Round. By Patrick Brophy (Nevada, Mo.: Vernon County Historical Society, 2000). 368 pp. Illustrations. Index. $19.95, paper, plus $4.00 shipping and handling.

In his Nevada Daily Mail columns, local historian Patrick Brophy has often recounted the colorful, exciting history of Nevada and Vernon County. In this extensive book, he presents a well-written and engaging chronicle of local history. Through Brophy, the reader is exposed to interesting facts and stories concerning Vernon County's Indian heritage, pioneers, important cit­ izens, significant events, and natural disasters. The book can be ordered from the Vernon County Historical Society, 231 North Main Street, Nevada, MO 64772.

Quinine and Quarantine: Missouri Medicine through the Years. By Loren Humphrey (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2000). xi + 128 pp. Illustrations. Index. $9.95, paper.

This latest installment in the Missouri Heritage Reader Series focuses on the impact that medicine and those who practice it have had on the history of Missouri. Loren Humphrey's work is chronologically divided into four sec­ tions with corresponding chapters that explain the evolution of the practice of medicine in the state—the "potluck" medicine days of the early nineteenth century, the "community" medicine era from 1849 to 1898, the creation of "standards for medicine" in the first half of the twentieth century, and the "scientific medicine" phase from 1949 to 1999. This highly informative work is a fine addition to the study of medical history in Missouri. INDEX TO VOLUME XCIV

Audrain County Historical Society, 84, 209, 330, 466 Abbott, Mark, 465 Augusta, Mo., 361 Adair County Historical Society, 209, 330, 466 Aurora, Mo., 115, 341 Adams, John Quincy, 365-388 Austin, David C, '"A Paying Proposition': The Adams, Louisa Catherine, 370, 378 Jerome Bridge in Phelps County," 287-302 Adonis, Mo., 104 Austin, Virginia, obit., 234 Affton Historical Society, 84, 209, 330, 466 Automobiles, 95 African Americans, 97, 231, 237-238, 481 Autry, Gene, 233, 350 Augusta, 361 Avenue City, Mo., 97 Civil War soldiers, 341 Cooper County, 228, 229 B Kansas City, 484 Babinat, Sally K., Letters of a Lifetime, 493 Perry County, 232 Bagnell Branch Railroad, 225 St. Louis, 98, 229, 350 Baker Plantation House, Danville, 349 schools, 228, 483 Baldwin family, 229 Springfield, 98 Baldwin, Roger Sherman, 16 women, 481 Ballwin Historical Society, 330, 466 Airplanes, 342 Banasik, Michael E., ed., Missouri Brothers in Gray: Airports The Reminiscences and Letters of William J. Bull Belton, 341 and John P. Bull, 355-357 Neosho, 96 Bank of Iberia, 344 Albino Farm, Greene County, 485 Bank of St. Louis, 248, 249 All Saints Catholic Church, University City, 348 Baptist Church, Fulton, 95 Along the Boone's Lick Road: Missouri's Bar Association of Metropolitan St. Louis, 486 Contribution To Our First Transcontinental Route - Barker, "Ma," 104 U.S. Highway 40, by Dan A. Rothwell, 361-362 Barker United Methodist Church, Memphis, 97 American Association for State and Local History, 83 Barnes, Francis M. "Bud," 204; obit., 106 Amos, Norman, obit., 107 Barnes, Thomas S., 232 Anders, Leslie, 490-491 Barnhart, Mo., 480 Anderson, Lucille Adams, 483 Barrera, Pablo, 127, 130, 133, 135-136, 141, 144 Anderson, O. W., 294 Barrow, Clyde, 349 Anderson, William T. "Bloody Bill," 483, 490-491 Barrow, Josiah, 486 Andrew County Museum and Historical Society, 84, Barry County, 100 209, 330, 466 Barry County Genealogical and Historical Society, 84, Angelo, L.V. Mike, obit., 107 209, 330, 466 Annapolis, Mo., 230 Barton County Historical Society, 84, 209, 330, 466 Arcadia Valley Hospital, Pilot Knob, 227 Baseball Argyle Lake, Osage County, 343 Little League, 224 Arlington, Mo., 288-289, 290 St. Louis Cardinals, 342 Armstrong, Louise McCool, 416 women's, 227 Armstrong, Marjorie Moore, 424 Basie, William "Count," inside July back cover Armstrong, Orland Kay "O. K.," 415-433 Bass, Tom, 233, 486 Arrow Rock, Mo., 348, 483, 484 Bateman House Hotel, Joplin, 342 Asel, Frances S., obit., 234 Bates County, 341 Ash Grove, Mo., 102 Bates County Historical Society, 330 Ashley, George, 486 Baumann, John, Safe and Hardware Company, St. Ashley, W. P., 170 Louis, 98 Atchison, David Rice, 8, 11, 15, 16, 19 Bay, Mo., 102 Atkinson, Henry, 243, 251, 252, 253-254, 255, 256- Becoming Laura Ingalls Wilder: The Woman behind 257, 261, 263 the Legend, by John E. Miller, 357-359 Atlas Cement Company, Ilasco, 230 Beechwood Plantation, Scott County, 231, 341 Atomic bomb, 98 Bell School, Liberty, 97 Aubry, Charles-Philippe, 123, 126-127 Belton Historical Society, 84, 209, 330, 466 Audrain Co. Missouri: Reflections of the Past, 1945- Belton, Mo., 341 2000, by Gayle Messer, 492 Benecke, Louis, 174

495 496 Index

Benedictine Sisters, Clyde, 225, 481 Brooks, George Washington, 97 Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks, Nevada, 481 Brophy, Patrick Bennett, Lyman, 105, 350 ed., In the Devil's Dominions: A Union Soldier's Benoist, Tom, 102 Adventures in "Bushwhacker Country," by Charles Benson, James H., 148, 149 W. Porter, 355-357 Benton County Historical Society, 84 Past Perfect: True Tales of Town and 'Round, 494 Benton School, Neosho, 97 Broseley, Mo., 100 Benton, Thomas Hart (senator), 1-24; statue, 98 Brown, Charles R., 202 Bethany, Mo., 95, 224 Brown, Joe, 485 Bingham, George Caleb, 101, 232, 463 Brown, Mary Burdan, 101 Bingham School, Springfield, 486 Brown, Thomas A., 101 Black, James, 66 Brown-Kubisch, Linda, 207; co-auth., "Show Me Blacksher family, 231 Missouri History: Celebrating the Century," 176-198, Blacksmiths, 342 303-328, 434-462 Blair, Francis Preston, 353-354, 402, 403, 406, 407, Brown's Cave, Douglas County, 101 410, 413; statue, 98 Bruening-Kerstner Dry Goods Company, Jackson, 96 Bloody Bill Anderson: The Short, Savage Life of a Brunswick, Mo., 102, 348 Civil War Guerrilla, by Albert Castel and Thomas Brush and Palette Club, 85, 210, 331, 467 Goodrich, 490-491 Brush Creek Cemetery, Laclede County, 103 Blue Springs Historical Society, 467 Bryant, Sylvester J., 289, 290 Bock, H. Riley, 201, 204, 205 Bryant's Cottages, Jerome, 293 Boeckman, Laurel, 83 Buchanan College, Troy, 482 Boeger's Store, Osage County, 231 Buckner family, 343 Bollinger Mill State Historic Site, Burfordville, 95 Buell, Don Carlos, 484 Bolton, Lewis, house, Cole County, 96 Buffalo, Mo., 480 Boman, Dennis K., "Impeachment Proceedings as a Buffalo Reflex, 480 Partisan Tool: The Trial of Judge David Todd," 146- Bull, John P., 355-357 159 Bull, William J., 355-357 Bonniebrook Historical Society, 84, 467 Bullion, Laura, 83 Book Notes, 115-118, 239, 361-363, 492-495 Bunker Union Church, 98 Book Reviews, 108-114, 235-238, 353-360, 488-491 Burford, P. J., 104 Boone County, 229, 349; towns, 346 Burfordville, Mo., 95 Boone County Historical Society, 82-83, 84-85, 210, Burgess, Albert, 350 330-331,467 Burkleo, William Van, 228 Boone, Daniel, 484 Burlington Junction, Mo., 225 Boone, Nathan, 235-236 Burns, Mo., 104 Boone-Duden Historical Society, 85, 210, 331, 467 Burt, Larry W, "Unlikely Activism: O. K. Armstrong Boone's Lick Trail, 361-362 and Federal Indian Policy in the Mid-Twentieth Boonslick Historical Society, 210, 467 Century," 415-433 Boonville, Mo., 346 Buse, John J., In His Own Hand: A Historical Bootheel, 484 Scrapbook of St. Charles County, Missouri, 83, 488- Borders, Nathaniel, 231 489 Bortscheller, Richard A., obit., 351 Buse, John L., 83 Botanists, 347 Bush, George, 343 Bothwell, John Homer, 227 Bush, Isidor, 42-58 Bowling Green, Mo., 343 Bush, Raphael, 43, 46, 47, 51, 54, 56-57 Boy Scouts, Springfield, 105, 232 Bushberg, Mo., 42-58 Brackett, Charles, 239 Bushberg Vineyards, 42-58 Bradbury, John R, Jr., 201, 355-357 Butler Academy, Butler, 95 Bray, Robert T, 102; obit., 234 Butler County, 100; Courthouse, Poplar Bluff, 100 Breckinridge, John C, 37-38, 39, 160, 169 Butler, Mo., 95 Bridges. See also individual bridge names Butterfield Overland Mail, 485 Burfordville, 95 construction, 298 Gasconade River, 102 "Calculated Confederate: Claiborne Fox Jackson and Jerome, 287-302 the Strategy for Secession in Missouri," by Mississippi River, 98 Christopher Phillips, 389-414 Bridgeton Historical Society, 85 Caldwell County Historical Society, 467 Index 497

Calhoun (steamboat), 248 Centralia Historical Society, 85, 211, 331 Calhoun, John C, 241-243, 246, 365-388 Centralia, Mo., 483 California, Mo., 341 Chain of Rocks, Mo., 230 Call to the Frontier: Gottfried Duden's 1800 's Book Chambers, Talbot, 247-249, 251 Stimulated Immigration to Missouri, by Joan M. Chapman, Lonny, 95 Juern, 363 Chariton County, 227, 230 Callender, Franklin D., 101 Chariton County Historical Society, 85, 211, 331, 468 Camden County Historical Society, 210, 467 Chariton River, 105 Camden Point, Mo., 349 Charity, Mo., 480 Cameron, Mo., 341 Chavez, Antonio Jose, 101, 346 Camp Arrowhead, Webster County, 105 Chesterfield, Mo., 115 Camp Jackson, St. Louis, 407, 408 Chicano publications, Kansas City, 347 Camp Salomon, Lawrence County, 484 Chillicothe, Mo., 103, 341 Campbell, James, 148, 150, 153-154 Cholera, 482 Campbell, Robert, 105 Christ Episcopal Church, Springfield, 227 Campbell, Scott, 224 Christensen, Lawrence O., 199-200, 204, 205 Cansler, Loman, 102 Christeson, R. P., 102 Cap-Au-Gris, Lincoln County, 103 Christian Brothers College High School, St. Louis, Capeci, Dominic J., Jr., 204, 205; The Lynching of 226 Cleo Wright, 237-238 Christian Chapel Church, DeKalb County, 346 Caplinger, Mo., 102 Christian County Museum and Historical Society, 85, "Captain Francisco Riu y Morales and the Beginnings 211,468 of Spanish Rule in Missouri," by Gilbert C. Din, Christmas, 342 121-145 Churches. See also individual church names Cardwell First Baptist Church, 225 Catholic, 486 Carl, August, 284 Lutheran, 228 Carl Junction, Mo., 95 Lutheran-Missouri Synod, 483 Carnahan, Jean, If Walls Could Talk: The Story of Methodist, 485 Missouri's First Families, 113-114 St. Joseph, 343 Carneal, Thomas W, 354-355 Circle Mine, Oronogo, 482 Carondelet Historical Society, 85, 210, 331, 467-468 City ofSaltillo (steamboat), 482 Carondelet, Mo., 228, 484 Civil rights, 98 Carroll County Historical Society, 85, 210-211, 331 Civil War, 25-41, 100, 101, 104, 105, 116, 117-119, Carroll, William L., 231 160-175, 230, 231, 239, 264-286, 355-357, 483, 484, Carrollton, Mo., 224 485, 490-491 Carson, Kit, 230 African American soldiers, 341 Carthage, Mo., 95, 224, 225, 341 Bates County, 341 Carver, George Washington, 99 battle of Carthage, 28 Cass County, 485 battle of Mobile, Ala., 282-284 Cass County Historical Society, 85, 331, 468 battle of New Market, Va., 37-41 Castel, Albert, co-auth., Bloody Bill Anderson: The battle of Pea Ridge, Ark., 346 Short, Savage Life of a Civil War Guerrilla, 490-491 battle of Pilot Knob, 230 Catholic Church, Franklin County, 486 battle of Pleasant Hill, La., 277 Cattle drives, 103, 485 battle of Shiloh, Tenn., 228 Cave, Tommy, 40 battle of Vicksburg, Miss., 104 Cedar County Historical Society, 85, 211, 331, 468 battle of Wilkin's Bridge, 100 Cedar Springs, Mo., 484 battle of Wilson's Creek, 227 Cemeteries. See also individual cemetery names Boone County, 349 Boone County, 229 Chariton County, 230 Catholic, St. Louis, 101, 229 Columbia, 349 Iberia, 99 Cooper County, 100 Laclede County, 103 First Missouri Cavalry, Company A, 27, 31-41, Lawrence County, 101 160-170 Lincoln County, 103 First Northeast Missouri Cavalry, 30 Ozark County, 104 First Regiment, Missouri Infantry (Confederate), Ozarks, 104 230, 347 Central Dairy, Columbia and Jefferson City, 225 Gasconade County, 97 Central Park, Hannibal, 96 guerrillas, 172-175, 356-357 498 Index

Jackson County, 100 Cooper County, 100, 228, 229 Livingston County, 229 Cooper County Historical Society, 86, 200, 212 McNeill's Rangers, 33, 162-170 Cooper Hill, Mo., 103 Montgomery County, 229 Corbett, Katharine T, 465 Palmyra, 225, 233, 483 Cornerstone Baptist Church, Richland, 97 Perry County, 232 Coughlin, Timothy R., obit., 234 reenactments, 97 Court Square Building, St. Louis, 98 Ripley County, 232 Cox, Amanda, 105 St. Louis, 101 Cox, Lester, 105 Sixteenth Corps (Union), 281-282 Coyle, Eugene Owen, 229 Thirty-third Missouri Volunteer Infantry (Union), Coyle High School, Kirkwood, 229 266-284 Craig, Silas, 249 Virginia, 33-41, 160-170 Creve Coeur-Chesterfield Historical Society, 469 women, 233 Criswell, Grover C, obit., 234 Woodson's Cavalry, 27, 31-41, 160-175 Crockett, Jack, homestead, Ralls County, 226 Yazoo Pass expedition, 270-274 Crook, George, 170 Civil War Round Table of Kansas City, 85, 211, 468 Crosswhite Cemetery, Boone County, 229 Civil War Round Table of St. Louis, 86, 211, 331, 468 Croteau, Shelly, 357-359 Civil War Round Table of Western Missouri, 211, Crowder, Enoch, 65, 74 468-469 Crowley, Samuel, 102 Clark County, 342 Crowson Livery Stable, Fulton, 95 Clatto, Chip, 98 Crystal City (steamboat), 233 Clay County Archives and Historical Library, 86, 332 Cullen, Richard, 343 Clay, Henry, 12, 17, 18, 19 Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Warrensburg, 95 Clay comb, William B., Pettis County, Missouri: A Cummins, Jim, 100 Pictorial History, 116-117 Cunningham, Noble E., Jr., 201 Clayton, Bruce, Praying for Base Hits: An American Curran, Thomas F., "Memory, Myth, and Musty Boyhood, 359-360 Records: Charles Woodson's Missouri Cavalry in the Clearwater Dam, Wayne County, 97 Army of Northern Virginia," 25-41, 160-175 Clemens, Samuel L., 486 Cliff Street Mansion, Jefferson City, 96 D Club Theater, Ozark, 228 Dallas County, 480; Courthouse, Buffalo, 480 Clyde, Mo., 225, 481 Dallas County Historical Society, 86, 212, 332, 469 Coffey, James T, 99 Dallas, Mo., 229 Coggswell, Gladys, 201, 202 Dalton, Barbara (Robertson), co-comp., Remember Cold War, 98 When . ..: A Pictorial History of the Ellsinore, Cole County, 96 Missouri, Area, 239 Cole County Historical Society, 86, 211-212 Dalton Heritage Association, 212 Cole, Jessie Richard, 346 Daniel Boone Hotel (City Hall), Columbia, 346 College Pharmacy, Carthage, 224 Danville, Mo., 349 Collier, John, 419, 420, 421, 431 Davis, Dwight, 98 Columbia, Mo., 100, 224, 225, 342, 346, 349, 483, Davis, Robyn L., co-auth., St. Joseph, Missouri: A 485 Postcard History, 362-363 Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893, 98 Davison, Ellen K., obit., 487 Columbus, Ky., 269 Davisville, Mo., 349 Commerce, Mo., 102 Dawes Severalty Act of 1887, 418-419 Commercial Hotel, Iconium, 95 Day, Walter, 102 Commertown, Mo., 100 De Ulloa, Antonio, 121-145 Compromise of 1850, 1-24 Dean, Christiana, 493 Concannon, Marie, 83, 207 Dear Harry . . . Truman's Mailroom, 1945-1953, by Concordia Historical Institute, 86 D. M. Giangreco and Kathryn Moore, 117 Concordia, Mo., 224, 480 Defoe, Luther M., 74 Contributors to Missouri Culture Deguire, Paul, 102 Basie, William "Count," inside July back cover DeKalb County, 346 Hoffman, Clara Cleghorn, inside April back cover DeKalb County Historical Society, 86, 212, 332, 469 Link, Theodore Carl, inside January back cover Delezene, Olive M., obit., 487 Neihardt, John G., inside October back cover Democratic Party, Missouri, 1849, 6-10 Cook, Rebecca McDowell, 83 Dent County Historical Society, 332 Index 499

Dentistry, 484 Emerson, Eliza Irene, 232 Depots, 95, 99, 100, 227, 229, 345, 347 Emigration, 484 DeReign, Albert, 485 Emma (steamboat), 100 Derendinger, Elaine, co-comp. and co-ed., Stories of Emma, Mo., 224, 480, 493-494 Howard County, Missouri: "The Mother of Emmons, Glenn, 426, 427, 428, 429, 431 Counties," 117 Emperor (elephant), 69-71, 72, 76, 77, 78-79 Des Peres, Mo., 98 English, Earl, obit., 487 DeSoto, Mo., 229 Esther, Mo., schools, 103 Dexter, Mo., 95 Etlin, Lukas, 225 Dickerson Park Zoo, Springfield, 232 Ewing, Ephriam B., house, Jefferson City, 96 Din, Gilbert C, "Captain Francisco Riu y Morales Executions and the Beginnings of Spanish Rule in Missouri," Oregon County, 99 121-145 Perry County, 101 Doling Park, Springfield, 486 Expedition (steamboat), 247, 248, 250 Donaldson, Gary A., Truman Defeats Dewey, 489-490 Doniphan, Mo., 104, 232 Donley, Paul, comp., Tracks to the Past: A Pictorial Fair Grove, Mo., schools, 480 History of Aurora, Missouri, 115 Fairbanks, Jonathan, 232 Donnelly, Robert T., obit., 234 Fallis, F.W., 171 Dougherty, John, 105 Farley, James W, Gone But Not Forgotten, 239 Douglas County, 101 Farming, 96 Douglas County Historical and Genealogical Society, Farmington, Mo., 97 86 Fatima High School, Westphalia, 481 Douglas, Stephen A., 4 Faust, Leicester B., estate, 115 Doxie, Julia Salisbury, 172 Felix Valle State Historic Site, Ste. Genevieve, 347 Driver, William A. (Bill), 102 Ferguson Historical Society, 86, 212, 332, 469 Drury College, Springfield, 417, 486 Ferguson, John, 103 Duden, Gottfried, 363, 482 Ferguson, Mo., 228, 483 Dufossat, Guy (Guido), 121, 126, 130, 131, 138 Ferries, 96 Dwyer, James H., 171 Ferris wheel, 98 Dyer, Thomas G., 237-238 Fiddling, 102 Finley, Julia Elizabeth Riggs Foster, 231 E Fire fighting, 102 Eads Bridge, St. Louis, 105 Fires Eagle Fork, Mo., 349 Fredericktown, 102 Eagle Rock, Mo., 100 St. Louis, 98 Eagleton Courthouse block, St. Louis, 229 First Baptist Church, Odessa, 97 Earp, Wyatt, 349 First Christian Church, Bethany, 224 East St. Louis, 111., 229 First National Bank, Nevada, 481 Easton, Rufus, 486 First Northeast Missouri Cavalry, 30 Edgar, William R., IV, obit., 234 First Regiment, Missouri Infantry (Confederate), 230, Edina, Mo., 342 347 Edison, Thomas Alva, 61-62 Fitzpatrick, Lawrence W, 290-292, 295-298, 302 Ekberg, Carl J., French Roots in the Illinois Country: Fleck, Melba, co-comp. and co-ed., Stories of Howard The Mississippi Frontier in Colonial Times, 236-237 County, Missouri: "The Mother of Counties," 117 El Dorado Springs, Mo., 230 Floods Elections Douglas County, 101 1850, 5, 10-24 St. Louis, 344 gubernatorial, 1860, 395-396 Florence, Mo., 344 presidential, 1860, 395, 396-397 Florissant Valley Historical Society, 212 presidential, 1948, 489-490 Folk music, 102 primary, 1940, 352 Forestry, 483 Elk General Baptist Church, Broseley, 100 Forsyth Lodge No. 453, A. F. and A. M., 233 Ellis Fischel Cancer Hospital, Columbia, 483 Fort Benton, Wayne County, 228 Ellsinore, Mo., 239 Fort Blakely, Ala., 282, 283 Elmore, Truman, 118 Fort Curtis, Ark., 274 Elmwood Farm Cemetery, Lincoln County, 103 Fort Don Carlos, St. Louis County, 129, 131-132, Elmwood, Mo., Methodist Church, 227 134, 137-138, 142 500 Index

Fort Leonard Wood, Pulaski County, 103, 224 Gentzler, Lynn Wolf, 114, 207-208 Fort Osage, Jackson County, 347 German Americans, 104, 347, 348, 361, 488-489 Fort Pemberton, Miss., 270-271, 272-273 German-Austrian-Swiss Heritage and Historical Fort Spanish, Ala., 282, 283 Society of the Ozarks, 87, 213, 333, 469-470 Fort Union, N.D., 350 Giangreco, D. M., co-auth., Dear Harry. . . Truman's Foster, Allen C, 232 Mailroom, 1945-1953, 117 Fountain Bleu School, Avenue City, 97 Gibson, George, 245, 247, 254 Fourth of July, 96, 224 Gifts Relating to Missouri, 93-94, 221-223, 338-340, Francis, David R., 68, 69, 77, 78 477-479 Frank Blair: Lincoln's Conservative, by William E. Giglio, James N., 108-111 Parrish, 353-354 Gilbert, Charles, 230 Franke, Clarice Arlene, obit., 234 Gilmer, Olive, 99 Franklin County, 233, 486 Ginny's Kitchen and Custards, Barnhart, 480 Franklin, Dick, 202, 203 Glasgow, Mo., 483, 484-485 Franklin, Marvin, 432 Glendale Historical Society, 87, 213, 333, 470 Franklin, Mo., 102, 230 Glendale, Mo., 229 Frank's Nursery and Crafts Store, St. Louis, 97 Glenfmlas, Mo., 348 Fredericktown, Mo., 102, 342 Globe, Mo., 225 Free-Soilism, 14, 16 Goebel, Rudolph, 232; photography by, In His Own Freed Slaves: Ex-Slaves and Augusta, Missouri's Hand: A Historical Scrapbook of St. Charles County, Germans During and After the Civil War, by Anita Missouri, 83, 488-489 M. Mallinckrodt, 361 Golden Eagle River Museum, 87, 213, 333, 470 Freeman, J. W, 345 Gomez, Fernando, 124-125, 127, 129, 130, 131, 133, French Roots in the Illinois Country: The Mississippi 134, 135, 137, 138, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145 Frontier in Colonial Times, by Carl J. Ekberg, 236- Gone But Not Forgotten, by James W. Farley, 239 237 Goodman, George, 231 Friedenberg Lutheran Historical Society, 86, 212 Goodrich, James W, 83, 202-204, 207, 464 Friends of Arrow Rock, 86, 212-213, 332, 469 Goodrich, Thomas, co-auth., Bloody Bill Anderson: Friends of Historic Augusta, 213 The Short, Savage Life of a Civil War Guerrilla, 490- Friends of Historic Boonville, 86-87, 213, 332, 469 491 Friends of Jefferson Barracks, 87, 213, 332, 469 Gospel Ridge School, St. Robert, 103 Friends of Keytesville, 87 Gottschalk, Phil, obit., 351 Frisco Railroad, 100 Graduate Theses Relating to Missouri History, 1999, From Lincoln Logs to Lego Blocks: How Joplin Was 352 Built, by Leslie Simpson, 96, 362 Graff, Willard J., 232 Frost, Daniel, 404, 407 Gragg, Larry, 236-237 Fulkerson, Denny, 481 Grain Valley Historical Society, 87, 213, 333, 470 Fulkerson, Frank, obit., 107 Granby, Mo., 104 Fulton, Mo., 95 Grand River Historical Society and Museum, 87, 213, Fun Valley Lake, Jefferson County, 350 333, 470 Fur trade, 348 Grandin, Mo., 100 Grandview Historical Society, 213-214, 470 Grant, Ulysses S., 228 Gallatin, Mo., 354-355 Grapes, 45-58 Garland, Hugh A., 232 Gratiot School, St. Louis, 98 Gasconade County, 97, 230, 482 Gray, Victor M., obit., 234 Gasconade County Historical Society, 87, 213, 332, Great Depression, 480 469 Great Republic (steamboat), 349 Gasconade River, 102, 103, 231 Greene County, 485 Gaslight Square, St. Louis, 226 Greene County Historical Society, 87, 214, 333, 470 Gateway Arch, St. Louis, 226 Greenway, Kay, obit., 234 Gaulding Cemetery, Ozark County, 104 Gregory, Ralph, co-auth., Wine-Making in "Duden General Sterling Price's 1864 Invasion of Missouri, Country," 492 by Jerry Ponder, 117-118 Grist mills, Ozark County, 103, 231 Gentry, Ann Hawkins, 100 Grundy County Historical Society, 87, 214, 333 Gentry family, 229 A Guide to Chesterfield's Architectural Treasures, by Gentry, Mo., 224 Dan A. Rothwell, 115 Gentry, Richard, 151, 152 Guitar, Odon, 228 Index 501

H Hoberg, Henry, 264-286 Hackman, Irene, obit., 351 Hoberg, Margaret, 266 Hafer, Eugene, 349 Hoberg, Mo., 284-286 Hahs family, 231 Hodge, Eli, 483 Hall house, Nevada, 346 Hoffman, Clara Cleghorn, inside April back cover Hall Theatre, Columbia, 100 Honey War, 100, 102 Halleck, Henry, 267 Hood, John Bell, 280 Hall's Boarding Stable, Carthage, 95 Hoops, Walter, obit., 487 Hamilton, Jean Tyree, obit., 107 Hope, Mo., 231 Hannibal, Mo., 96 Hopkins, Mo., 225 Hanover, Mo., 229 Horses, 485 Hardy, Mo., 349 Horton, Mo., 485 Harney, William S., 406, 410, 411 Hotel Bothwell, Sedalia, 104 Harrington, Sterling Price, 239 Hotel Robidoux, St. Joseph, 343 Harris, James M., 231 Houchin house, Jefferson City, 96 Harry S. Truman and the News Media: Contentious Houses, St. Louis, 98 Relations, Belated Respect, by Franklin D. Mitchell, Howard County, 117 108-111 Howell, Bea, 224 Hartel, Edward A., obit., 234 Hubbell, Victoria, A Town on Two Rivers, 361 Harvey Houses (restaurants), 344 Hubert, Irmgard, 232 Hattaway, Herman, 353-354 Huckaby, Mo., 104 Hausam, Peter, sawmill, St. Charles, 349 Huckleberry Finn, 348 Havig, Alan R., 112-113 Hudlin family, 482 Hawk Point Depot, Troy, 227 Hughes, Rupert, 112-113 Hawkins, Isaac Newton, 480 Human, James G., 342 Heffernan, Frank, 232 Humansville, Mo., 342 Heisserer, William H., 231 Humphrey, Loren, Quinine and Quarantine: Missouri Helena, Ark., 270-271, 273-276 Medicine through the Years, 494 Hellweg Summer Resort, Jerome, 290 Hunter, David, 161 Helmich, Irene, 348, 484 Hunter, Max, 102 Hematite, Mo., 229 Huntsville Historical Society, 88, 214, 470 Henry County Historical Society, 87-88, 333, 470 Huron, Mo., 104 Hercules Powder, Carthage, 341 Hurst, Fannie, 486 Hermann, Mo., 96, 347, 488-489 Hurt, R. Douglas, Nathan Boone and the American Herndon family, 229 Frontier, 235-236 Herren, Charles, 239 Husmann, George, 44, 45 Herrod, Helen, 99 Hesse, Anna Kemper, 347; ed., Little Germany on the I Missouri: The Photographs of Edward J. Kemper, "T am Hoping for a Speedy Reunion': The Civil War 1895-1920, 488-489 Correspondence of Private Henry Hoberg," by Jarod Hickman, Thomas, 155, 156, 157 H. Roll, 264-286 Hickory County Historical Society, 214 Iberia, Mo., 99, 344 '"A High Wall and a Deep Ditch': Thomas Hart Icarian Home, St. Louis, 98 Benton and the Compromise of 1850," by John D. Ichthyology, 230 Morton, 1-25 Iconium, Mo., 95 Higley, Leo W, 294 If Walls Could Talk: The Story of Missouri's First Hillbillies, 105 Families, by Jean Carnahan, 113-114 Historic Florissant, 333 Ilasco, Mo., 103, 226, 230, 486 Historic Kansas City Foundation, 88 Images of the Ozarks, 115 Historic Madison County, 88, 214, 333, 470 Imboden, John D., 33, 34 Historical Society of New Santa Fe, 470 Immanuel Lutheran School, Joplin, 96 Historical Society of Polk County, 88, 214, 333, 470 Immigration, 363 A History of Newton County, Missouri, As Portrayed "Impeachment Proceedings as a Partisan Tool: The in the Courthouse Mural, by Sybil Shipley Jobe, 116 Trial of Judge David Todd," by Dennis K. Boman, Hoberg, August, 266, 270 146-159 Hoberg, Caroline Schloman, 284 In His Own Hand: A Historical Scrapbook of St. Hoberg, Frederick, 265, 266 Charles County, Missouri, by John J. Buse, with Hoberg, Heinrich Christopher. See Hoberg, Henry photographs by Rudolph Goebel, 83, 488-489 502 Index

In Memoriam, 106-107, 234, 351, 487 Jones, Jonathan M., "When Expectations Exceed In the Devil's Dominions: A Union Soldier's Reality: The Missouri Expedition of 1819," 241-263 Adventures in "Bushwhacker Country," by Charles Jones, V. A. L., 232 W. Porter and ed. by Patrick Brophy, 355-357 Joplin Junior College, 227 Independence, Mo., 96 Joplin, Mo., 96, 227, 342, 345, 362 Independence 76 Fire Company Historical Society, Jordan, David Starr, 230 88,214,333,471 Judgment at Gallatin: The Trial of Frank James, by Indermuehle, Murrel, 480 Gerard S. Petrone, 354-355 Indian New Deal, 419, 420 Judiciary, reform of, 1820s, 146, 147, 149, 158, 159 Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, 419, 425 Juern, Joan M. Innes Mills, Warrensburg, 345 Call to the Frontier: Gottfried Duden's 1800's Iowa Indians, 347 Book Stimulated Immigration to Missouri, 363 Iron County, 481,483 More Than the Sum of His Parts: Arnold Krekel, Iron County Historical Society, 214, 471 363 Iron Mountain Historical Society, 88 Ironton, Mo., 230, 481 K "Isidor Bush and the Bushberg Vineyards of Jefferson Kansas City: An American Story, by Rick County," by Siegmar Muehl, 42-58 Montgomery and Shirl Kasper, 492 Kansas City, Mo., 342, 492 Chicano publications, 347 Jackson, Claiborne Fox, 7, 389-414 garment district, 481 Jackson County, 100 riot, 1968, 484 Jackson County Historical Society, 471 Union Station, 342, 493 Jackson Hotel, Carthage, 341 Kansas City Posse of the Westerners, 88, 214-215, Jackson, Mo., 96, 342 334,471 Jackson Resolutions, 7-8, 10 Kanvandi, Janet (Sellers), 341 James, Frank, 354-355, 485 Kasper, Shirl, co-auth., Kansas City: An American James gang, 100, 101, 105 Story, 492 James, Jesse, 231, 346, 347, 349, 485 Kaye, Ara, 207 James, Jesse, Farm and Museum, Kearney, 96 Kearney, Mo., 96 James, Larry A., comp., The Monark Towns and Kelley, Benjamin, 166, 167, 170 Surrounding Villages, 118 Kelley, Henry B., 46 Jasper County Historical Society, 88, 333, 471 Kelly, Henry Glen, Jr., 105 Jazz music, inside July back cover Kemm, James O., Rupert Hughes: A Hollywood Jefferson (steamboat), 248, 253, 255 Legend, 112-113 Jefferson Bank, St. Louis, 352 Kemper, Edward J., 347, 488-489 Jefferson Barracks, St. Louis, 101 Kennedy, John F, 226, 341 Jefferson City, Mo., 95, 96, 225, 342, 481 Kenney, Rose C, obit., 234 Jefferson County, 103, 105, 350 Kentwood Arms, Springfield, 486 Jefferson County Emigration Society, 229 Keytesville, Mo., 230, 484 Jefferson, Thomas, 347 Kierolf, Alfred S., 480 Jericho Springs, Mo., 484 Killings worth, Jack, 104 Jerome Bridge Company, 292-297, 300 Kimmins Cemetery, Lawrence County, 101 Jerome Bridge, Phelps County, 287-302 Kimmswick Historical Society, 88-89, 215, 471 Jerome, Mo., 288, 289, 290, 293, 298, 302, 485 Kimmswick, Mo., 229 Jersey Lawn mansion, Platte County, 104 Kindle, Chuck, comp., Macon County Pictorial Jesse, Richard Henry, 347 History, 493 Jesup, Thomas S., 245, 246, 254, 259, 261 King, Fred C, 294 Jobe, Sybil Shipley, A History of Newton County, King, Martin Luther, Jr., 226 Missouri, As Portrayed in the Courthouse Mural, Kingdom of Callaway Historical Society, 89, 215, 116 334,471 Johnson (steamboat), 248, 250, 257 Kirkwood Historical Society, 89, 334, 471 Johnson County Historical Society, 88, 214 Kirkwood, Mo., 101,229 Johnson, James, 242-263 Kneisley, J. W, 68, 69, 73, 74 Johnson, Richard M., 242-247, 249, 251-255, 257-263 Komarek de Luna, Phyllis, Public versus Private Johnston, Rowland L., 294 Power during the Truman Administration: A Study of Jones Drug Store, Liberal, 343 Fair Deal Liberalism, 108-111 Jones family, 232 Korean War, 98 Index 503

Krehbiel's Market, St. Louis, 226 Linn, Mo., 225, 348 Krekel, Arnold, 363 Lions, 344 Little, Andrew T, obit., 351 Little Germany on the Missouri: The Photographs of Labadie, Mo., 345 Edward J. Kemper, 1895-1920, ed. by Anna Kemper Laclede County, 103 Hesse, 488-489 Laclede County Historical Society, 89, 215 Livingston County, 229 Lafayette County Historical Society, 471-472 Livingston, Tom, 485 Lail, George, III, 228 Local Historical Societies, 84-92, 209-220, 330-337, Lake Creek, Mo., 104 466-476 Lake Placid, Morgan County, 481 Lockridge, Ruth, 27 Lake Serene, Franklin County, 233 Locomotives, 98 Lake Tekakwitha, Jefferson County, 105 Locust Creek Covered Bridge, Linn County, 483 Lambert, W C, 348 Lohman, Mo., 342 Lamp, Carl R., obit., 234 Long, Jimmy, 233, 350 Lancaster, Mo., 96 Long, Stephen H., 243, 244 Lancaster, Robert Roy, 228 Louisiana, map, 1765, 128 Landmarks Association of St. Louis, 215 Lovejoy, Elijah, 232 Lane, Rose Wilder, 349 Lucy, Gary R., 199, 204 Langenberg Store, Osage County, 103 Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod, 483 Larsen, Lawrence H., 200-201 Lutherans, 228 Larson, Sidney, 199 Lynch, William Henry, 350 Lathrop, Mo., 225 The Lynching of Cleo Wright, by Dominic J. Capeci, Lawrence County, 101, 484 Jr., 237-238 Lawrence County Historical Society, 89, 215, 334, Lynchings, 237-238, 343 472 Lyon, Nathaniel, 346, 403, 406, 407, 410, 411, 412, Laws, Ann Marie Broadwell, 60, 61 413,414 Laws, Samuel Spahr, 59-79 Lawson, George, 343 M Leach, Janet (Colyott), co-comp., Remember When McCampbell, Andrew, 27, 32, 171, 175 A Pictorial History of the Ellsinore, Missouri, Area, McCandless, Perry, 235-236 239 McCormack, Susan, 83 Lead mining, 347 McCracken, Mo., 228 Lebanon, Mo., 105 MacDonald, Emmitt, 105 LeBeau, Georgiann (Sister Mary Venard), 227 McKissick's Island, 102 Leedy, Charles A., 103 McMahan, Robert T, 101 Lee's Summit Historical Society, 89, 215, 472 McMahon, Helen G., obit., 234 Leonard, Abiel, 148, 150-156 McNeill, Jesse, 33, 166, 168, 169, 170 Leslie, Mo., 225 McNeill, John Hanson "Hanse," 33, 162, 163, 164, Letters of a Lifetime, by Sally K. Babinat, 493 166 Lewis and Clark expedition, 348, 486 McNeill's Rangers, 162-170 Lewis, Hobe, 429 Macon County Historical Society, 472 Lewis, Sam, 294 Macon County Pictorial History, comp. by Chuck Liberal, Mo., 343 Kindle, 493 Liberty, Mo., 97 McPheeters, James A. C, 103 Lick Creek Christian Church, 231 Madison County, 342 Licking, Mo., 481; high school, 225 Madison Hotel, Fredericktown, 102 Liguest, Pierre de Laclede, house, St. Louis, 131 Mahn, George W., 231 Lincoln, Abraham, 96 Major General John S. Marmaduke, C.S.A., by Jerry Lincoln County, 103, 230, 482 Ponder, 118 Lincoln County Historical and Archaeological Mallinckrodt, Anita M. Society, 89, 215, 334, 472 co-auth., Wine-Making in "Duden Country," 492 Lincoln Memorial Park Cemetery, Springfield, 98 Freed Slaves: Ex-Slaves and Augusta Missouri's Lincoln University, Jefferson City, 95, 96 Germans During and After the Civil War, 361 Lindbergh, Charles, 98 To Fence, Or Not To Fence: St. Charles County's Link, Theodore Carl, inside January back cover Long Road to Laws Putting Farm Animals Behind Linn County, 483 Fences and Off City Streets, 361 Linn, J. M., 100 Manring, Maurice M., "The President and the 504 Index

Emperor: How Samuel Spahr Laws Found an Ozark County, 103,231 Elephant and Lost His Job," 59-79 Mine Au Breton Historical Society, 89, 216, 334 Mantle, Maria Scriven, 103 Mining, 231 Manwaring, Charles, 348 Granby, 104 Maple Leaf Club, Sedalia, 99 lead, 347 Maries River, 343 zinc, 347 Marmaduke, John Sappington, 118 Misemer Cemetery, Lawrence County, 101 Marquand, Mo., 342 Mississippi River, 344, 482 Marquette and Joliet expedition, 342 bridges, 98 Marshfield, Mo., 343 panoramas, 346 Marvel Cave, 485 Missouri MAT Container Corporation, Piedmont, 482 first families, 113-114 Mayflower (steamboat), 105 secession crisis, 389-414 Mayo, James R., 201,202 southeast, 228, 341 Medicine, 484, 494 twentieth century in, 176-198, 303-328, 434-462 Meek, Seth, 230 Missouri Brothers in Gray: The Reminiscences and Meissner, Gustave, 47, 48, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58 Letters of William J. Bull and John P. Bull, ed. by Memorial Presbyterian Church, Arrow Rock, 483 Michael E. Banasik, 355-357 "Memory, Myth, and Musty Records: Charles Missouri Compromise, 365-388 Woodson's Missouri Cavalry in the Army of Missouri Conference on History, 465 Northern Virginia," by Thomas F. Curran, 25-41, Missouri Expedition, 1819, 241-263 160-175 Missouri Folklore Society, 465 Memphis, Carthage, and Northwestern Railway, 341 Missouri Guard, 225 Memphis, Mo., 97 Missouri Historical Society, 216, 347 Meramec Caverns, 485 Missouri History in Magazines, 100-105, 228-233, Meramec Station Historical Society, 89, 216, 472 346-350, 483-486 Meramec Valley Genealogy and Historical Society, Missouri History in Newspapers, 95-99, 224-227, 334 341-345, 480-482 Mercer County Genealogical and Historical Society, Missouri Lumber and Mining Company, 104 472 Missouri National Guard, 128th Field Artillery Messer, Gayle, Audrain Co. Missouri: Reflections of Regiment, 230, 231 the Past, 1945-2000, 492 Missouri Pacific Railroad, 284, 350 Methodist Church, 485 Missouri River, 241; Lewis and Clark expedition sites, Meyr, Vernon R., obit., 487 348 Mid-Missouri Civil War Round Table, 89, 216, 334, Missouri Society for Military History, 472 472 Missouri Southern Railroad, 346 Mid-Missouri Railfans, 216 Missouri State Capitol, Jefferson City, 393 Midland School, Carrollton, 224 Missouri State Capitol, St. Charles, 347 Miget family, 97 Missouri State Fair, Sedalia, 99 Migration, 484 Missouri Theater, Columbia, 342 Milbank Mills, Chillicothe, 103 Missouri Valley Hotel, Parkville, 104 Miles, Taylor, obit., 487 Missouri Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Miller, Anne, 199, 200 inside April back cover Miller, Chandra, '"Title Page to a Great Tragic Mitchell, Franklin D., Harry S. Truman and the News Volume': The Impact of the Missouri Crisis on Media: Contentious Relations, Belated Respect, 108- Slavery, Race, and Republicanism in the Thought of 111 John C. Calhoun and John Quincy Adams," 365-388 Moark Baptist College, West Plains, 349 Miller County, 103 Molasses making, 344 Miller County Historical Society, 89, 216, 334, 472 Monarch (gunboat), 482 Miller, Elijah H., 228 The Monark Towns and Surrounding Villages, com­ Miller, John E., Becoming Laura Ingalls Wilder: The piled by Larry A. James, 118 Woman behind the Legend, 357-359 Moniteau County, 341 Miller, La Vaughn, co-comp. and co-ed., Stories of Moniteau County Historical Society, 89, 216, 334, Howard County, Missouri: "The Mother of 472 Counties," 117 Monroe County Historical Society, 90 Miller, Madison, 485 Monroe, James, 365, 370, 372 Miller, Max, 199, 200 Montgomery, Christine, 83, 199, 200, 464; co-auth., Mills. See also individual mill names "Show Me Missouri History: Celebrating the Index 505

Century," 176-198, 303-328, 434-462 Nevada, Mo., 100, 346, 481, 494 Montgomery County, 229 New Franklin, Mo., 230 Montgomery County Historical Society, 216, 472-473 New Haven, Mo., 97 Montgomery, Rick, co-auth., Kansas City: An New London, Mo., 343 American Story, 492 New Market, Mo., 103 Moody Church of Christ, 485 New Orleans, La., map, 1770, 124 Moore, Joseph Lee, 231 New Santa Fe Historical Society, 216-217 Moore, Kathryn, co-auth., Dear Harry . . . Truman's News in Brief, 82-83, 207-208, 329, 464-465 Mailroom, 1945-1953, 117 Newton County, 116, 482 Moore School, Osceola, 226 Newton County Historical Society, 217, 473 More than the Sum of His Parts: Arnold Krekel, by Niangua River, 480 Joan M. Juern, 363 Nodaway County Historical Society, 90, 217, 335 Morgan County, 481 Noltensmeyer, Frederick, 266, 268, 276 Morgan County Historical Society, 216, 473 Noltensmeyer, Hermann, 275 Morgan, Lewis Henry, 418, 423 Normandy Area Historical Association, 90, 217, 473 Morrison Observatory, Glasgow, 483 Norris, Lyman Decatur, 232 Morton, John D., "'A High Wall and a Deep Ditch': Novinger, Mo., 103, 231 Thomas Hart Benton and the Compromise of 1850," 1-25 O Moscow Mills, Mo., 99 Oak Ridge R-6 School District, 342 Moss, George Washington, 103 Oakdale Cemetery, Scott County, 480 Mount Olive Baptist Church, Florence, 344 Odessa, Mo., 97 Mount Olive Lodge, Webster County, 343 O'Fallon Historical Society, 90, 217 Mount Zion Church, Howell County, 103 O'Fallon, John, 485 Muehl, Siegmar, "Isidor Bush and the Bushberg O'Fallon, Mo., 485 Vineyards of Jefferson County," 42-58 Oglesby, Henry Rubey "Rube," 228 Mueller, Mrs. George P., obit., 487 Oh Freedom After While (video), 482 Muench, Friedrich, 44 Old Church, Ozark, 228 Mules, 225 Old Mines Area Historical Society, 217, 473 Mullanphy, John, 347 Old Trails Historical Society, 217, 335 Munger Moss Hotel, 105 Olean, Mo., 342 Murders, 101, 343, 346, 349, 485 Olson, Edna McElhiney, 104 Murphy, James P., obit., 107 Olson, Greg, 200, 201 Museum of the Western Jesuit Missions, Florissant, Oregon County, 99 101, 484 O'Reilly, Alejandro, 142-145 Music, 233 Orieta, Jose, 124-125, 127 Musselfork Union Church, Chariton County, 227 Orleans, Mo., 104 Orphan trains, 95 N Orr, Sample, 396 Nathan Boone and the American Frontier, by R. Osage Beach, Mo., 361 Douglas Hurt, 235-236 Osage County, 96, 225, 231, 343, 348, 481, 485 National Council of Churches Division of Home Osage County Historical Society, 90, 217, 335, 473 Missions, 421, 428, 429 Osage River, 96 National History Day in Missouri, 82 Otterville, Mo., 100, 105 Native Americans, 233 Our Heritage—Our Mission, 1850-2000: St. John assimilation, 418-420, 422-425, 428, 430, 433 United Church of Christ, Emma, Mo., 493-494 federal policy, 20th century, 415-433 Overland Historical Society, 217-218, 335, 473 Iowa, 347 Owen, John Solomon, 232, 233 mounds, 229 Owensville Argus, 482 self-determination, 429, 431, 432, 433 Owensville, Mo., 343 Shawnee, 346 Owensville Republican Banner, 482 termination, 425-426, 428-430, 432-433 Ozark County, 103, 104, 231, 343, 352 Neely's Landing, Mo., 95 Ozark, Mo., 100, 228 Neihardt, John G., Corral of the Westerners, 90, 216, Ozarks, 101, 104, 105, 115, 344, 346, 352, 485 334-335, 473 Neosho, Mo., 96, 97, 116,481 Neosho Packing and Manufacturing Company, 481 Palmyra, Mo., 225, 233, 483 Nerinx Hall High School, Webster Groves, 226 Parker, Bonnie, 349 506 Index

Parkville, Mo., 104 Pleasant Gap Christian Church, 480 Parrish, William E., Frank Blair: Lincoln's Pleasant Hill Historical Society, 90, 218, 474 Conservative, 353-354 Pleasant Hill, La., 277 Parrott, James, 348 Poelker, Gregory C, 83 Past Perfect: True Tales of Town and 'Round, by Polk County, 104 Patrick Brophy, 494 Ponder, Jerry Patten, Nathaniel, 152 General Sterling Price's 1864 Invasion of Pay Down, Mo., 485 Missouri, 117-118 "'A Paying Proposition': The Jerome Bridge in Phelps Major General John S. Marmaduke, C.S.A., 118 County," by David C. Austin, 287-302 Poplar Bluff, Mo., 100 Peak, Reuben Thaddeus, 229 Poplar Heights Farm, Butler, 95 Peck, James H., 158, 159 Portage des Sioux, Mo., 98, 226 Peck, James M., 102 Porter, Charles W., and Patrick Brophy, ed., In the Peden, William H., obit., 107 Devil's Dominions: A Union Soldier's Adventures in Pemiscot County Historical Society, 335, 473 "Bushwhacker Country," 355-357 Perez-Mesa, Carlos, obit., 487 Porter, Joseph, 483 Perry Baptist Church, 231 Portland, Mo., 342 Perry Christian Church, 231 Potsdam, Mo., 230 Perry County, 101, 226, 232 Powell, Mildred Elizabeth, 233 Perry County Historical Society, 335, 473 Prairie Home School, St. Clair County, 480 Perry County Lutheran Historical Society, 90, 335, Praying for Base Hits: An American Boyhood, by 473-474 Bruce Clayton, 359-360 Perry, Edward W., 101 Prentiss, Benjamin M., 228 Perry, Henry Barker, 294 Presbyterian Church, Eagle Fork, 349 Perryville, Mo., 349 "The President and the Emperor: How Samuel Spahr Peterson, Verna Lea Lunceford, 349 Laws Found an Elephant and Lost His Job," by Petrone, Gerard S., Judgment at Gallatin: The Trial of Maurice M. Manring, 59-79 Frank James, 354-355 Price mansion, Jefferson City, 96 Pettis County, 99 Price, Risdon H., 249 Pettis County Historical Society, 90, 218, 335, 474 Price, Sterling, 117-118, 406, 409, 410, 411, 412, 483 Pettis County, Missouri: A Pictorial History, by Priddy, Bob, 201 William B. Claycomb, 116-117 Pritchett College, Glasgow, 483 Pevely, Mo., 229 Pritchett, Joseph H., 483 Pfeiffer, Walter C, obit., 487 Prost Implement Company, Perry County, 226 Phelps County, 287-302 Public versus Private Power during the Truman Phelps County Historical Society, 474 Administration: A Study of Fair Deal Liberalism, by Phelps Grove Park, Springfield, 232 Phyllis Komarek de Luna, 108-111 Phillips, Christopher, "Calculated Confederate: Pulaski County, poor farm, 103 Claiborne Fox Jackson and the Strategy for Pythian Castle, Springfield, 349 Secession in Missouri," 389-414 Phillips Pipeline Company, pump station, Bay, 102 Physicians, 484, 494 Quantrill, William Clarke, 101, 347 Picher, O. H., 482 Quantrill, William Clarke, Historical Society, 90, 218 Piedmont, Mo., 482 Quinine and Quarantine: Missouri Medicine through Piernas, Pedro, 136, 141, 142, 143, 145 the Years, by Loren Humphrey, 494 Pike County, 343; fair, 224 Pike County Historical Society, 90, 218, 474 Pike, Zebulon, 481 Radio, 105, 232 Pilgrim United Church of Christ, Labadie, 345 Ragan, Jacob, 229 Pilot Knob, Mo., 227 Ragan, Stephen Carter, 229 Pin Hook, Mo., 116-117 Railroads, 103, 105, 343, 346, 480, 482. See also Pineville, Mo., 485 names of individual railroads; wrecks, 482 Pisgah Cemetery, Laclede County, 103 Rain, Mud & Swamps: The Story of the 31st Missouri Pittsburgh-Corning plant, Sedalia, 344 Volunteer Infantry Regiment, by Gary L. Scheel, 116 Platte City, Mo., 349 Ralls County, 226, 343; Courthouse, New London, Platte County, 104, 239 343 Platte County Historical and Genealogical Society, Ramsey, Terry, 201,202 335 Randolph County Historical Society, 90, 218 Index 507

Ravens wood (farm), Cooper County, 229 A Guide to Chesterfield's Architectural Treasures, Ray County Historical Society, 218, 336, 474 115 Raymore Historical Society, 91, 218, 336 Route 66. See U.S. Highway 66 Raytown Historical Society, 91, 218-219, 336, 474 Rozier, Elizabeth, 96 Raytown, Mo., 226 Rucker, Booker Hall, 288, 292-295, 300-302 Reader's Digest, 417, 421, 423-424, 427, 429-431 Rupert Hughes: A Hollywood Legend, by James O. Redings Mill, Newton County, 482 Kemm, 112-113 Reeves, Timothy, 486 Rural electrification, 352 Reid, John W., 228 Russell, Joseph J., 485 Reinhard, James R., 200, 201, 203 Russell, Majors, and Waddell, 480 Remember When . . . : A Pictorial History of the Ellsinore, Missouri, Area, compiled by Barbara (Robertson) Dalton and Janet (Colyott) Leach, 239 Sacred Heart Parish, Verona, 99 Renfrew, Richard N., obit., 487 St. Ange de Bellerive, Louis, 126, 130, 142 Republic, Mo., 96, 343 St. Charles Academy, 348 Republicanism, 367, 372, 375, 378, 381, 385 St. Charles County, 104, 232, 361, 488-489 Reynolds County Genealogy and Historical Society, St. Charles County Historical Society, 474 474 St. Charles, Mo., 104, 232, 347, 349 Reynolds, Thomas C, 398 St. Clair County, 343, 480 Rice, 103 St. Clair County Historical Society, 91, 336, 474 Rich Hill, Mo., 97 St. Francis of Assisi Parish, Portage des Sioux, 226 Richland, Mo., 97 St. Francois County, 103, 483 Richmond, Robert W., 359-360 St. Francois County Historical Society, 91, 336, 474- Richter, Emma, 101 475 Richter, William, 101 St. John United Church of Christ, Emma, 480, 493-494 Rickman, Jim, 226 St. John's Hospital, Webb City, 345 Riley, Charles V, 49, 50, 52, 53 St. Joseph Historical Society, 91, 219, 336, 475 Rinehart, George Homer, 294 St. Joseph Hospital, St. Louis, 227 Ripley County, 232 St. Joseph, Missouri: A Postcard History, by Robyn L. Ripley County Historical Society, 336, 474 Davis and J. Marshall White, 362-363 Ripley, E. L., 65 St. Joseph, Mo., 226, 343 Ripperger, Leola, 200, 201 St. Joseph of Carondelet, 482 Riu y Morales, Francisco, 121-145 St. Joseph's Cathedral, Jefferson City, 481 Riverside Inn, Springfield, 233 St. Louis Bar Association, 104 Roaring River Baptist Church, Eagle Rock, 100 St. Louis Browns Historical Society, 475 Roberts, Alf, 485 St. Louis Cardinals, 342 Roberts, John, 147, 154, 155 St. Louis Cathedral, 96 Robertson, R. Ritchie, 350 St. Louis County Robinson, Hugh, 96 Fort Bellefontaine, 250 Robinson, William, 95 Fort Don Carlos, 129, 131-132, 134, 137-138, 142 Rock and roll, 98 Sylvan Springs Park, 229, 347 Rock Island Railroad, 105 St. Louis, Kansas City, and Colorado Railroad, 343 Rock Prairie, Mo., 104 St. Louis Legion, 101 Rogers, William Henry Harrison, 104 St. Louis, Mo., 96, 98, 101, 104, 226, 229, 344, 347, Roll, Jarod H., "T am Hoping for a Speedy Reunion': 350 The Civil War Correspondence of Private Henry archaeology, 229 Hoberg," 264-286 arsenal, 399 Rolla, Mo., 97, 267 Christian Brothers College High School, 226 Roller Holler, Taney County, 232 Court Square building, 98 Rondo, Mo., 104 desegregation, 344 Roscoe, Mo., 95 Eads Bridge, 105 Rose Hill Baptist Church, Thayer, 227 Fairgrounds Park, 352 Ross family, 344 fire, 1849, 98 Rosser, Thomas, 166, 167, 168, 170 firefighters, 102 Rothwell, Dan A. floods, 344 Along the Boone's Lick Road: Missouri's Frank's Nursery and Crafts Store, 97 Contribution To Our First Transcontinental Route Gaslight Square, 226 - U.S. Highway 40, 361-362 Gateway Arch, 226 508 Index

Gratiot School, 98 African American, Cooper County, 228 Icarian Home, 98 Springfield, 486 Jefferson Bank, 352 Sweet Springs, 482 Krehbiel's Market, 226 Schuyler County Historical Society, 91 KSD (radio station), 232 Schwartz, Charles W, 329 legal records, 486 Scoggin, George W., family, 102 map, 1767, 121 Scott County, 231,341,480 police, 101 Scott County Historical and Genealogical Society, 91, Sts. Peter and Paul Parish, 98, 362 219, 336, 475 Second Presbyterian Church, inside January back Scott, Dred, 342 cover Scott, Edward Herndon, 31, 36, 39, 161, 164, 171 Soldan International Studies High School, 98 Scott's Cafe, Poplar Bluff, 100 Soulard neighborhood, 226, 362 Scurvy, 346 tourism, 484 Second Baptist Church, Kansas City, 225 Union Station, inside January back cover Second Presbyterian Church, St. Louis, inside January Vashon High School, 226 back cover Wright, Thomas, house, 232 Sedalia, Mo., 99, 104, 227, 344, 347 Saint Louis University, 350 Seminary Cemetery, Florissant, 101 St. Mark's School for Boys, Portland, 342 Senath, Mo., 105 St. Michael Parish, Steelville, 224 Sentinel, Mo., 104 St. Michaels Village, Mo., 342 Shackelford, Danny, obit., 107 St. Patrick, Mo., 481 Sharecroppers strike, 1939, 225, 482 St. Paul Church, St. Paul, 98 Shaw, Junius Pulitzer, 344 St. Paul's Lutheran Church, Des Peres, 98 Shawnee Indians, 228, 346 St. Raphael the Archangel Parish, St. Louis Hills, 482 Shelby County, 344 St. Robert, Mo., 103-104 Shelby County Historical Society, 83, 91, 336 Ste. Genevieve County, 344, 483 Shelby, Joseph O., 100 Ste. Genevieve, Mo., 83, 136, 344, 347 Shelley v. Kraemer, 481 Sts. Peter and Paul Parish, St. Louis, 98, 362 Sheridan, Philip, 165 Salisbury, Lucius, 172, 173 Shockley Farm Clubhouse, Gentry, 224 Saloons, 341 Shockley School, Gentry, 224 Samuel, Zerelda James, 346 "Show Me Missouri History: Celebrating the San Marino, Mo., 100 Century," by Linda Brown-Kubisch and Christine Sanborn, J. W, 68, 69, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78 Montgomery, 176-198, 303-328, 434-462 Sanchez, Jose, Sanctuary in Soulard: The First 150 Shrine of St. Patrick, St. Patrick, 481 Years of Saints Peter and Paul Parish, 362 Sigel, Franz, 37, 38, 39 Sanctuary in Soulard: The First 150 Years of Saints Sikeston, Mo., 231,237-238 Peter and Paul Parish, by Jose Sanchez, 362 Simpson, Leslie, From Lincoln Logs to Lego Blocks: Sanders, Herk, 102 How Joplin Was Built, 96, 362 Sanders, Mrs. Norman, obit., 487 Sisters of Good Shepherd, St. Louis, 226 Sanders, Wayne, 83 Skane farm, Globe, 225 Santa Fe Trail, 233 Skinker, Alexander, 101 Sappington, John, 348, 486 Slabtown, Mo., 348 Sappington-Concord Historical Society, 91, 219, 475 Slavery, 97, 98, 231, 365-388; Perry County, 232 Sarcoxie, Mo., 95 Smith, James F, 171 Savage, Sean J., Truman and the Democratic Party, Smoot Motor Company, Shelby County, 344 108-111 Soda water manufacturing, 346 Scarritt Collegiate Institute, Neosho, 481 Soldan International Studies High School, St. Louis, Scheel, Gary L., Rain, Mud & Swamps: The Story of 98 the 31st Missouri Volunteer Infantry Regiment, 116 Songs, 102 Schloman, Caroline, 284 Sons and Daughters of the Blue and Gray Civil War Schluersburg, Mo., 100, 348 Round Table, 91-92, 219, 336, 475 Schmidli, Joseph, 225 Soulard neighborhood, St. Louis, 226, 362 Schmidli, Peter, 225 South Howard County Historical Society, 219, 475 Schnell, J. Christopher, 201 Spanish in Upper Louisiana, 121-145 Schofield, John M, 483 Spanish-American War, 99 Schofield, Mo., 104 Sparkill Dominicans, St. Louis, 344 Schools. See also names of individual schools Spivak, Jeffrey, Union Station: Kansas City, 493 Index 509

Sporting clubs, 231 Sweeney, John S., 483 Sporting News, 232 Sweet Springs, Mo., 482 Spring Creek community, Douglas County, 101 Sylvan Springs Park, St. Louis County, 229, 347 Spring Grove School, Lawrence County, 229 Springfield Art Museum, 350 Springfield, Mo., 105, 227, 344, 347, 349, 350, 486 Tallahatchie River, 270-271 Christ Episcopal Church, 227 Tallmadge Amendment, 368, 369, 377, 379 Lincoln Memorial Park Cemetery, 98 Tallmadge, James, Jr., 368, 369, 377, 379 newspapers, 233 Taney County, 232 Phelps Grove Park, 232 Telephones, Gasconade County, 230 schools, 232, 486 Television, 98, 232, 350, 481, 486 Westminster Presbyterian Church, 104 Tellman, Herman S., 105 Westminster Tabernacle, 104 Temperance, inside April back cover; Carthage, 341 zoo, 232 Texas County, 348 Stapleton, W M., obit., 234 Texas County Missouri Genealogical and Historical Starkey, Patience, 485 Society, 92, 337, 475 Stars and Stripes Museum/Library Association, Thayer, Mo., 101, 227 Bloomfield, 201,464 Thirty-fifth Missouri Infantry, 484 State Historical Society of Missouri, 82-83, 207, 463, Thirty-first Missouri Volunteer Infantry, 116 464 Thirty-third Missouri Volunteer Infantry (Union), 266- annual meeting, 199-206 284 Lucy, Gary R., art exhibition, 199, 329 Thomas Market, Springfield, 486 Schwartz, Charles W., art exhibition, 329 Thomasville, Mo., 227 Steamboats. See individual steamboat names Thompson, M. Jeff, 411 Steelville, Mo., 224 Thornton, John, 148, 149, 153 Stenzinger, Adam, family, 105 Thorpe, Jim, 426, 427 Stephens, Mary Gladys Kelly, 105 Tie-rafters, 104, 231 Stephenson, Doris, 227 Tiffin, Harrison, 483 Stewart, Robert M, 390, 391 Tillery, Bettie, 346 Stewartsville, Mo., 100 Tin Town, Mo., 104 Stimson, Julia Catherine, 484 Tipton, Mo., 227 Stinnett, Mayme, 99 '"Title Page to a Great Tragic Volume': The Impact of Stock market, 226 the Missouri Crisis on Slavery, Race, and Stockton, Mo., 102 Republicanism in the Thought of John C. Calhoun Stoddard County Historical Society, 475 and John Quincy Adams," by Chandra Miller, 365- Stone County Historical/Genealogical Society, 92, 388 219, 336-337, 475 To Fence, Or Not To Fence: St. Charles County's Stone, William E., obit., 234 Long Road to Laws Putting Farm Animals Behind Stories of Howard County, Missouri: "The Mother of Fences and Off City Streets, by Anita M. Counties," comp. and ed. by Elaine Derendinger, Mallinckrodt, 361 Melba Fleck, and LaVaughn Miller, 117 Todd, David, 146-159 Stover, John H., 344 Tornadoes, 230 Stover, Mo., 344 Tourism, Phelps County, 289-290 Stray animal laws, 361 A Town on Two Rivers, by Victoria Hubbell, 361 Strickland, Arvarh, 207 Townsend, Hal, 96 Stucker Clothing Company, Cameron, 341 Tracks to the Past: A Pictorial History of Aurora, Study, Harry P., 232 Missouri, comp. by Paul Donley, 115 Sturgeon, Grace, 238 Trail of Death, 97 Styne School, Camden Point, 349 Troy, Mo., 227, 482 Sulphur Springs, Mo., 229 Truman and the Democratic Party, by Sean J. Savage, Sunderwirth, Lillian, 230 108-111 Surgeon on Horseback: The Missouri and Arkansas Truman Defeats Dewey, by Gary A. Donaldson, 489- Journal and Letters of Dr. Charles Brackett of 490 Rochester, Indiana, 1861-1863, compiled by James Truman, Harry S., 98, 117, 343, 352 W. Wheaton, 239 Turk family, 232 Surguine, Eva, 101 Turner, Terry A., obit., 351 Swallow, George, 67-68, 75 Turnpike Telephone Company, Gasconade County, Swank's Station, Poplar Bluff, 100 230 510 Index

Twain, Mark, 102 Warrensburg, Mo., 95, 345 Twin Groves School, Jasper County, 480 Washington County, 483 Twin Ponds, West Plains, 485 Washington, D.C., 365 Tyro, Mo., 229 Washington Historical Society, 92, 220, 337, 475-476, U 482 Union Cemetery Historical Society, 337 Washington, Mo., 348 Union Hill Chapel and Cemetery, West Plains, 485 Washington University, St. Louis Union Hill Church, Butler County, 100 Catholic Center, 226 Union Station, Kansas City, 342 McMillan Hall, 486 Union Station: Kansas City, by Jeffrey Spivak, 493 Watkins family, 229 Union Station, St. Louis, inside January back cover Watkins, Nathaniel, 341 University City, Mo., 348 Wayne County, 97, 228 University of Missouri-Columbia, 59-79, 95 Wayne County Historical Society, 220, 337 Academic Hall, 64-65, 70 Waynesville, Mo., 103 College of Agriculture, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, Weather, 349 76,77 Weatherbird, 344 observatory, 64, 79 Webb City, Mo., 99, 227, 345 Sanborn Field, 78 Webb, Ellis, sawmill, Wayne County, 97 "Unlikely Activism: O. K. Armstrong and Federal Webster County, 105, 343 Indian Policy in the Mid-Twentieth Century," by Webster County Historical Society, 92, 220, 337, 476 Larry W. Burt, 415-433 Webster Groves, Mo., 226 Uranium, 342 Wells, Robert W, 148, 153, 156, 157 U.S. Highway 40, 361-362 Wells, Sandi, 207 U.S. Highway 60, 232 West Plains, Mo., 349, 485 U.S. Highway 66, 98, 342 Western Historical Manuscript Collection, 203 U.S.S. Missouri, 345 Westminster Presbyterian Church, Springfield, 104 Westminster Tabernacle, Springfield, 104 Weston Historical Museum, 220 Van Amburg, Helen Jane, 104 Westphalia Historical Society, 476 Van Buren County, 485 Westphalia, Mo., 481 Vashon High School, St. Louis, 226 Westphalian Heritage Society, 92, 220 Vernon County, 100, 355-357, 481, 494 Westport Historical Society, 220, 476 Vernon County Historical Society, 92, 201, 219-220, Westward migration, 341 337, 475 Whaley's East End Drugs, Jefferson City, 96 Verona, Mo., 99 Wheaton, James W., comp., Surgeon on Horseback: Victoria, Mo., 229 The Missouri and Arkansas Journal and Letters of Vienna, Mo., 99 Dr. Charles Brackett of Rochester, Indiana, 1861- Vietnam War, 226 1863, 239 Vineyard, Mary Owens, 96 "When Expectations Exceed Reality: The Missouri Vineyards. See Grapes Expedition of 1819," by Jonathan M. Jones, 241-263 Violet, Mo., 104 Whig Party, Missouri, 1850, 12 White, J. Marshall, co-auth., St. Joseph, Missouri: A W Postcard History, 362-363 Wabash Station, Columbia, 485 White River Valley Historical Society, 220, 337, 476 Wade, Montrose Pallen, 103 Wilder, Laura Ingalls, 357-359 Wagner Building, Webb City, 345 Wiley family, 101 Wagnon, William O., 489-490 William Jewell College, Liberty, 485 Wall, Nicholas, 100 Williams, Keith, 203 Walters-Boone County Historical Museum, Columbia, Williams, Phebe Ann, 203 200 Williams, Thomas Wilkerson "Wilkie," 228 Walton, Ken, 486 Williams, William, 105 War of 1812, 230 Wilmot, David, 9 Ward, Granville Pearson, 105 Wilmot Proviso, 8, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16 Ward, Henry Augustus, 69, 70, 71 Wilson Cafe, Piedmont, 482 Warner, James W, obit., 487 Wilson, James, 486 Warren County, 103, 265-266 Windsor Historical Society, 220, 476 Warren County Historical Society, 92, 220 Wine-Making in "Duden Country," by Ralph Gregory Warren, Mo., 103 and Anita Mallinckrodt, 492 Index 511

Winston Historical Society, 92, 476 Winston, Mo., 105; United Methodist Church, 105 Wishart, Mo., 104 Witthaus, Hermann, 265 Witthaus, Wilhelmina, 265 Women, 484, 493 African American, 481 in radio, 232 rights of, 226 Saint Louis University, 350 Wood, Hiram, 349 Woodlock resort, Davisville, 349 Woods, Charles Lewis, 292-293, 295-297, 299-302 Woods, Dick H., Sr., obit., 351 Woodson, Charles Hugh, 25-41, 160-175 Woodson, John, 27 Woodson, Mary Webster, 27 Woodson's Cavalry, 27, 31-41, 160-175 Woodward, Charles L., obit., 351 World War I, 101,343 World War II, 97, 98, 224, 341, 343 Wright, Cleo, 237-238 Wright, Harold Bell, 104, 480 Wright, Thomas, house, St. Louis, 232 Wrightsman-Smith Hotel, Ozark, 100 Wrinks Food Market, Lebanon, 105 Wyan, Jacob Fortney, portrait, 463 Wyrick, Frank, 228

Y Yates, Josephine Silone, 481 Yeaman, W. Pope, 71, 72, 73, 75 Young, Virginia G., 203, 204, 205

Z Zeigenbein, Potencenia Sariana, 104 Zinc mining, 347 Zouaves, 101 Zuber, Marcus S., obit., 234

MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

VOLUME XCIV OCTOBER 1999-JULY 2000

JAMES W. GOODRICH LYNN WOLF GENTZLER Editor Associate Editor

J. SCOTT PARKER SHANNA WALLACE Information Specialist Information Specialist

The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW (ISSN 0026-6582) is published quarterly by the State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298. Copyright © 2000 by The State Historical Society of Missouri CONTRIBUTORS

VOLUME XCIV, Nos. 1, 2, 3, AND 4

AUSTIN, DAVID C, historian, Missouri Department of Transportation.

BOMAN, DENNIS K., adjunct professor, Columbia College, Chicago, Illinois.

BROWN-KUBISCH, LINDA, reference specialist, State Historical Society of Missouri.

BURT, LARRY W., associate professor, Southwest Missouri State University, Springfield.

CURRAN, THOMAS F., assistant professor, Saint Louis University, and man­ aging editor of the Journal of Policy History.

DIN, GILBERT C, professor emeritus, Fort Lewis College, Durango, Colorado.

JONES, JONATHAN M., adjunct professor, State Technical Institute of Memphis and the University of Memphis, Tennessee.

MANRING, MAURICE M., manager, media relations, University of Missouri.

MILLER, CHANDRA, Ph.D. candidate, Harvard University.

MONTGOMERY, CHRISTINE, photograph specialist, State Historical Society of Missouri.

MORTON, JOHN D., Ph.D. candidate, University of Virginia, Charlottesville.

MUEHL, SIEGMAR, professor emeritus, University of Iowa, Iowa City.

PHILLIPS, CHRISTOPHER, assistant professor, University of Cincinnati.

ROLL, JAROD H., student, Missouri Southern State College, Joplin. CONTENTS

VOLUME XCIV, Nos. 1, 2, 3, AND 4

CALCULATED CONFEDERATE: CLAIBORNE Fox JACKSON AND THE STRATEGY FOR SECESSION IN MISSOURI. By Christopher Phillips 389

CAPTAIN FRANCISCO Riu Y MORALES AND THE BEGINNINGS OF SPANISH RULE IN MISSOURI. By Gilbert C. Din 121

"A HIGH WALL AND A DEEP DITCH": THOMAS HART BENTON AND THE COMPROMISE OF 1850. By John D. Morton 1

"I AM HOPING FOR A SPEEDY REUNION": THE CIVIL WAR CORRESPONDENCE OF PRIVATE HENRY HOBERG. By Jarod H. Roll 264

IMPEACHMENT PROCEEDINGS AS A PARTISAN TOOL: THE TRIAL OF JUDGE DAVID TODD. By Dennis K. Boman 146

ISIDOR BUSH AND THE BUSHBERG VINEYARDS OF JEFFERSON COUNTY. By Siegmar Muehl 42

MEMORY, MYTH, AND MUSTY RECORDS: CHARLES WOODSON'S MISSOURI CAVALRY IN THE ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, PARTS 1 and 2. By Thomas F. Curran 25, 160

"A PAYING PROPOSITION": THE JEROME BRIDGE IN PHELPS COUNTY. By David C. Austin 287

THE PRESIDENT AND THE EMPEROR: HOW SAMUEL SPAHR LAWS FOUND AN ELEPHANT AND LOST HIS JOB. By Maurice M. Manring 59

SHOW ME MISSOURI HISTORY: CELEBRATING THE CENTURY, PARTS 1, 2, and 3. By Linda Brown-Kubisch and Christine Montgomery 176, 303, 434 "TITLE PAGE TO A GREAT TRAGIC VOLUME": THE IMPACT OF THE MISSOURI CRISIS ON SLAVERY, RACE, AND REPUBLICANISM IN THE THOUGHT OF JOHN C. CALHOUN AND JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. By Chandra Miller 365

UNLIKELY ACTIVISM: O. K. ARMSTRONG AND FEDERAL INDIAN POLICY IN THE MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY. By Larry W. Burt 415

WHEN EXPECTATIONS EXCEED REALITY: THE MISSOURI EXPEDITION OF 1819. By Jonathan M. Jones 241

CONTRIBUTORS TO MISSOURI CULTURE William "Count" Basie

When William Basie first came to Kansas City in 1924 as a pianist for touring vaudeville acts, the city's jazz music scene was already lively and varied. Much of the nightlife took place in the African American neighborhood around Eighteenth and Vine, where numerous clubs employed bands to provide dance music. A "turnaround" point for many touring performers, the city was enriched by the varying styles brought to its nightclubs by musicians from the East, South, and Southwest. Ragtime, blues, and jazz blended into a new style termed "Kansas City jazz." Born in New Jersey in 1904, Basie moved to New York City twenty years later. He secured jobs play­ ing the piano in touring burlesque shows and in Harlem clubs. At the Lincoln Theatre, he learned to play the organ under the tutelage of Fats Waller. In 1926, Basie began traveling with the Gonzelle White show under the auspices of the Theatre Owners Booking Association, the major promoter on the black vaude­ ville circuit. The show disbanded in Kansas City in 1927. Basie remained there and soon found jobs play­ ing in local bars and accompanying the silent movies at the Eblon Theater. Enthralled by the vitality of the music and the nightlife, Basie later recalled, "Kansas City was a musicians' town, and there were good musicians everywhere you turned. Sometimes you just stayed at one place, and sometimes you might hit maybe two or three or more, but you could never get around to all the jumping places in that town in one night." Basie joined Walter Page's Blue Devils as a pianist in 1928 and became a member of Bennie Moten's Orchestra the next year. Both jazz bands played to enthusiastic audiences in Kansas City and around the circuit. Following Moten's death in 1935, the orchestra broke up. Basie began playing piano at the Reno Club on Twelfth Street. Shortly after, he assumed leadership of the house band and began to add players, gradually increasing its size to nine members. First named the Three, Three, and Three, the group soon became known as Count Basie and His Barons of Rhythm. In addition to providing dance music for the patrons, the band accompanied four floor shows each day, often playing from 9:00 P.M. to 5:00 A.M. New York producer John Hammond heard the Basie band via a 1936 shortwave radio broadcast. He traveled to Kansas City to hear the group and helped secure it a touring contract with Willard Alexander of MCA. Alexander encouraged Basie to enlarge the band Goin' to Kansas City Collection, Courtesy to fourteen musicians. The additional players and other of James Jewell and the Kansas City Museum Assoc, Kansas City, MO personnel changes compromised the band's sound, and its early performances in Chicago and New York City were not well received. But the group continued to tour, and coupled with its recordings, the Count Basie Orchestra gradually garnered a loyal following and favorable reviews. In December 1938, the band and other African American musicians played in Carnegie Hall in what has been termed the "first real jazz con­ cert." Basie's orchestra continued to enjoy success in recording, club performances, and concerts. The style, however, gradually shifted away from its Kansas City roots. With the exception of a brief hiatus in the early 1950s during which he formed a combo, Basie led his orchestra, the "best known and longest lasting big band to emerge from Kansas City," until his death in 1984. Other musicians have directed the Count Basie Orchestra since Basie's death, most recently Grover Mitchell.