Geographical Review of Japan Vol. 74 (Ser. B), No. 1, 92-112, 2001

Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban of and Changes in Long-house Communities

SODA Ryoji Research Center for RegionalGeography, HiroshimaUniversity, Higashi-Hiroshima739-8522, Japan

Abstract: The Iban of Sarawak, , who are well known as typical long-house dwellers, have attracted scholarly attention because of their frequent migration related to their custom such as shifting cultivation and "headhunting." This paper examines a new trend of the Iban's rural-urban migration and its impact on the long-house community. Recent economic develop ment in Sarawak has provided Iban males with stabler jobs, which enabled them to sojourn longer in urban areas. This has resulted in the increase in rural-urban migration accompanied by wives and children. While more females have been leaving the long-house to follow their husbands, Iban villages experienced change in subsistence activities, such as the increase in wet paddy cultivation, the shrinkage of the average planted acreage, and the aging of the farming population. The out-migration of the younger generations and the decline in agricultural activities gave rise to the tendency of the extinction of family line and the bonds between families, which are reflected in the degradation of the long-house community.

Key words: Iban, long-house community, occupation, rural-urban migration, female out migration cerned with male labor migration and its effect Introduction on the transformation of urban societies, recent research has begun to direct attention to the vital roles of the female and family, and the Research objectives migrants' ties with home village communities. In the so-called Third World countries, inter Concerning the relation between migration nal migration studies contain a core of argu and family composition, the process of migra ments on rural-urban relations. Third World tion decision-making has attracted scholarly at countries appear to be following their own tention. For example, the book edited by Harbi course of urbanization and change in popula son (1981) was one of the most important works tion composition, which is different from the on this issue. Another notable study, by Root process once observed in developed capitalist and de Jong (1991), using diverse variables, countries. As previous studies have frequently tried to explain family migration, which is con pointed out, a consequence of urbanization and siderably different from individual rural-urban migration in the Third World has been that migration. The structure of rural families or multifarious job opportunities absorbed a great village communities was also regarded as an influx of labor from rural areas (e.g. Armstrong important factor, even as to female migration. and McGee 1985: 13). Such recognition was acknowledged, for exam Recent studies have demonstrated great con ple, by Thadani and Torado (1984), who pre cern about not only the one-way flow of labor sented a theoretical framework to examine fe but also circulatory migration and its effect on male rural-urban migration, and by Smith et al. rural communities (e.g. Prothero and Chapman (1984), who provided an outline of the general 1985), the relation between migration trends tendencies of female migration among Asian and changing household composition, and the countries. increase of female labor migration (e.g. Fawcett Thus, it is undeniable that the great influence et al. 1984). This means that, while the previous of women and family on migration trends is rural-urban migration studies were mainly con becoming recognized. Even in this current of Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 93

thought, however, rural-urban migration of tured considerable attention from all quarters married women has attracted less attention be because of their conspicuous characteristics, cause their mobility has been regarded as sim such as wide-range mobility in order to secure ply concomitant to male labor migration (Smith land suitable for swidden agriculture, combat et al. 1984: 22). Even though some researchers strength symbolized by their custom of `head such as Williams (1989) examined the postnup hunting,' and complicated relations with Eng tial migration of married couples, his main con lish rulers. Some of the important literatures on cern was directed to the rise in social status of the Iban are, for example, those by Wright et al. women within a household, and thus less atten (1972) who provided a vivid description of the tion was paid to its effect on home village com Iban's life with photographs, Freeman (1955, munities. Out-migration of married women 1970, 1981), who conducted social anthropo from rural areas is not only closely related to logical research on their traditional techniques the substantial change in male circulatory mi of swidden agriculture and its relation to the gration, but may also have a great impact on social structure of rural communities, Pringle the changes in rural societies, in which married (1970), who historically examined the Iban's women have an important role in the manage large-scale migration and their rebellions ment of the subsistence economy or the succes against English sovereigns, which remains in sion of generations. The reason why this point structive to the study of the interrelation be was disregarded in previous research may be tween ethnic minorities and the state, and Pa attributed to the following condition; even doch (1982), who investigated the history of the though internal migration study has diversified Iban's migration from both an ecological and its perspectives, rural-urban migration still social perspective. These are indeed precious tends to be discussed mainly from the stand academic studies that enable us to imagine the point of the urban landscape, instead of focus Iban's traditional way of life, but contemporary ing on its influence on the changes of social serious issues, such as widespread rapid devel structure and subsistence activities in rural opment and modernization, were not thor areas (Hugo 1992: 111). It is easy to anticipate oughly clarified because of the time of the writ that the multiethnic society, in particular, has ings. diverse factors of out-migration and its compli Some articles have dealt with the impact of cated results of social transformation in rural development and modernization on the Iban areas, which can hardly be comprehended from society (e.g. Cramb and Wills 1990; Ahmad and the rural viewpoint. In this sense, micro-level Noran 1991), but in-depth investigations on the empirical studies from the rural standpoint are issues of diverse off-farm employment opportu required (Prothero and Chapman 1985: 438 nities, out-migration to urban areas, and their - 439). effects on the Iban society, have been provided Thus, the purpose of this paper is to examine by only a few scholars, such as Sutlive (1972, how the substantial change in male circulatory 1991) and Kedit (1980, 1993). As is pointed out labor migration that was accompanied by the in Sutlive (1992: 128), the Iban began to adopt drift of females affects social transformation in small-scale rubber planting at the beginning of rural areas. The research was conducted in the twentieth century to supplement their diet Sarawak, a Malaysian state on Borneo Island, of 'traditional' swidden agriculture. The con which is similar to the prototype of the South tinuous decline of the market price of rubber east Asian archipelago (Tsubouchi 1993: 110). and the rapid growth of the timber and oil This paper focuses particularly on the village industries in the 1960s propelled the rural-to community of the Iban, the largest ethnic group urban labor migration of Iban males (Cleary in Sarawak. and Eaton 1995:156-157). However, the works of Sutlive and Kedit, based on their foresighted The Iban of Sarawak research activities in the late 1960s and the The Iban, who are considered typical of the early 1970s, already seem outdated in the con shifting cultivators in Southeast Asia, have cap temporary context, because wider opportuni- 94 R. Soda ties are now open to the Iban. Concerning the munity (Rantau Kemiding Village) in the recent increase of off-farm employment and its district, where the Iban is the predomi relation to the economic situation and popula nant ethnic group. The data shown in this tion composition in rural communities, Morri paper is largely dependent on participant obser son's (1993) report is informative, but it is un vation, interviews with community leaders, and fortunate that sufficient definitive data on the questionnaires distributed to all families in the change in social structure at the community community, which were obtained during the level is not provided. research periods, of August to September 1995 In this paper, we will examine the contempo and June to September 1996. rary socio-economic state of Iban society based on data obtained through empirical field re The Long-house Community in search. The following sections will be devoted Rantau Kemiding to the discussion of two main issues; the rise in socio-economic status of the Iban as it relates to Setting the diversification and stabilization of their job situation in urban areas, and the decline and The study village, Rantau Kemiding, was structural change of rural communities. In or formed near the junction of the Kanowit River der to explain these issues, important factors and the in the 1920s. The found such as the changing concept of occupation and ers of the village had come down from the the increase in female out-migration, and their upper reaches of the Kanowit River under the changing roles in the subsistence economy will guidance of the then English ruler, Brooke. be presented. Though the Iban are said to have a migratory The research was conducted in an Iban com characteristic, some of them chose to settle

Figure 1. Map showing administrative districts in Sarawak. Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 95 there in order to escape the violent distur such as the district, Song district, and bances of the war between the English ruler district (Yearbook of Statistics Sarawak and Iban warriors on the offensive in the upper 1993). What is more, the Kanowit district pro stream. The reasons this village was selected vides a good research environment for observ for the study area are as follows; through the ing the remarkable effects of urbanization on interaction with the outer world after settling Iban society because the district sends the larg down at Rantau Kemiding, widespread changes est labor population to , the second largest occurred in Iban society in the middle reaches urban center in Sarawak (Sarawak 1997). of the Rajang, and the process of these changes The research village, Rantau Kemiding, is are thought to be conspicuous.l The Kanowit four kilometers south of the town of Kanowit, district (Figure 1), where Rantau Kemiding is the administrative center of the Kanowit dis located, has a high Iban population (79% of a trict. Kanowit is a small market town with a total of 23,633 persons), which is representative population of 849 (Yearbook of Statistics Sara of the neighboring districts in the Rajang basin wak 1993).2 People from neighboring villages

Figure 2. Study area and its surroundings. Topographical map in l:50,000 scale of Kanowit , published by the Overseas Development Administration, United Kingdom 1973, is used as a base map. contour interval is 100 feet. 96 R. Soda visit the town by bicycle, motorcycle, car, boat, corridor, the ruai, runs in front of the bileks or informal bus to purchase daily goods. Com from one end of the long-house to the other. mercial activities in the town are mostly con This corridor is a highly public space used for trolled by the Chinese, while there are scattered meetings, rites, or group work. It also provides villages of Malay, Kanowit (Rajang), and with an opportunity to exchange infor surrounding the town (Figure 2). Rantau Ke mation in their daily life (Sekine 1979: 68-70). miding, one of the Iban villages in this area, is In short, the bilek is a closed and domestic space composed of two long-houses and six individ for the family, and the ruai is a public space for ual houses that contain 69 families and a popu all members of the long-house community that lation of 245 (Table 1). is also open to the outside world. The social life The Iban is typical of ethnic groups who live of the Iban is mainly spent in these two sections in long-houses (Photo 1), which are widely seen of a long-house. in Sarawak and formerly existed extensively in Formation of Rantau Kemiding Village as a Southeast Asia (Waterson 1990).3 A long-house permanent residence contains a village community within which plural families live together. The interior of the This section outlines the organizing process long-house is mainly composed of bileks (sepa of the long-house community in Rantau Kemid rate family rooms) and a ruai (common corri ing Village (Figure 3). In 1936, the Iban of dor).4 The bilek is the smallest spatial unit in Rantau Kemiding built a sturdy 'permanent' which a stem family is supposed to live. This long-house (Long-house A), which still exists family unit, usually called a bilek-family,5 forms (Figure 2). The number of bileks when estab a management unit for swidden agriculture and lished was 21 (Figure 3). The long-house com is rather autonomous both socially and eco munity at that time was not based solely on nomically. On the other hand, the common lineal relations. The then community leader,

Table 1. Current population of Rantau Kemiding in 1996

Source: Author's field survey.

Photo 1. The exterior of long-house A. Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 97

Figure 3. Plan view of the two long-houses in Rantau Kemiding. Numbers on the left indicate the years of the establishment of bileks. Source: Author's field survey. 98 R. Soda

who also engaged in mission work at the tablishment of the 'permanent' long-house in Kanowit Catholic Church,6 accepted some bilek Rantau Kemiding, the Iban also experienced f amilies from other areas through the bonds of changes in agriculture, especially in paddy and

Christianity. The inflow of bilek-families from rubber planting. Immediately after the move to the outside based on religious connections oc this area, they began swidden agriculture on curred until 1960 (refer to the bileks marked the hilly areas on the other side of the Kanowit in Figure 3).7 River, staying in temporary huts. At the same Even after 1960, the long-house continued to time, they also began planting rubber trees, extend itself by attaching new bileks on its side. which were introduced by the Catholic church. These new bileks were mainly constructed by At that time, the Catholic church was trying to newly-married couples who had become inde modernize agriculture of Iban society with the pendent of their parents (bileks marked •œ in clear intention of encouraging them to settle Figure 3), including the case of marriage among down in accordance with Brooke's policy (Roo the same long-house members. Considering ney 1981: 31-33). Above all, the adoption of that marriage between the same long-house rubber planting among the Iban, affected by the members may strengthen the ties of the bilek rubber boom of the 1910s, prevented them from families (Freeman 1970: 94), it can be said that frequent migration (Sutlive 1992: 128-129).10 the slightly unstable community that had been According to interviews with the villagers, gathered based on the bonds of lineage and the long-house community of Rantau Kemid religion has become more solid and steady since ing, after settling down there, did not disperse the 1960s. In short, Rantau Kemiding experi its population to other new fields, but continued enced both the growth (extension) of the long to expand their own community.11 However, house and the maturity of the community itself the population increase and accompanying ex in the 1960s.8 pansion of rubber plantation began to encroach However, a group broke away from the com on land that was designated to remain fallow munity and established a new long-house for dry paddy planting in the 1960s. This re (Long-house B) in 1985. According to villagers, sulted in the diffusion of wetlands cultivation this breakup was caused by a political event in in combination with the government's wet 1983, when the then Iban-based political party paddy promotion policy of the 1950s.12 Be split into two parties, and the subsequent elec cause of this government support, intensive tion for the Sarawak State Assembly led to cultivation and an increase in rice productivity political disagreement between community were achieved to some extent. members.9 In this paper, however, we regard Since the 1950s, the spread of agricultural these two long-houses as constituents of the chemicals and fertilizers supplied by the Agri same community, because the construction site culture Department facilitated farming on wet of long-house B is within the village boundaries lands closed to the long-house.13 At the same (Figure 2), and did not affect the transformation time, rubber diminished in economic value be of land occupancy in the village. Furthermore, cause of the decline of its market price since the very close relations between the long-houses 1960s. These factors led to the gradual decline remain through the bonds of consanguinity and in agricultural activities on remote hill lands. affinity. Thus, the Iban began to devote less time to The plan view of long-house A and B is remote farming and spent more time in the shown in Figure 3. Each bilek has been length long-house. Furthermore, in 1982, the Drainage ened backward according to its own financial and Irrigation Department opened a power condition, which does not necessarily reflect on driven irrigation system (127 hectors) at the increase in bilek-family members. The exten swampy area northwest of the long-house. As sion of a bilek, though not for the satisfaction of the irrigation area became important for wet their vanity, indicates a rise in economic condi paddy cultivation, few people carried out farm tion to some extent. ing at the remote huts. This meant that the In the process of settling down after the es long-house of Rantau Kemiding became a Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 99 wholly permanent residence receiving subsis assistance. When Iban males go on bejalai, they tence mainly from wet paddy cultivation. usually find jobs as bekuli at best. This is especially true for a small market town like View of Occupation and Kanowit, where job opportunities are mostly Employment Situations bekuli, except in the government sector. Kerja is thought to be a relatively new word While the long-house of Rantau Kemiding among the Iban that does not have a cultural became a permanent dwelling for the Iban, a connotation.16 This word basically means sala new trend of human mobility from the long ried regular employment such as a government house to urban areas occurred. Acceleration of servant and company clerk. But the Iban in this migration brought about substantial Kanowit nowadays frequently use this word to changes in the community. The main purpose mean not only "occupation" but also "work" or "labor" in general of male migration is to seek jobs in urban areas. . In other words, the concept In this section, I will describe the changing view of "kerja" at present includes short-term waged of occupation among the Iban males and exam ine the actual conditions of migration and em ployment. Changing view of occupation Concerning the words related to job, occupa tion, or employment, the Iban in the Kanowit area have such variations as pengawa, bejalai, bekuli, and kerja.l4 Their recognition concern ing the relation between these words and their conceptual changes is indicated in Figure 4. Pengawa has a considerably wide meaning and is used for work in general. Even though pengawa often results in a cash income, the word is also used for daily chores and subsis tence activities. In old days, bejalai meant male "headhunting" expeditions or journeys to search new frontiers. An Iban male was recognized as an adult after completion of such journeys. Even after the Brooke government officially prohibited head hunting, Iban males were still expected to leave Figure 4. Changing concept of the Than words concerning occupation. the long-house to obtain money or material pengawa: work, business in a broader goods, and ritual preparations for this journey sense. were conducted until recently with some bejalai: to go on journeys with a view to changes in procedures. In this sense, bejalai acquire wealth, material goods, and social was a very important cultural system among prestige; at the present time the main purpose is to get a job. the Iban (Kedit 1993). The custom of going on bekuli: to do unskilled and hard jobs or journeys was also closely related to the division short-term wage-labor or coolie. of labor between the sexes in their daily life.15 kerja: to work as salaried employee or non-manual wage-earner; at the present At present, however, the word bejalai tends to time, it includes wage-labor. mean only working away from home for cash bumai: rice farming income. nangkal getah: rubber tapping. Bekuli is a derivative of "coolie." This word is -: work with cash income •c•c•c: work in village without wages widely used to mean unskilled physical labor Sources: Kedit (1993) and author's field such as loading work, factory work, and shop survey. 100 R. Soda labor in the way of bejalai and miscellaneous planting paddy and nangkal getah for tapping work (bekuli) by the day. rubber trees. In particular, those who receive a The changing concepts of these terms seem certain amount of cash income from sources to reflect the fact that bejalai is losing its social other than agriculture emphasize that their ag and cultural significance while the definition of ricultural activity is just a "pastime" (main aja). kerja is expanding according to the diversifica That is why full-time farmers, if they are ques tion of waged labor. It is noted that the word tioned on their occupation, usually answer with kerja is seldom used for subsistence agricultural diffidence that they have no occupation. It work. Although the word is sometimes applied seems that at present Iban males attach more to commercial plantation labor, other agricul importance to gaining cash income by kerja tural work has specific words such as bumai for than subsistence agriculture. The following

Table 2. Occupation of the villagers and the out-migrants from Rantau Kemiding

The number of pensioners is counted in the upper types of job. Refer to note 17 regarding the definition of out-migrants. Population: household heads and their spouses and children over fifteen years old, except for school attendants, as of August 1996. Source: Author's field survey. Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 101 subsection discusses the actual working situa Secondly, there are still a large number of tions of the Iban in the study area. laborers, such as construction workers and tim ber company employees, among the out Working situations of the Iban in the study migrants from the village (stay-outs). Contrary area to the stereotype that the Iban are unskilled Table 2 shows the variety of occupations of labors,19 however, government servants, school the villagers and the out-migrants from Rantau teachers, company clerks, and company manag Kemiding Village. Table 3 indicates the place ers are also found, which illustrates the diversi of current residence of the out-migrants from fi cation and stabilization of the working situa the village. The data shown in these tables tion of the Iban. Even for unskilled work, the were collected through the author's interviews contract periods are getting longer. Conse with village members.17 The findings based on quently, those who are engaged in such con these tables are as follows. tract work in urban areas are gradually short First, the number of farmers (who plant ening their stay in the original living base, the paddy in the village every year) is only 76 of long-house. the 162 total stay-in villagers (male: 32 of 78, Thirdly, Table 3 shows that 215 Iban of Ran female: 44 of 84), that is, 47 percent. On the tau Kemiding origin currently live out of the other hand, the stay-in villagers who are em village (stay-out), which is close to the total ployed in the town of Kanowit amount to 31 of stay-in population of 245. Most of the out total males (40%). While only six females are migrants from Rantau Kemiding are urban employed (7%), 24 people (29%) are neither en dwellers, except for 18 people (7%) who live in gaged in farming nor waged work (categorized other long-house communities.20 Moreover, as "housewife"18 in Table 2). most of the out-migrants who live within the

Table 3. Population by the place of current residence and five-year age-group of out-migrants from Rantau Kemiding

Population: household heads and their spouses and children as of August 1996 Source: Author's field survey. 102 R. Soda

Kanowit district are employed in the town of the Iban society in which males were expected Kanowit. Even taking into consideration the to work outside the village to make a fortune or means and expense of transportation, they can reputation, and females were supposed to take commute between the village and the town by care of their family and the paddy fields for bicycle, motorcycle, car, or illegal bus, but they self-sustenance (Freeman 1970: 75; Sutlive and prefer living in the town. Appell 1991: xix; Morrison 1993: 53). As the Among the job variations in Table 2, only a Iban society is based on a bilineal kin system, few types of jobs are immediately recognized as heirship of a bilek is open to any child who bejalai at present. If one is employed within intends to stay with the parents after marriage, commuting range, people never recognize that regardless of sex or seniority (Uchibori 1996: person as on bejalai. This is the same as the 58). The absence of a strict rule of succession is case of one who secures full-time employment reflected in the relaxed social restrictions on the in other urban areas. Even among those who drift of the young generation from the long are engaged in physical labor pursuant to a house. Therefore, in Iban society, where long short-term contract in a remote area, some do term journeys of adult males are taken for not recognize themselves as being on the bejalai granted, parents can ease their anxiety for the tour. future if they have a married daughter or a At present, a realistic value judgment for the daughter-in-law staying with them in the same Iban's working experience is based on whether bilek. they have a kerja as regular work rather than As Table 3 shows, however, for those origi on whether they have performed the journey of nating in the Rantau Kemiding village, the bejalai. The expanding meaning of the word number of females who currently live outside kerja, which is drawn in Figure 4, is the result of the village is 104 out of a total of 229, which is the shift in emphasis from bejalai to kerja and not very different from the rate of male stay the diversification of the Iban's employment outs (111 out of 231). The rate of female stay situation. Bejalai is a kind of circular labor outs is relatively higher compared to the past. migration mainly for obtaining consumer Villagers explained that the increase in female goods or cash for remittance with a clear view out-migration was a rather recent trend, which to returning home. However, corresponding to had been accelerated by the relatively stabi the changing concept of the Iban words for lized income and improved living conditions of occupation, the period of a young Iban's so their husbands who were working in urban journ in urban areas is getting considerably areas. It should be noted that, as Table 4 shows, longer, which may make defining it as circula a certain number of the urban dwellers secured tory migration inappropriate. This new ten relatively more stable residences such as gov dency in labor migration is closely correlated ernment quarters (38%; 74 out of 197) and indi with the changes in population composition vidual houses (15%; 29 persons). Moreover, and subsistence activities in the village. This according to Table 2, while males are engaged matter will be discussed in the following sec in various occupations, a large number of fe tion. males (62%; 60 out of 97) are not employed, and stay at home as "housewife."21 Female Migration and Subsistence The diversification and stabilization of the Activities Iban males' employment and the accompanying phenomenon of female rural-to-urban migra Out-migration accompanied by a wife and tion are thought to result from the change in children the industrial structure in Sarawak; since the An important phenomenon emerging in ac decline of the rubber market price, the Sarawak cordance with the changes in the job situations government has been promoting industrial di of Iban males is the trend of female out versification instead of excessively depending migration. At one time a tolerant division of on the export of agricultural products or raw labor between the sexes was accepted among materials, such as timber, oil, and natural gas Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 103

Table 4. Type of residence by marital status and sex in 1996

Population: equal to that in Table 3 *: urban residence Source: Author's field survey.

(Danaraj 1995: 28).22 Indeed, it is difficult to to take care of their infants with their parents' deny that the majority of Iban males in urban assistance. Therefore, they did not participate areas are still largely dependent on unstable job in agricultural work and also articulated their opportunities, but it is also true that their lives intention to go back to their husband after a have been gradually improving to make it pos few months or so. sible for the family to migrate with the husband If a male migrates from a rural to urban area to urban areas. with his wife and children, he is not considered Some writings based on the research con to be on the journey of bejalai. Nowadays, ducted in the 1970s and the early 1980s de bejalai of Iban males as a short-term circulatory scribed the rapid increase of male labor migra migration has been decreasing, while family tion induced by the growth of the timber and migration and long-term sojourning in urban oil industries and its social impact on the life of areas are becoming popular, underpinned by females who remained in the village (Kedit the increased opportunities of steadier, regular 1993), or emphasized the rural-to-urban migra work, kerja. There are certainly many urban tion of divorced females for the purpose of pros dwellers who are going to enjoy retired life in titution activities (Sutlive 1991). But such their home village after a long-term stay in male-female relations among the Iban society town, but it is too naive to consider this trend to are nowadays rarely observed in the Kanowit be a change of the migration cycle. What is a district. According to the interviews with Iban point to notice is the potential for the improve women who live with their husbands in urban ment of the socio-economic status of the next areas, the purpose of their migration was partly generation who may remain in urban areas. In to release themselves from the tedious life or short, family migration has a different aspect human relationships in the village and, more from previous circulatory migration that aims positively, to provide their children with a to transfer wealth from urban to rural areas; better education.23 For the aged people in the instead, it is characterized by deliberate long village, remittances from their children are still term sojourn for the purpose of accumulating a an important source of income, but the migra fortune through generations in urban areas. tion of younger people attaches more impor This means that the important unit of the bilek tance to investment in the next generation. In family composition is changing. While long Rantau Kemiding Village there were three established continuity of generations within a wives living apart from their husbands in town bilek had not necessarily presupposed that a as of August 1996. Two of them were sojourn married couple always live together in the bilek, ing with their parents only temporarily in order the recent migration trends seem to attach 104 R. Soda more importance to the bonds of a nuclear fam 1.7 different types of dry paddy on average and ily based on the married couple. This change 3.7 types of wet paddy on average. Out of the may affect the substantial transformation of total 39 types found in the whole village, 15 the long-house community, which will be dis types had adaptability to dry land while 36 cussed later herein. types were adaptable to swamp or irrigated land.26 The aging population and the decline in agri Secondly, there is a tendency of continuous cultural activities cropping on the same land. It was taken for Recently, because married women are in granted that the paddy planting in the Iban creasingly out-migrating from the long-house community was dependent on shifting cultiva to follow their husbands who are employed in tion, whether on dry or swampy land (Pringle urban areas, a major part of the agricultural 1970: 26), but at the time of the author's re activities in the village is are being performed search (1996) there were 10 bucks that had been by the elderly. Table 5 shows the working planting wet paddy on the same land for more population in Rantau Kemiding listed by age than three years, and most of the other paddy and sex, of which 57 percent of full-time farm fields were also utilized with a very short period ers are 50 years old and over. This aging farm of fallow. population is accompanied by substantial The third point is the shrinkage of the aver changes in agricultural activities. age planted acreage. According to the report of During the farming season of 1995/1996, 44 Freeman (1955), who conducted his research out of a total of 59 bileks carried out paddy between 1949 and 1951 in the Balleh Basin, a cultivation including farming as a side job.24 tributary of the Rajang River, the average The status of paddy planting of each bilek is planted area of paddy was nearly five acres, shown in Table 6. This table illustrates several while that in Rantau Kemiding in 1996 was important points. First, the major form of farm 2.01 acres (there were only two buck-families ing is shifting from dry paddy planting to wet who planted more than five acres). According paddy planting in swamps or irrigated fields. to the Rantau Kemiding villagers, there were The number of bileks that planted paddy on many bilek-families that cultivated more than hilly areas and dry flat lands is only 8 and 12 fi ve acres in the 1960s, but in the 1970s, the respectively, but the bileks that performed wet planted acreage began to shrink gradually. paddy planting amounted to 37. Regarding the It is said that the ratio of planted wet paddy planted acreage, the total area under wet paddy began to exceed that of dry paddy in the late cultivation in the village was 65.6 acres while 1960s. The likely reasons for this change were dry paddy occupied 22.8 acres.25 Each bilek has that the Sarawak government had continu-

Table 5. Working population by age and sex in Rantau Kemiding in 1996

Population: equal to "stay-ins" in Table 2 Source: Author's field survey. Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 105

Table 6. Status of paddy cultivation in Rantau Kemiding in 1996 Long-house A Long-house B

Individual houses

n. a.: data not available•• : sacred seed rice inherited•› : sacred seed rice resurrected after previous extinctionƒ¢ : sacred seed rice extinct (punas)•~ : no possession of sacred seed rice ?: sacred seed rice in oblivion mit: mimit aja=a little; excluded from the accumulation Source: Author's field survey. 106 R. Soda

ously promoted wet paddy cultivation since the Iban ask close relatives to plant it to prevent its 1950s and that most of the hilly land had by extinction. this time been already covered with rubber In spite of such efforts, the inherited sacred trees. In the late 1960s there was very little rice may become extinct accidentally; for exam

hilly area without rubber trees planted and it ple, there may be no harvest because of disease was also difficult to find secondary forest that or harmful insects, or the seed rice may disap

had been left fallow for a long enough period. pear due to sloppy safekeeping during the agri Because the soil fertility of shortly-fallowed cultural off-season. Extinction of the sacred land is usually unsatisfactorily recovered and seed rice is called puns in the Iban language. subject to damage caused by disease and harm This word originally meant that a married cou

ful insects, extra work such as fertilizing and ple is not blessed with a child or a bilek-family chemical treatment is required in order to ob is extirpated. In this sense, too, the sacred rice tain a settled harvest. Therefore, even taking can be said to have a symbolic meaning in the into account the tiresome work of weeding, the succession of the bilek-family. villagers preferred cultivating wet paddy in According to Table 6, out of the 44 bilek marshy areas close to the long-house, and when families who did paddy cultivation in 1996, 31 they planted dry paddy they tended to choose bilek-families planted sacred rice (marked •• fl atland to minimize their efforts. Furthermore, and •›), eight bilek-families had let the inherited the establishment of pumped irrigation in 1982 sacred rice die out (marked ƒ¢), and five bilek facilitated the continuous cropping of wet families had not inherited sacred rice from their

paddy. The tendency of alleviating agricultural parents (marked •~). Furthermore, even among work and reducing paddy cultivation area has the 31 bilek-families who maintained their sa been strengthened by the decrease in the agri cred rice, 10 bilek-families did not plant authen cultural labor force, the rise in the ratio of the tic rice. In reality, these families had experi aged population, and the increase in the oppor enced punas of the sacred rice in the past and tunity for side jobs. resumed paddy cultivation by substituting seed Custody of "padi pun" and the extinction of rice given by other bilek-families for their own the buck-family sacred rice (marked •›). Thus, the tradition of succeeding to the authentic sacred seed rice The Iban culture is often called a paddy cult. was successfully continued by only 21 bilek The cultural importance of the Iban's paddy families (marked ••), which is less than half of cultivation is emphasized especially in ritual the total families that planted paddy. activities and inheritance (Pringle 1970: 30). In principle, women are responsible for the This subsection will describe the status of in management of the paddy. In Iban paddy culti heritance of the sacred rice, "padi pun," which vation, there is a division of labor between the symbolizes the succession of the bilek-family, sexes, though it is not strict. While men play and examine its relation to the change in sub central roles in dangerous and heavy labor, sistence activities. such as opening forests, burning the opened The Iban recognize the sacred rice, padi pun, fi elds, and making holes for seeding, women are as their "root," which is inherited by children expected to take the initiative in sowing, weed from their parents and prohibited from transfer ing, harvesting, wet paddy nursing, and trans

to others. The genealogy based on the bilek is planting. In addition, women are responsible the only measure for the Iban to identify their for selecting which species of paddy to plant, origins; therefore, the inheritance of the sacred safekeeping of the seed rice during the agricul rice is an important symbol of the bilek-family tural off-season, and taking measures to avoid

in straight succession (Uchibori 1996: 52).27 punas, which most males are indifferent to. The seed rice (usually dry rice) inherited from Thus, the status of females regarding the suc ancestors is supposed to be planted every year. cession of sacred rice is very important.

When they cannot plant the sacred rice them According to the villagers, the above selves due to unavoidable circumstances, the mentioned tendency of extinction of the sacred Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 107 rice succession is caused by several factors, house (Uchibori 1996: 52-53). The continuity of namely, the shift from dry paddy cultivation to the bilek is, as it were, based on the culture of wet paddy cultivation (sacred rice is usually rice producing, as is observed in the way land used for dry paddy), the stagnation of subsis and sacred rice are inherited, but that continu tence activities because of the decrease in the ity is now subject to extinction. For example, agricultural labor force (yearly cropping has Table 6 shows that in Rantau Kemiding Village become difficult), and sloppy safekeeping (the there are six persons (two males and four fe absence of married women as safe keeper of the males) who live alone in a bilek. They are all seed rice or the lack of close communication elderly people.30 In addition, five bilek-families between bileks).28 are composed only of one married couple whose The bilek not only maintains high autonomy household heads are above 55 years old. The as a managing unit of paddy cultivation but other 10 bileks are empty. These three types of also functions as a place for inheriting sacred bilek compositions account for 30.4 percent of rice, land usufruct, agricultural implements, the long-house community (21 out of 69 bileks). and other household property. In other words, This not only indicates that the long-house the bilek is important as both a living space and community is beginning to resemble an "old a basis for identifying one's family line, and its people's home," 3l but also augurs the difficulty continuity is symbolized particularly by the in passing the inheritance of the bilek to the inheritance of sacred rice in which females play younger generations. an important role. In this sense, the relation On the other hand, it can be said that the between the absence of females and the ten public space of the ruai symbolizes the long dency towards extinction of bilek succession house community itself in that the community should be noted from the perspective of the is composed based on territorial relations with decline of the cultural tradition of inheritance. the reticulation of affinity and consanguinity. In this sense, social functions fulfilled in the Structural Degradation of the ruai reflect the solidarity of the community (Se Long-house Community kine 1979: 72). However, it is obvious that the important aspect of the ruai as an assembly As was discussed above, the diversification space has been gradually tapering off. The and stabilization of the Iban males' working changes in agricultural activities, such as the circumstances and their long-term sojourn in decrease in the size of the planted area, the shift urban areas have given rise to female out from dry to wet paddy cultivation, and the migration and, subsequently, the decline of sub fi xation of the paddy fields, have made it unnec sistence activities in the village. In order to essary to mutually confirm planted areas of the clarify how these phenomena affect Iban soci year and to arrange large-scale group work or ety, it is necessary to examine them from the labor exchanges between bilek-families. This is perspective of the long-house as a living space. why there has been no long-house meeting con There is a dichotomy commonly recognized in cerning agricultural activities in the commu Iban society that contrasts male, outside, and nity since the 1980s. In addition, assemblies for dynamic with female, inside, and static. This performing agricultural rituals and other daily dichotomy is closely related to the spatial com gatherings have been declining. position in a long-house, that is, the ruai, sym It is easily surmised that the loosened bonds bolized as an open and public space for men, in the long-house community correspond to the and the bilek, symbolized as a closed and pri decline in the above-discussed agricultural ac vate space for women (Sekine 1979: 60-73; Sut tivities. However, some villagers also empha live 1991: 493; Uchibori 1996: 46-48).29 sized that the excessive expansion of the com The bilek is the basis for the succession of the munity caused the loosening of solidarity, bilek-family. When an Iban refers to his origin, which was reflected in the deterioration of the he usually attaches importance to the continu public characteristics of the ruai. They also ity of the bilek, not to the history of the long pointed out that politics at ruai meetings and 108 R. Soda

political events of the outside world affected mative reason for the existence of the long the split of the community (establishment of house community is tapering off; instead, with Long-house B) in 1985. These tendencies prove the outflow of the leading younger generations Sutlive's (1972: 458-459) prospect of the decline in the community, the long-house is becoming a in social importance of the ruai, which is rap place for youths who cannot find jobs and who idly adversely affecting the solidarity of the passively engage in agriculture and, for the community. aged who have given up sojourning in urban The two major sections of a long-house, bilek areas. (separate room to confirm a lineal relation) and ruai (common corridor to reinforce territorial Concluding Remarks relations), have been interrelated to loosen its own social functions. This is a fundamental The focus of many studies about out problem that not only affects the integration of migration from rural areas and its impact on the community, but also threatens the exis rural communities in Southeast Asia has been tence of long-house itself. institutionalized circulatory labor migration as In the colonial period, the Iban's migration a supplement to the rural economy, namely, the was restrained under the influence of the Brit unremitting flow of wealth from urban to rural ish and Chinese. Their choice to settle down in areas and the penetration of the monetary econ a permanent residence subsequently gave rise omy into rural areas. Even though attention is to the decline in agricultural activities, espe beginning to be paid to female migration, schol cially dry paddy cultivation in distant places, ars' main interest has been in the circulatory which reduced life in remote farm huts. This migration of single women and its effects on the change physically stabilized the long-house and economic structure. There have not been satis reinforced its character as a permanent place of factory descriptions of the effect of female mi residence. However, in the process of stabiliz gration on social structures in rural communi ing the long-house as a permanent residence, ties. This paper, using the Iban society in Sara the dispersion of the enlarged population to wak, points out the change in male circulatory new frontiers became stagnant because of vari migration and the out-migration of married ous restrictions, such as thebeginning of rub women to examine its socio-cultural meaning. ber planting and the relative decrease in unin It is true that there has been a remarkable habited forests. This resulted in the excessive influx of Iban males who work away from home expansion of the long-house community.32 In since the late 1960s, when timber and oil indus the 1960s and the 1970s, the sequential addi tries in Sarawak showed a rapid growth. But as tion of bileks to the long-house occurred pursu Kedit (1993) pointed out, for Iban males to leave ant to the natural increase of the population, the long-house temporarily was a culturally in which gave rise to various internal frictions stitutionalized custom that was reinforced by including political conflict. In addition, after the females' subsistence activities in the village the climax of its stabilization, the long-house based on the long-established division of labor community began to face various problems between the sexes. In addition, the Iban society such as the out-migration of the younger gen experienced the shift to the monetary economy erations including females, aging of the popula with the introduction of rubber planting in the tion, decline of agricultural activities, and early twentieth century. In that sense, the in weakening of solidarity in the community, all crease in the number of males who work away of which were closely related to the diversifica from home did not shake the socio-economic tion of male employment opportunities in ur structure of the village community. When we ban areas. This phenomenon can be called the examine the rural changes in terms of migra "structural degradation" of the l ong-house com tion studies, it is clear that what is more impor munity. tant is the recent phenomenon of female out In short, from the perspectives of both subsis migration brought about by the diversification tence activities and social bonds, the affir and stabilization of the males' employment Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 109 situation. Considering the important roles of viding support, accommodation, and information on married women in the maintenance of the sub the study area. This study was financially supported by the Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research from the sistence economy and social relationships in Ministry of Education, Science, Sports and Culture of particular, the drift of such females should be Japan (No.07041024, headed by Prof. Yoshimi Komo noted as a substantial factor in the acceleration guchi of Komazawa University). I owe endless grati of the long-house community's degradation in tude to the late Prof. Yoshimi Komoguchi. terms of the weakened solidarity of the aging bilek-family, the stagnation of subsistence ac Editor's Note: This article was first published in Japanese in the Geographical Review of Japan 72A tivities, and the malfunction in the inheritance 1 and won the AJG Award for 1999. of tradition. The changes observed in this paper may be Notes just an example of the indigenous societies in the interior of Sarawak, but at least in the Iban 1. The author was given advice and assistance by society in the low and middle reaches of the the District Officer of Kanowit district in decid large rivers where it is comparatively easier to ing on the study area. access urban areas, the above-mentioned 2. In the town center of Kanowit, there were 13 store buildings in which about 100 shops were changes can be commonly seen. However, the operating. Other than permanent stores, there Iban are still behind the Chinese and the Malay was a public marketplace for perishables at the in terms of their economic situation, and those portside that opened every morning. Most of who failed to find work or reached retirement the permanent stores were owned by the Chi age without taking up steadier residence in nese, but stalls in the marketplace were oper ated by various people such as the Chinese, town return to the long-house to dispose of Iban, Malay, Indonesian, and Pakistani. their free time. In other words, long-house com 3. Previously, long-houses were widely distrib munity means "insurance" to the urban dwell uted in Southeast Asia. For additional informa ers, and it can be paradoxically but safely said tion on the types of long-houses or communal that, although the long-house community has houses and their distribution in Southeast Asia, refer to Sugimoto (1971) and Waterson (1990). been decaying, it still provides assurance of the Concerning the social structure of the long Iban's affirmative urban life. In this sense, the house community, Loeb and Broek (1947) and long-house preserves the reason for its exis Sekine (1979) are informative. tence 4. Because the Iban language and its pronuncia This paper has clarified a new trend of out tion has regional differences, the rules of spell ing are still inconsistent even among scholars. migration of the Iban and structural changes of This paper, considering the previous studies on the long-house community. Concerning the mi Iban society, follows the orthography of Kedit gration between urban and rural areas, it is also (1993). necessary to investigate the changing ethnic 5. The Iban vocabulary has no word equivalent to "family relations that surround the increasing urban ." Therefore, strictly speaking, to adopt the word "bilek-family" is questionable. But Iban, and the political and economic influences those who live together in a bilek are recog of retired people in their long-house commu nized as a managing unit of swidden agricul nity. These issues will be further discussed in ture and this unit is referred to as a se-bilek, another paper. with the prefix "se-" meaning "one." In this sense, se-bilek corresponds virtually to a stem fa mily. This paper, following the previous Acknowledgement studies, calls such unit the bilek-family. 6. The Catholic Church of Kanowit was estab I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. Dr. lished in 1883 as the first base along the Rajang Hiroshi Ishihara, Kyoto University for beneficial sug Basin (gooney 1981). This church not only gestions. This research project was realized thanks to introduced wet paddy, rubber, coffee, and pep Dr. Voon Phin Keong, ex-Prof. of Universit Malaya, per cultivation, but also founded schools and Dr. Peter Kedit, ex-Director of Sarawak Museum, and hospitals that had a considerable influence on Dr. Daniel Chew, senior research fellow of Sarawak the social change in this area. Development Institute. Thanks are also due to Datin 7. Though the Iban's long-house community com Francisca Sadai binti Udang, who helped me by pro position is mostly consanguineous, a bilek 110 R. Soda

family is thoroughly free in principal to break Kedit (1993) explains such words as follows in away from their long-house community and relation to the Iban's migration; bejalai is to go join another. Therefore, it is no wonder that on journeys with the view of acquiring wealth, some long-house communities include bilek material goods and social prestige, and bekuli is families that have no consanguine relationship. to do wage-laboring or to take on labor migra The long-house community of Rantau Kemid tion, while kerja is to work as non-manual ing Village was established based not only on wage-earner. consanguine relations, but also religious and 15. For example, Freeman (1970: 224-225) re local bonds. ported that in an Iban community of the Balleh 8. Concerning the maturity of the community, it region all of the unmarried males between 16 should be noted that in this period Rantau and 30 years old (15 persons) and 75% of the Kemiding Village produced several influential married males under 40 years old (16 persons) leaders, such as the minister of Land and Re engaged in bejalai for three to six months dur sources of the Sarawak Government, the Dis ing his research period in 1949 and 1950. He trict Officer of the Kanowit district, and the also calculated, with the data obtained in sur penghulu (chief of a certain domain). Due to the rounding long-house communities, that about strong leadership of these people, the commu 20% of adult males are absent from the long nity achieved solidarity between the late 1950 house throughout the year. s and the 1970s. 16. This word is thought to derive from the Malay 9. According to an interview with an officer of the word "kerja." Kanowit district, many long-house communi 17. In this paper, the author considers the heads of ties split and regrouped in the 1980s as a result each bilek-family and their children to be of of Iban-based political affairs. Rantau Kemiding origin regardless of their cur 10. According to Fidler (1973), most of the Chinese rent place of residence. For the occupation managers of general stores acted as brokerss of data, the author counts those persons 15 years rubber sheets and established a system of sell old and above. Because it was difficult to inter ing general goods on credit to the Iban, who view the stay-outs, the data on occupation was were expected to earn money by producing obtained mainly through interviews with those rubber sheets. This caused the Iban to be eco who stayed in the village, but the author tried nomically subordinated to the Chinese. This to confirm this information as much as possi economic relationship between the Chinese and ble. Some stay-outs were visited at their cur the Iban continued with subsequent genera rent residences in town and some were inter tions and can be considered one of the factors viewed when they returned temporarily to the that prevented the Iban from migrating to a long-house. new frontier. 18. In this paper, those females who engage in 11. Hong (1987) pointed out that one of the factors "ngibun rumah" (to take care of domestic that encouraged the Iban to settle down was affairs) are classified as "housewife." the government's frequent revision of land 19. There is a very rough preconception that the laws for the purpose of prohibiting the opening Malay and Melanau are in power, the Chinese of virgin forests and restricting the migration control the economy, and the Iban supply man of the indigenous peoples. In addition, the ual labor. author assumes that the concept of exclusive 20. There is no clear criterion to judge whether an land ownership among the Iban evolved from urban dweller is still considered a long-house planting rubber on fallowed land and that the member or not. Those who move out to an increase in land value contributed to the re other long-house to marry are regarded as non striction of the long-house community's migra members of their original community, though tion. This matter will be discussed in another in some cases they return to the original bilek paper. with their spouse. As will be mentioned, there 12. One of the notable examples is the establish are several vacant bileks in Rantau Kemiding, ment of the Kanowit Rural Improvement which are not necessarily abandoned. In princi School (1948-1957), which provided the Than ple, when a bilek-family leaves the long-house adults with instruction for the improvement of to join another community, the family forfeits agricultural technologies (Annual report of dis their various rights in the original long-house. trict officer, Kanowit. Sarawak Gazette May 31, However, regarding the vacant bileks in Ran 1952: 103). tau Kemiding, the bilek owners who currently 13. In those days the Iban used to shift even the reside in urban areas are expected to return to wet paddy fields almost every year. the long-house in the near future. They also 14. The Than vocabulary for job or occupation is retain their rights as community members. closely tied to words concerning migration. 21. This number cannot be thought uncommon in Rural-Urban Migration of the Iban 111

urban areas. For example, according to the and padi sangking. Sarawak population report, Sarawak 1991, the 28. One person asserted that, for those who had urban population of the Iban is 42,982 males converted to Christianity, the sacred rice no and 42,680 females, and among them, those longer has an important meaning. who are employed (between 15 to 64 years old) 29. Bilek and ruai are regarded as having contrast number 22,385 males (52%) and 8,344 females ing functions, which is related to the pattern of (20%). This illustrates the relatively low rate dichotomy generally found in Iban society. of female employment. Concerning dichotomy in Iban society, refer to 22. Most urban centers in Sarawak are export cen Uchibori (1991). ters for a specific product in the earlier stage of 30. Because the Malaysian Government has an age its development; Sibu was an export port for limit system for the retirement of government timber products, was the base for a devel servants (55 years old), in this paper, those who oping oil field, and was a producing are 55 years old and above are regarded as old center of natural gas. Recently, these towns people. have also begun to compete with the raw mate 31. Old people find it comfortable to kill time in the rial processing industries and the tourist indus ruai where they can easily find someone to talk tries by capitalizing on the natural environ to. Therefore, even though they are encour ment and cultural experience. aged to live with their children in urban areas, 23. Many Ibans mention the educational dispari they rarely accept their children's invitations. ties between the urban and rural areas. They 32. Refer to note 10 and note 11. are also acutely conscious of the effects of edu cational background on job opportunity and References wage level. For example, Chinese schools, which are rarely found in rural areas, attract Ahmad, M. A., and Noran, F. Y. 1991. Development considerable attention from the Iban because of and change in Batang Ai, Sarawak. Sarawak their higher educational level. Thus, some par Museum Journal 63: 267-282. ents of Rantau Kemiding origin send their chil Armstrong, W., and McGee, T. G. 1985. Theatres of dren to Chinese schools for better future oppor accumulation: Studies in Asian and Latin Ameri tunities. can urbanization. London: Methuen. 24. Though there are regional and annual differ Cleary, M., and Eaton, P. 1995. Borneo: Change and ences, the agricultural cycle of planting dry development. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University paddy can be roughly summarized as follows: Press. felling trees and mowing underbrush in July, Cramb, R. A., and Wills, I. R. 1990. The role of burning in August, seeding in September and traditional institutions in rural development. early in October, and harvesting in February World Development 18: 347-360. and March. On the other hand, the cycle of wet Danaraj, N. 1995. Challenges, options and prospects paddy is a little different: mowing and weeding for higher value-added industrialization for Sara in July, burning in August, making a rice nurs wak: Beyond primary processing. In Sarawak: ery late in August and early in September, The next step, ed. H. Solhee, B. J. Bujang, and S. A. transplanting in October, and harvesting in Hua, 27-56. : Heng Sing Brothers Press. February and March. In both cases, the Iban Fawcett, J. T., Khoo, S.-E., and Smith, P. C. eds. 1984. weed a few times by December and sometimes Women in the cities of Asia: Migration and urban spray insecticide. adaptation. Boulder: Westview Press. 25. The Iban tend to plant many kinds of paddy in Fidler, R. V. 1973. Kanowit: An overseas Chinese com a small piece of land. Even in wet paddy fields, munity in Borneo. Ph. D. dissertation, University they try to plant dry paddy on a small convex of Pennsylvania. ground. In Table 6, such insignificant amounts Freeman, J. D. 1955. Iban agriculture. London: Her of planted paddy are indicated as "mit" (a little), Majesty's Stationery Office. which is excluded from the total sum for the Freeman, J. D. 1970. Report on the Iban. London: The sake of convenience. Anthlone Press. 26. Out of 39 kinds of paddy, 12 kinds were adapt Freeman, J. D. 1981. Some reflections on the nature of able to both wet and dry fields. Iban society. An Occasional Paper of the Depart 27. Each bilek-family is supposed to have a few ment of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific kinds of supplementary sacred rice, called padi Studies, The Australian National University. sangking, other than the padi pun. This supple Harbison, S. F. 1981. Family structure and family mentary sacred rice also has a symbolic mean strategy in migration decision making. In Migra ing in the succession of the bilek. Freeman tion decision making, ed. G. F. De Jong and R. W. (1970: 50-51) assumes that it is possible to Gardner, 225-251. New York: Pergamon Press. trace the family line by retracing the padi pun Hong, E. 1987. Natives of Sarawak: Survival in Bor 112 R. Soda

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