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Insécurités. Une interprétation environnementale de la violence au Ouaddaï (Tchad oriental) Johanne Favre To cite this version: Johanne Favre. Insécurités. Une interprétation environnementale de la violence au Ouaddaï (Tchad oriental). Géographie. Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2008. Français. tel-00406684 HAL Id: tel-00406684 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00406684 Submitted on 23 Jul 2009 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. UNIVERSITE PARIS I – PANTHEON-SORBONNE Ecole doctorale de géographie de Paris DOCTORAT DE GEOGRAPHIE Johanne BEGIN FAVRE Insécurités Une interprétation environnementale de la violence au Ouaddaï (Tchad oriental) Thèse dirigée par M. Roland POURTIER Soutenue le 26 novembre 2008 Membres du jury : Mme Béatrice GIBLIN M. Géraud MAGRIN M. Denis RETAILLE M. Bernard TALLET Insécurités Une interprétation environnementale de la violence au Ouaddaï (Tchad oriental) Mots-clés : Tchad, Ouaddaï, conflit environnemental, ressources, violence, réfugiés, aide humanitaire. Résumé : Quelle est, dans l’est du Tchad, la validité des théories néo-malthusiennes sur les « conflits environnementaux » ? Les pénuries alimentaires y sont structurelles, mais ne s’expliquent qu’incomplètement par des facteurs démographiques et environnementaux. C’est le contexte sociopolitique qui détermine l’occurrence de la violence. A partir de 2003, la guerre du Darfour provoque un afflux de réfugiés dont la présence accroît la pression sur les ressources. L’aide internationale d’urgence nourrit des tensions, alors que les multiples projets de développement échouent à sortir la région d’une insécurité plutôt politique qu’alimentaire. Le rapport au pouvoir central est déterminant. Ancien centre, le Ouaddaï est devenu un Far est marginalisé dans l’Etat construit par la colonisation. La région pâtit de l’absence d’aménagement et d’administration. La frontière soudanaise est propice à la fuite et à l’insoumission. Berceau du régime, l’est tchadien est le territoire où se fomentent les rébellions qui le menacent. L’accaparement du pouvoir et des récentes ressources pétrolières par le groupe dirigeant suscite la réapparition d’une opposition armée victime d’un processus continu de scissions et de recompositions. Les affrontements intercommunautaires qui explosent en 2006 et le déploiement en 2008 d’une force de sécurisation ONU/UE sont à interpréter dans ce contexte. La violence s’enracine dans l’histoire de la région. L’empire précolonial du Ouaddaï – monarchie de droit divin – est le point de ralliement identitaire d’une population agressée par la colonisation. Après l’indépendance, la région est au cœur d’une guerre de Trente ans qui achève de corrompre les relations intercommunautaires. Le refuge est dans l’adhésion au monde arabo-musulman. Elle se manifeste par un refus des modèles de développement importés d’Occident et par un rejet de l’enseignement laïc. L’école publique tchadienne, en crise, ne permet pas de dépasser ce conflit culturel : elle est à la fois le réceptacle et le catalyseur des violences sociales. Au Tchad, la gestion des ressources et la gestion de la pénurie sont également facteurs de violence. L’établissement de la paix passe par une exigence de justice sociale, économique et politique. La nation se forge dans ce combat, et dans l’appropriation d’une histoire commune. Johanne FAVRE est rattachée à l’UMR 8586 PRODIG-CNRS, 2 rue Valette, 75005 PARIS. 2 Insecurities An environmental interpretation of the violence in Wadai (Eastern Chad) Keywords : Chad, Wadai, environmental conflict, resources, violence, refugees, humanitarian aid. Abstract : How far do neo-malthusian theories on environmental conflicts apply to the east of Chad ? Food shortages there are a regular occurrence but can’t be entirely explained by demographic and environmental factors. It’s the socio-political context which provokes the violence. From 2003, the war in Darfur has led to an important number of refugees whose presence has increased the pressure on resources. Emergency international aid feeds tensions while the many development projects fail to bring the region out of a state of insecurity which is related to politics rather than food. The relationship with the central power is a decisive factor. Formerly the centre, Wadai has become a marginalised Far East in the state that was created by colonisation. The region is suffering from the absence of both development and administration. The Sudanese border encourages escape and insubordination. Cradle of the regime, eastern Chad is the territory where the rebellions that threaten the latter, brew. The seizure of both power and the recently exploited oil resources by the rulers has again led to the appearance of an armed opposition that is victim of its constant schisms and recompositions. The conflicts that erupted between communities in 2006, and the deployment of a UN/EU protection force in 2008, must be interpreted in this context. Violence is deeply-rooted in the region. The pre-colonial empire of Wadai, with a monarchy by divine right, gave a unified identity to a population threatened by colonisation. After independance, the region was at the heart of a thirty years war which finally broke down relations between the communities. Refuge is found in belonging to the Arab-Muslim world. It can be seen in a refusal of development along lines imported from the West, and in a rejection of lay education. In a state of crisis, Chad’s state schools cannot solve the cultural conflict : they are both the battleground and catalyst of social violence. In Chad the management of resources and the management of penury also contribute to violence. To establish peace there must be social, economic and political justice. Nations are forged by such struggles and by adopting a common history. 3 REMERCIEMENTS Merci à tous les Tchadiens dont la parole libre et confiante a nourri ces pages. Merci aussi à ceux qui n’ont pas pu tout dire. Merci à mes hôtes : à Joël Rouméas et Henri Coudray, qui furent également des compagnons de route idéaux ; à Robert Mougabé Koslengar, Simon Salimini et Symbil Chérif, dont j’ai tant appris ; et à Ibrahim Abdel Bagui, mon guide en terre nomade. Merci aux ONG SECADEV, Intersos, COOPI, CARE, Oxfam, HELP, NCA, à la GTZ et aux agences des Nations Unies pour leur coopération transparente et leurs coups de main logistiques. Merci à Marie-José Tubiana, qui partage son savoir, ses relations, ses engagements. Merci à Marie-Françoise Courel qui a facilité cette entreprise, et au laboratoire de géographie CNRS-PRODIG au sein duquel j’ai bénéficié de deux années de détachement, et qui continue de m’accueillir. Merci à mon professeur, Monsieur Roland Pourtier, de m’avoir de nouveau accordé sa confiance et son aide bienveillante. Merci à mon époux pour son patient soutien, et à ma mère, de m’avoir relayée en mon absence. 4 ______________________________ à Ibni Oumar Mahamat Saleh ______________________________ 5 TABLE DES MATIERES Introduction 10 PREMIERE PARTIE : PENURIES. 34 Chapitre I : Vivre avec la faim. 36 1. Une pénurie structurelle. 36 A. De l’expérience de la faim aux alertes à la famine. 36 B. Ce qui dit l’histoire : la récurrence des pénuries. 41 2. La part des explications néo-malthusiennes. 45 A. Surpopulation ou sous-peuplement ? 45 B. La mesure de la dégradation environnementale. 49 C. Un système plus complexe. 54 3. Vers un déterminisme de la violence ? 58 A. Interpréter les corrélations chronologiques. 58 B. Une géographie de l’adaptation. 64 C. La variable clé est sociopolitique. 68 Chapitre II : La guerre du Darfour et l’aggravation des tensions. 72 1. « Les réfugiés sont nos frères ». 73 A. La parenté ethnique. 73 B. Au début, le partage. 78 C. Les limites de la solidarité. 82 2. Le désastre environnemental. 86 A. Des réfugiés environnementaux ? 86 B. Sédentariser dans le désert. 92 C. Mesures d’impact et tentatives de restauration. 98 3. Nourrir les gens, nourrir les haines. 102 A. Quand l’aide déstabilise la société. 102 B. 5 % pour les populations locales. 108 C. L’extension du conflit. 114 Chapitre III : Sortir de l’insécurité alimentaire. 122 1. L’humanitaire entre urgence et développement. 123 A. Des commencements dans l’urgence. 123 B. De l’irréalisme de certains « projets ». 125 6 C. Les conditions d’un impact positif. 129 2. L’utopie de la participation communautaire. 135 A. Les concepts d’intervention de la coopération allemande. 135 B. Une inégale participation. 140 C. La stratégie HIMO. 144 3. De la sécurité à la sécurité alimentaire. 149 A. De l’intérêt des pénuries, ou les dessous de l’économie céréalière. 149 B. Sécuriser l’économie. 152 C. La demande d’Etat. 155 Conclusion de la première partie 159 DEUXIEME PARTIE : ELOIGNEMENTS. 160 Chapitre IV : Le « Far Est » tchadien. 162 1. Marginalisation et recentrage. 162 A. Les enclavements concentriques. 162 B. Marges du territoire, marges du pouvoir. 167 C. Des liens centrifuges. 169 2. La frontière. 172 A. Darfour, Ouaddaï : une histoire partagée. 172 B. Insoumission aux confins. 176 C. Le prétexte de la « darfourisation ». 181 3. Hors-les-lois. 189 A. Exactions quotidiennes. 189 B. Gniguilim 1993 : les évènements et leur mémoire. 194 C. Les malversations de l’Etat zaghawa. 196 Chapitre V : Les carences de l’administration. 202 1. Le règne du vide. 203 A. Une sous-administration ancienne. 203 B. La décentralisation en dépit du bon sens. 206 C. Sédentariser l’Etat ? 211 2. La « kermesse du désordre » n’est pas terminée.
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