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Language Use and Attitudes As Indicators of Subjective Vitality: the Iban of Sarawak, Malaysia

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Vol. 15 (2021), pp. 190–218 http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc http://hdl.handle.net/10125/24973 Revised Version Received: 1 Dec 2020 Language use and attitudes as indicators of subjective vitality: The Iban of Sarawak, Malaysia Su-Hie Ting Universiti Malaysia Sarawak Andyson Tinggang Universiti Malaysia Sarawak Lilly Metom Universiti Teknologi of MARA The study examined the subjective ethnolinguistic vitality of an Iban community in Sarawak, Malaysia based on their language use and attitudes. A survey of 200 respondents in the Song district was conducted. To determine the objective eth- nolinguistic vitality, a structural analysis was performed on their sociolinguistic backgrounds. The results show the Iban language dominates in family, friend- ship, transactions, religious, employment, and education domains. The language use patterns show functional differentiation into the Iban language as the “low language” and Malay as the “high language”. The respondents have positive at- titudes towards the Iban language. The dimensions of language attitudes that are strongly positive are use of the Iban language, Iban identity, and intergenera- tional transmission of the Iban language. The marginally positive dimensions are instrumental use of the Iban language, social status of Iban speakers, and prestige value of the Iban language. Inferential statistical tests show that language atti- tudes are influenced by education level. However, language attitudes and useof the Iban language are not significantly correlated. By viewing language use and attitudes from the perspective of ethnolinguistic vitality, this study has revealed that a numerically dominant group assumed to be safe from language shift has only medium vitality, based on both objective and subjective evaluation. 1. Introduction Research on language shift has focused on the receding language to describe the domains taken over by replacing languages. Many studies are under- pinned by Fishman’s (1972) domain theory on language use. In Malaysia, for exam- ple, studies have shown the displacement of indigenous and Chinese languages by dominant languages, notably standard languages taught in school.1 One such group 1English and the Malay language are taught in all Malaysian schools from the first year of primary ed- ucation. The institutional support for Malay as the national and the official language of Malaysia and the medium of instruction endangers the vitality of indigenous languages because the school language be- comes the home language for a portion of the community. In Malaysia, children enter primary school when they are seven years old (primary one), and primary education is from primary one to primary six. After six years of primary education, they have five years of secondary education. Students enter secondary Licensed under Creative Commons E-ISSN 1934-5275 Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International Language use and attitudes as indicators of subjective vitality: The Iban of Sarawak, Malaysia 191 is the Bidayuh who make up 7.81 percent of the Sarawak population of 2,789,000 (DOSM 2017a). Sarawak is a Malaysian state located on the Borneo Kalimantan Island, and it is the ancestral home of the Bidayuh, Iban, and several other Indige- nous groups such as the Kayan, Kejaman, and Sihan. Many urban Bidayuh dwellers in mixed marriages have adopted Sarawak Malay Dialect for family communication (Coluzzi, Riget, & Wang 2013; Dealwis 2008; David & Dealwis 2009; Norahim 2010; Ting & Mahadhir 2009). Language shift has also been found among the Kayan (Wan, Renganathan, & Bromeley 2015; Wan, Renganathan, & Ting 2014), Kejaman (Joan & Ting 2016, 2017), and the Sihan (Mohamed & Hashim 2012). By contrast, the Iban language is still in vigorous use among the Iban community, and it is also spoken by some people who are not Iban for buying-and-selling interac- tions in markets (Ting & Ling 2012). Coluzzi’s (2010) study showed that Iban has a strong linguistic vitality in Temburong, Brunei (a country adjacent to Sarawak on the Borneo Kalimantan Island) due to endogamy, close-knit social networks, demo- graphic strength, and support from associations and official institutions in Sarawak (e.g., radio programmes). The use of Iban by other ethnic groups, though limited, is probably because the Iban group is the largest ethnic group in Sarawak, accounting for 28.60% of the state population (DOSM 2017a), and the Iban people are spread throughout the state (Appendix 1). The Iban language is a Malayic language, like Sebuyau, Kendayan, Balau, Selakau, and Sarawak Malay Dialect (Adelaar 2004). Malayic languages are a sub-branch of Sunda-Sulawesi languages, which is a branch of Malay-Polynesian languages, in the family of Austronesian languages. Malayic languages are further divided into Ibanic languages, Malayic languages, and Urak Lawoi languages. The Iban language spoken in Sarawak, Brunei, and Kalimantan belong to the Ibanic branch which is confined to the Borneo Kalimantan Island. The Malayic and Urak Lawoi languages are said to originate from Borneo but migration brought the languages to neighbouring lands. The Malayic language was brought to Sumatra, and the Urak Lawoi languages were brought to West Malaysia. As both Iban and Sarawak Malay Dialect belong to the Malayic subgroup, the linguistic similarity makes it easier for Iban speakers to adopt Sarawak Malay Dialect for daily use. Many studies concentrate on languages of smaller groups that are being displaced because of language shift and possible language death, and investigating the language milieu can provide the empirical findings for work on language maintenance. The lan- guage use of larger ethnic groups tends to be given less attention, as the languages are perceived to be immune from language shift. The Iban are the largest ethnic group in Sarawak, giving rise to the assumption that there is language maintenance. This is why the Iban language has escaped the attention of sociolinguists interested in Indigenous languages. The available literature is mainly on the Iban culture (e.g., school at Form One level at 13 years old. Towards the end of the school year in Form Three, students sit for the Penilaian Menengah Rendah (PMR, Lower Secondary Assessment), a public examination held by the Ministry of Education. Students then study in Form Four and Form Five before sitting for a public examination, Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (SPM, Malaysian Certificate of Education). The SPM results will de- termine whether they can enter the lower sixth form. At the end of the school year in the upper sixth form, the students sit for the Sijil Tinggi Persekolahan Malaysia (STPM, Malaysian Higher School Certificate) examination. The STPM results are used to apply for a place in universities. Language Documentation & Conservation Vol. 15, 2021 Language use and attitudes as indicators of subjective vitality: The Iban of Sarawak, Malaysia 192 Berma 2008; Saleh 2008; Sebli 2008), and there are some conceptual papers (Philip 2017) but few empirical studies on the Iban language (Coluzzi 2010; Cullip 2000; Mohamed 1991; Ting 2010, 2012; Ting & Ling 2012). The Remun language (an Iban dialect) is still used for family communication in Kampong Remun despite fre- quent intermarriages between the Remun and the Iban people (Cullip 2000). The functional differentiation for the use of the Remun language is as follows: Remun and Sarawak Malay Dialect (for interactions with non-Remuns) function as “low lan- guages”, and the Iban language, English, and Malay (for formal interactions) function as “high languages” in the village. The Remun language is maintained because of a strong Remun identity, historical distrust of the Iban people, and the informal use of the Remun language in school (Cullip 2000). However, as time passes, the distrust towards Iban people may lessen with frequent intermarriages, creating a shift to the Iban language or other languages. Ting and Ling (2012) surveyed 568 indigeneous adolescents in six locations (rural and urban) in Sarawak, of which 323 respondents are Iban adolescents. The results showed that the Iban adolescents speak the Iban language the most (47.49%), followed by Malay and Sarawak Malay (35.04%), En- glish (15.02%), and Mandarin and Chinese dialects (2.46%). The Iban language is mainly used in the family, friendship, and religious domains and less in transactional (markets and shops) and educational domains. As for the mass media domain (radio, television, movies, online communication), Malay is the main language, followed by English, but Iban is not used. This result shows that languages with institutional sup- port may contribute to language shift of Iban. Further analysis of the same set of data on the Iban adolescents’ language use revealed that they frequently speak Malay and Sarawak Malay because a majority of them have Malay and Chinese friends (Ting 2012). These findings (Joan & Ting 2016; Ting & Ling 2012) indicate that amongthe adolescents, Iban may no longer be the language for interethnic communication; now Malay and Sarawak Malay function as the languages for interethnic communication. We argue that it is important to study the language dynamics of numerically dom- inant groups to find out what makes them withstand the tide of shifting towards standard languages2 and to assess whether language shift is happening. Research has shown that large groups are not safe from language shift. For example, Foochow is the largest Chinese dialect group in Sarawak, and the group is experiencing lan- guage shift not only in towns
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