Latin America in the 1940S: War and Postwar Transitions

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Latin America in the 1940S: War and Postwar Transitions Preferred Citation: Rock, David, editor. Latin America in the 1940s: War and Postwar Transitions. Berkeley: University of California Press, c1994 1994. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ ft567nb3f6/ Latin America in the 1940s War and Postwar Transitions Edited by David Rock UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles Oxford © 1994 The Regents of the University of California Preferred Citation: Rock, David, editor. Latin America in the 1940s: War and Postwar Transitions. Berkeley: University of California Press, c1994 1994. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ ft567nb3f6/ Contributors CORINNE ANTEZANA-PERNET is a member of the Department of History, University of California, Irvine. She is working on a doctoral dissertation on the growth of the women's movement in Chile. RUTH BERINS COLLIER is associate professor of political science at the University of California, Berkeley, and coauthor (with David Collier) of Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America . JOSEPH COTTER is a lecturer in the Department of History at the University of California, Santa Barbara. His Ph.D. dissertation was entitled "Before the Green Revolution: Mexican Agricultural Policy, 1920–1949." PAUL W. DRAKE is chair of the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego. His books include Socialism and Populism in Chile, 1932–52 . E. V. K. FITZGERALD is professor of economics at the Institute of Social Studies, the Hague, Netherlands. Among his books is The Political Economy of Peru, 1956–1978: Economic Development and the Restructuring of Capital . JOHN D. FRENCH is assistant professor of history at Duke University, and author of The Brazilian Workers'ABC: Class Conflict and Alliances in Modern São Paulo . DANIEL LEWIS is a former lecturer in the Department of History, University of California, Santa Barbara. His Ph.D. dissertation was entitled "A Political ― xii ― and Economic History of Grain Farming in Buenos Aires Province, Argentina, 1914–1943." FERNANDO LOPEZ-ALVES is assistant professor of political science at the University of California, Santa Barbara. His published articles include "Explaining Confederation: Colombian Unions in the 1980s." DAVID ROCK , the editor of this volume, is professor of history at the University of California, Santa Barbara. His books include Argentina, 1516–1987: From Spanish Colonization to Alfonsin . IAN ROXBOROUGH is professor of sociology at the State University of New York, Stony Brook. Among his books is Unions and Politics in Mexico . ROSEMARY THORP is a fellow of St. Antony's College and lecturer in economics at the Institute of Economics and Statistics, University of Oxford. She is coauthor (with Geoffrey Bertram) of Peru, 1890–1977: Growth and Policy in an Open Economy . ― xiii ― Acknowledgments This book was conceived during a conference at the University of California, San Diego, in early 1986 in which a group of specialists reviewed and discussed recent scholarship on modern Latin America. Among the conclusions of these discussions was that the 1940s, the period coinciding with World War II and the beginning of the Cold War, represented a crucial historical bridge in modern Latin America, but that many of the features of this period remained unknown, ignored, or forgotten. Thanks to the support of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) of New York, in December 1987 a second interdisciplinary group of Latin Americanists met at the University of California, Santa Barbara, to arrange a collaborative research project on Latin America in the 1940s. This meeting became the prelude to a third conference in Santa Barbara in December 1989, at which the decision was made to prepare papers with a view to eventual publication. The participants in the project have changed over time although, as I hope the introduction acknowledges, several past participants who were unable to submit papers for this volume had an important part in shaping and defining the issues it addresses. I am particularly grateful to Charles Bergquist, Leslie Bethell, and Joseph Love. I owe a heavy debt to Paul Drake, who as a member of the Joint Committee on Latin American Studies of the Social Science Research Council gave me enormous assistance in raising the funds for the two conferences in Santa Barbara and in advising on the selection of participants. In 1989, Valpy ― xiv ― Fitzgerald, who replaced Drake on the Joint Committee, had a similarly helpful role. I must thank the three staff members of the SSRC with whom I had contact during the planning, execution, and follow-up phases of the project: Joan Dassin, Silvia Raw, and Eric Hershberg. At the University of California, Santa Barbara, my home campus, I received additional support and funding from the Interdisciplinary Humanities Center. A willing group of graduate students provided indispensable assistance during the two conferences in Santa Barbara. I should mention in particular Daniel Lewis (now a contributor to this volume), Karen Mead, and Jan Sallinger-McBride. Anthony O'Regan assisted me in the final stages of editing the papers. DAVID ROCK SANTA BARBARA, CALIFORNIA ― 1 ― Introduction David Rock The central theme of this book is the relationship between the "global shocks" of the 1940s, induced by World War II and the onset of the Cold War, and the political development of Latin America. First, the 1940s brought the Latin American republics into a new international order in which old ties with Western Europe crumbled and sometimes disappeared while relations with the United States assumed greater importance than ever before. Second, many parts of Latin America in the 1940s, especially in 1944–1946, witnessed an unprecedented, though not entirely uniform, shift from conservative or authoritarian rule toward democracy and the rapid growth of labor unions. By the end of the decade, however, the infant democratic movements had all collapsed, labor was in disarray, and conservatives were once more in power. The chief aim of our inquiry was to establish and to illustrate the extent to which international and domestic political changes were linked. A second aim—since the 1940s wereso crucial to the formation of the contemporary world, at least until the recent demise of the Cold War—was to measure the long-term impact of these changes in Latin America. Some of our early discussions, for example, suggested that this period represented a vital historical watershed in that it produced the intense opposition between popular and authoritarian forces which later became one of the chief distinguishing features of Latin American politics. Finally, we intended to compare the democratic experience of the 1940s with that of the 1980s and to explore the extent to which the failures of the earlier period offered lessons for the later. ― 2 ― During the initial planning of the project in 1986, Joseph L. Love addressed one of the main aspects of the political transition of the 1940s, as he linked the collapse of the democratic movements in Latin America toward the end of the decade with the beginnings of the Cold War. "The Rio Treaty of 1947," Love wrote, the OAS [Organization of American States] Treaty of 1948, and the pressure by the U.S. to outlaw domestic Communist parties—all these steps seem to have been part of an American Cold War strategy with major influence, for example, on the internal politics of Brazil and Chile. The United States' 'disinterest' in the region in the latter 1940s...has to do not only with the requirements of European policy but with the judgment that the region was now 'under control,' in terms of dealing with Communism. Furthermore, the onset of the Cold War was surely related to the end of the 'democratic opening.' (letter of July 19, 1986) During subsequent stages of the project, both during the preconference of 1987 and the full conference of 1989, several contrasting and divergent viewpoints emerged: some participants expressed their skepticism over the importance of this period, but others called it "a crucial decade." A second striking difference of opinion lay between those who minimized the external global shocks as a factor in political change in Latin America and therefore emphasized "internal trajectories," and those, like Love, who regarded the changing international environment of this period as critical. In a preliminary statement during the meeting in 1987, Paul W. Drake characterized the 1940s as "regressive and conservative." Comparing regime changes over the period he found little to support the view that there were regionwide trends toward enhanced political participation and social reform or that the United States actively encouraged such trends. Drake noted a few "political openings" around 1945 but emphasized their brevity and their eventual failure. Except in Argentina under Juan Perón and in Guatemala under Jacobo Arbenz, Drake saw this decade as a period of relative political inertia in which the populists and democrats generally fared badly. Drake illustrated these observations by the examples of Chile and Peru. In both countries, populism emerged in the 1930s; the 1940s, by contrast, saw the consolidation of antipopulist, "ideologically cooling" regimes emphasizing growth at the expense of redistribution and reform. Labor unions re- ― 3 ― mained weak, and reformist forces ended the decade less powerful and effective than at the beginning. At most a mere "nudge to the left" occurred in 1944–1947 in the "artificial climate" at the end of World War II. In another preliminary statement in 1987, Ruth Berins Collier, citing the examples of four Latin American nations, presented a second, broadly simi-lar view. She argued that except in Peru, Argentina, and in lesser degree Venezuela, reformist efforts, and the political incorporation of "popular groups," predated the 1940s. During the period 1943–1946, which marked the high point of the popular front movements in Latin America, the Communist parties of Mexico, Brazil, Venezuela, and Chile abandoned their confrontations with conservative regimes and attempted to arrest and contain popular pressures.
Recommended publications
  • Re-Election and Political Career Paths in the Uruguayan Congress, 1985–99
    Re-Election and Political Career Paths in the Uruguayan Congress, 1985–99 DAVID ALTMAN and DANIEL CHASQUETTI Given the presumed marginal – or at best the ‘rubber-stamp legitimising’ – character of Latin American legislatures, they ‘have escaped careful scrutiny’. Even in cases where legislatures are supposed to play a much more significant role than the continental average, such as Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay, knowledge of legislative politics is still far from conclusive. This article studies re-election patterns of legislators in Uruguay during the four post-authoritarian elections. During these elections in Uruguay, we observed a decreasing but still high rate of turnover of legislators. These high rates of legislative turnover are affected by a significant number of legislators who do not seek re-election. While inter-party electoral volatility strongly influences the rates of incumbent re-election, intra-party volatility does not seem to have an impact on this phenomenon. Lastly, the closed and blocked lists in conjunction with the Uruguayan multiple simultaneous vote, and the fact that a legislator belongs to the Senate, are additional institutional features that help to explain the turnover and incumbent re-election in the legislature. URUGUAY IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE This paper analyses legislators’ re-election rates in Uruguay during the legislative elections of 1989, 1994 and 1999. Even in cases where legislatures are supposed to play a much more significant role than the continental average, such as Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay, knowledge of legislative politics is still far from conclusive. During these elections in Uruguay, we observed a decreasing but still high rate of legislative turnover.
    [Show full text]
  • Biografía De Salvador Allende Gossens
    BIBLIOTECA MINISTERIO DE SALUD “DR. BOGOSLAV JURICIC TURINA” Biografía de Salvador Allende Gossens 1908-1973 1908: El 26 de Junio nace en Valparaíso. Sus padres fueron el abogado y notario, militante del Partido Radical, Salvador Allende Castro y doña Laura Gossens Uribe. 1920 – 1925: Instalados en Valparaíso, luego de recorrer Tacna (entonces chilena), Iquique, Santiago y Valdivia, ingresa al Liceo Eduardo de la Barra, donde realiza sus estudios con excelentes calificaciones. Destaca en la práctica de diferentes deportes. Por esos años conoce a Juan Demarchi, viejo anarquista italiano, que influye en su formacion ideológica prestándole los primeros textos de marxismo. 1925: Cumple como voluntario el Servicio Militar en el Regimiento Coraceros de Viña del Mar. En el transcurso del mismo pide su traslado al Regimiento Lanceros de Tacna. Egresa como oficial de reserva del ejército. 1926: En Santiago, entra a la Universidad de Chile a estudiar Medicina. 1927: Presidente del Centro de Alumnos de Medicina, ha organizado a un grupo de sus compañeros, que se reúnen periódicamente para leer y discutir de marxismo. 1929: Pide su incorporación a la Masonería, siguiendo una tradición familiar. Funda junto a sus compañeros de universidad el Grupo Avance. 1930: Vicepresidente de la Federación de Estudiantes de Chile. Participa activamente en la lucha contra la dictadura de Carlos Ibáñez. 1931: Miembro del Consejo Universitario en representación de los estudiantes. Temporalmente expulsado de la Universidad, es pronto reincorporado por sus excelentes calificaciones y porque le faltan escasos meses para terminar sus estudios. En el mes de Julio es derrocado Ibáñez. 1932: Termina sus estudios y se traslada a Valparaíso, para estar cerca de su padre enfermo.
    [Show full text]
  • Mercosur En La Prensa Mercosul Na Imprensa
    MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA 12 de junio de 2020 12 de junho de 2020 La Selección de Noticias del MERCOSUR reúne notas de prensa de distintas fuentes. Esta Selección no refleja la opinión ni posición oficial del Parlamento del MERCOSUR; su contenido es incluido sólo como una referencia a los visitantes de nuestra página en Internet. A seleção de notícias do MERCOSUL reúne notícias de imprensa de distintas fontes. Esta seleção não reflete a opinião e posição oficial do Parlamento do MERCOSUL, sendo apenas uma referência aos visitantes do nosso site. @parlasur | [email protected] | www.parlamentomercosur.org @parlasur | [email protected] | www.parlamentomercosur.org MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA | MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA ÍNDICE ARGENTINA Uruguay favorece la radicación de empresas y familias argentinas Duro rechazo del PRO al proteccionismo y a la política de derechos humanos del Gobierno Ruta de la yerba mate: buscan que sea declarada patrimonio mundial MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA | MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA BRASIL UE põe acordo com Mercosul na geladeira à espera de melhor momento, diz consultoria PARAGUAY Buscan acuerdo para construcción de esclusas de navegación de Itaipú MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA | MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA URUGUAY Bartesaghi: "A Uruguay le sale muy caro ser parte del Mercosur" Caída de las exportaciones "era esperable, pero no por ello deja de ser grave" El Acuerdo de Asociación Estratégica Mercosur - UE y su impacto sobre las indicaciones geográficas Salida ordenada: Talvi apostará por su sector y pugnará por la secretaría general del Partido Colorado MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA | MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA Argentina Uruguay favorece la radicación de empresas y familias argentinas Nelson Fernández MONTEVIDEO.
    [Show full text]
  • Doing Business in Argentina Contents
    This publication is a joint project with Doing business in Argentina Contents Executive summary 4 Disclaimer Foreword 6 This document is issued by HSBC Bank (Argentina) Company Limited Introduction – Doing business in Argentina 8 (the ‘Bank’) in Argentina. It is not intended as an offer or solicitation for business to anyone in any Conducting business in Argentina 13 jurisdiction. It is not intended for distribution to anyone located in or Taxation in Argentina 18 resident in jurisdictions which restrict the distribution of this document. Audit and accountancy 29 It shall not be copied, reproduced, transmitted or further distributed Human Resources and Employment Law 34 by any recipient. Trade 37 The information contained in this document is of a general nature Banking in Argentina 40 only. It is not meant to be comprehensive and does not HSBC in Argentina 43 constitute financial, legal, tax or other professional advice. You Country overview 44 should not act upon the information contained in this publication without Contacts and further information 46 obtaining specific professional advice. This document is produced by the Bank together with PricewaterhouseCoopers (‘PwC’). Whilst every care has been taken in preparing this document, neither the Bank nor PwC makes any guarantee, representation or warranty (express or implied) as to its accuracy or completeness, and under no circumstances will the Bank or PwC be liable for any loss caused by reliance on any opinion or statement made in this document. Except as specifically indicated, the expressions of opinion are those of the Bank and/or PwC only and are subject to change without notice.
    [Show full text]
  • Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
    Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Brad T. Eidahl December 2017 © 2017 Brad T. Eidahl. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile by BRAD T. EIDAHL has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick M. Barr-Melej Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT EIDAHL, BRAD T., Ph.D., December 2017, History Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile Director of Dissertation: Patrick M. Barr-Melej This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile’s opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile’s tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media’s ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet’s defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Splintering of Spain
    This page intentionally left blank ii ii The Splintering of Spain This book explores the ideas and culture surrounding the cataclysmic civil war that engulfed Spain from 1936 to 1939. It features specially commissioned articles from leading historians in Spain, Britain and the USA which examine the complex interaction of national and local factors, contributing to the shape and course of the war. They argue that the ‘splintering of Spain’ resulted from the myriad cultural clea- vages of society in the 1930s. Thus, this book views the civil war less as a single great conflict between two easily identifiable sets of ideas, social classes or ways of life, than historians have previously done. The Spanish tragedy, at the level of everyday life, was shaped by many tensions, both those that were formally political and those that were to do with people’s perceptions and understanding of the society around them. CHRIS EALHAM is Senior Lecturer in History at Lancaster University. His previous publications include Policing the City: Class, Culture and Conflict in Barcelona, 1898–1937 (2005). MICHAEL RICHARDS is Senior Lecturer in Contemporary European History at the University of the West of England. His previous publica- tions include A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco’s Spain, 1936–1945 (1998). The Splintering of Spain Cultural History and the Spanish Civil War, 1936 –1939 Edited by Chris Ealham and Michael Richards cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru,UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Informationonthistitle:www.cambridge.org/9780521821780 © Cambridge University Press 2005 This publication is in copyright.
    [Show full text]
  • Is Our Current International Economic Environment Unusually Crisis Prone?
    Is Our Current International Economic Environment Unusually Crisis Prone? Michael Bordo and Barry Eichengreen1 August 1999 1. Introduction From popular accounts one would gain the impression that our current international economic environment is unusually crisis prone. The European of 1992-3, the Mexican crisis of 1994-5, the Asian crisis of 1997-8, and the other currency and banking crises that peppered the 1980s and 1990s dominate journalistic accounts of recent decades. This “crisis problem” is seen as perhaps the single most distinctive financial characteristic of our age. Is it? Even a cursory review of financial history reveals that the problem is not new. One classic reference, O.M.W. Sprague’s History of Crises Under the National Banking System (1910), while concerned with just one country, the United States, contains chapters on the crisis of 1873, the panic of 1884, the stringency of 1890, the crisis of 1893, and the crisis of 1907. One can ask (as does Schwartz 1986) whether it is appropriate to think of these episodes as crises — that is, whether they significantly disrupted the operation of the financial system and impaired the health of the nonfinancial economy — but precisely the same question can be asked of certain recent crises.2 In what follows we revisit this history with an eye toward establishing what is new and 1 Rutgers University and University of California at Berkeley, respectively. This paper is prepared for the Reserve Bank of Australia Conference on Private Capital Flows, Sydney, 9-10 August 1999. It builds on an earlier paper prepared for the Brookings Trade Policy Forum (Bordo, Eichengreen and Irwin 1999); we thank Doug Irwin for his collaboration and support.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of Insecurityinsecurity,, Solidaritysolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution
    The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of InsecurityInsecurity,, SolidaritySolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution by Jennifer Fender A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Jennifer Fender 2020 The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of InsecurityInsecurity,, SolidaritySolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution Jennifer Fender Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2020 Abstract This dissertation explores the relationships between the middle class and the Left with a specific focus on attitudes towards redistributive policies. The work is based on an examination of the social attitudes and political propensities of the Uruguayan middle class during the Left governments of the Frente Amplio (FA) (2005-2014) including the lead up to their re-election in 2014. In investigating the attitudes and political proclivities of members of the Uruguayan middle class, I incorporate a consideration of the significant political and economic changes that occurred from the middle of the twentieth century onward. The work combines historical analysis and analysis of in-depth interviews conducted by the author. I argue that the presence of two sets of factors that shape individual’s senses of insecurity and solidarity help to explain middle class support for, or opposition to, redistributive policies. One set involves the presence or absence of a complex of insecurity mitigating factors; the second involves socialization processes that inculcate support for the social norms of equality and collective responsibility. I argue that a combination of insecurity mitigating factors and exposure to socialization processes that inculcate norms of equality and collective responsibility, producing social solidarity, tends to contribute to middle class support for the Left and the redistributive measures it stands for.
    [Show full text]
  • The Splintering of Spain: Cultural History and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 Edited by Chris Ealham and Michael Richards Frontmatter More Information
    Cambridge University Press 0521821789 - The Splintering of Spain: Cultural History and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 Edited by Chris Ealham and Michael Richards Frontmatter More information The Splintering of Spain This book explores the ideas and culture surrounding the cataclysmic civil war that engulfed Spain from 1936 to 1939. It features specially commissioned articles from leading historians in Spain,Britain and the USA which examine the complex interaction of national and local factors,contributing to the shape and course of the war. They argue that the ‘splintering of Spain’ resulted from the myriad cultural clea- vages of society in the 1930s. Thus,this book views the civil war less as a single great conflict between two easily identifiable sets of ideas,social classes or ways of life,than historians have previously done. The Spanish tragedy,at the level of everyday life,was shaped by many tensions,both those that were formally political and those that were to do with people’s perceptions and understanding of the society around them. CHRIS EALHAM is Senior Lecturer in History at Lancaster University. His previous publications include Policing the City: Class, Culture and Conflict in Barcelona, 1898–1937 (2005). MICHAEL RICHARDS is Senior Lecturer in Contemporary European History at the University of the West of England. His previous publica- tions include A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco’s Spain, 1936–1945 (1998). © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 0521821789
    [Show full text]
  • Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and The
    Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and the Caribbean Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic The Global State of Democracy Special Brief, November 2020 IN FOCUS The Global State of Democracy Special Brief, November 2020 Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and the Caribbean Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic Key facts and findings • The COVID-19 pandemic has hit a Latin American restrictions implemented to curb the pandemic; and Caribbean region plagued by unresolved use of the military to carry out civil tasks; persistent structural problems of high crime and violence, crime and violence; new dangers for the right political fragmentation and polarization, high to privacy; increases in gender inequality and poverty and inequality, corruption, and weak domestic violence; new risks posed to vulnerable states. groups; limited access to justice; restrictions on freedom of expression; executive overreach; • Democratically, the region was ailing prior to the reduced parliamentary oversight; political pandemic, with some countries suffering from polarization and clashes between democratic democratic erosion or backsliding, others from institutions; new openings for corruption; and democratic fragility and weakness. Overall, trust a discontented socially mobilized citizenry that in democracy had been in steady decline in the shuns traditional forms of political representation. decade preceding the pandemic, with citizen discontent culminating in a protest wave hitting • However, this overview also provides an opportunity several countries in the region at the end of 2019. to highlight some examples of democratic resilience and democratic innovation that have taken place • Long-overdue political and socio-economic reforms during the pandemic.
    [Show full text]
  • Arrate Rojas IC Capitulo 3
    CAPÍTULO 3. AUGE Y RETROCESOS DE LA IZQUIERDA: DEL NACIMIENTO DEL PS A LA FUNDACIÓN DE LA CUT (1933 – 1953). UN “CAMINO Y UNA LUZ”: LA FUNDACIÓN DEL PS (87); LOS TUMULTUOSOS AÑOS TREINTA: LA VICTORIA DEL FRENTE POPULAR (96); EL GOBIERNO DE PEDRO AGUIRRE CERDA: GOBERNAR ES EDUCAR (108); AUGE COMUNISTA, DISPERSIÓN SOCIALISTA Y LOS PRIMEROS ATISBOS DE IZQUIERDA CRISTIANA (121); LA LEY DE DEFENSA PERMANENTE DE LA DEMOCRACIA O “LEY MALDITA” Y LA PERSECUCIÓN A LOS COMUNISTAS (130); AVANCES DEMOCRÁTICOS: EL VOTO FEMENINO Y LA RECONSTRUCCIÓN DEL SINDICALISMO UNITARIO (140); EL FRENTE DEL PUEBLO Y EL PARTIDO SOCIALISTA POPULAR: ALLENDE Y AMPUERO (146). UN “CAMINO Y UNA LUZ”: LA FUNDACIÓN DEL PS Los grupos sociales dispersos que se funden en 1933 para dar origen al PS crean un actor político particular y perdurable en la historia chilena. El PS es el único partido latinoamericano de matriz ideológica marxista que ha logrado conquistar un espacio social significativo, postular junto a la izquierda chilena un proyecto de sociedad y elegir democráticamente a uno de sus militantes a la Presidencia de la República de su país. El PS surge en una coyuntura histórica precisa como alternativa popular a la opción comunista. Por aquel entonces el país vive aún el fuerte impacto de la crisis mundial desencadenada en 1929. El PC enfrenta las tensiones causadas por la división entre “lafertistas” e “hidalguistas”. El partido oficialmente reconocido por la Internacional, el liderado por Lafertte, sostiene la política “de clase contra clase”, según la cual es inminente la revolución socialista a nivel mundial y debe descartarse toda alianza con fuerzas no representativas de la clase obrera.
    [Show full text]
  • GRUPO FINANCIERO GALICIA SA Form 20-F Filed 2017-05-01
    SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION FORM 20-F Annual and transition report of foreign private issuers pursuant to sections 13 or 15(d) Filing Date: 2017-05-01 | Period of Report: 2016-12-31 SEC Accession No. 0001193125-17-149605 (HTML Version on secdatabase.com) FILER GRUPO FINANCIERO GALICIA SA Mailing Address Business Address TTE. GRAL. JUAN D. PERON TTE. GRAL. JUAN D. PERON CIK:1114700| IRS No.: 000000000 | State of Incorp.:C1 | Fiscal Year End: 1231 430 430 Type: 20-F | Act: 34 | File No.: 000-30852 | Film No.: 17798238 25TH FLOOR 25TH FLOOR SIC: 6029 Commercial banks, nec BUENOS AIRES C1 BUENOS AIRES C1 CP1038AAJ CP1038AAJ 0115411434 Copyright © 2017 www.secdatabase.com. All Rights Reserved. Please Consider the Environment Before Printing This Document Table of Contents AS FILED WITH THE SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION ON APRIL 28, 2017 UNITED STATES SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION Washington, D.C. 20549 FORM 20F (Mark One) ☐ Registration Statement pursuant to Section 12(b) or (g) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 or ☒ Annual Report pursuant to Section 13 or 15(d) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 for the fiscal year ended December 31, 2016 or ☐ Transition report pursuant to Section 13 or 15(d) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 for the transition period from to or ☐ Shell Company Report Pursuant to Section 13 or 15(d) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 Date of event requiring this Shell Company Report Commission File Number 000-30852 GRUPO FINANCIERO GALICIA S.A. (Exact name of Registrant as specified in its charter) GALICIA FINANCIAL GROUP (Translation of Registrants name into English) REPUBLIC OF ARGENTINA (Jurisdiction of incorporation or organization) Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A.
    [Show full text]