Political Convergence in South America
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Re-Election and Political Career Paths in the Uruguayan Congress, 1985–99
Re-Election and Political Career Paths in the Uruguayan Congress, 1985–99 DAVID ALTMAN and DANIEL CHASQUETTI Given the presumed marginal – or at best the ‘rubber-stamp legitimising’ – character of Latin American legislatures, they ‘have escaped careful scrutiny’. Even in cases where legislatures are supposed to play a much more significant role than the continental average, such as Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay, knowledge of legislative politics is still far from conclusive. This article studies re-election patterns of legislators in Uruguay during the four post-authoritarian elections. During these elections in Uruguay, we observed a decreasing but still high rate of turnover of legislators. These high rates of legislative turnover are affected by a significant number of legislators who do not seek re-election. While inter-party electoral volatility strongly influences the rates of incumbent re-election, intra-party volatility does not seem to have an impact on this phenomenon. Lastly, the closed and blocked lists in conjunction with the Uruguayan multiple simultaneous vote, and the fact that a legislator belongs to the Senate, are additional institutional features that help to explain the turnover and incumbent re-election in the legislature. URUGUAY IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE This paper analyses legislators’ re-election rates in Uruguay during the legislative elections of 1989, 1994 and 1999. Even in cases where legislatures are supposed to play a much more significant role than the continental average, such as Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay, knowledge of legislative politics is still far from conclusive. During these elections in Uruguay, we observed a decreasing but still high rate of legislative turnover. -
Politics and Elections in Buenos Aires, 1890-1898: the Performance of the Radical Party Author(S): Paula Alonso Source: Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol
Politics and Elections in Buenos Aires, 1890-1898: The Performance of the Radical Party Author(s): Paula Alonso Source: Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3 (Oct., 1993), pp. 465-487 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/158264 Accessed: 01-04-2015 00:34 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Latin American Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Wed, 01 Apr 2015 00:34:12 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Politics and Elections in Buenos Aires, I890-1898: The Performance of the Radical Party* PAULA ALONSO Three main political parties regularly contested elections in Argentina in the late nineteenth century: the Partido Autonomista Nacional (PAN), the Uni6n Civica Nacional (UCN), and the Uni6n Civica Radical (UCR).1 However, little is known about the nature of party competition, the contesting parties' electoral performances or the characteristics of their electoral support. Discussion of the electoral politics prior to 9I 2, when the vote became secret and compulsory for all Argentine males over 18 years of age, has been dominated by notions of corruption, repression and lack of opportunity for popular participation. -
Mercosur En La Prensa Mercosul Na Imprensa
MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA 12 de junio de 2020 12 de junho de 2020 La Selección de Noticias del MERCOSUR reúne notas de prensa de distintas fuentes. Esta Selección no refleja la opinión ni posición oficial del Parlamento del MERCOSUR; su contenido es incluido sólo como una referencia a los visitantes de nuestra página en Internet. A seleção de notícias do MERCOSUL reúne notícias de imprensa de distintas fontes. Esta seleção não reflete a opinião e posição oficial do Parlamento do MERCOSUL, sendo apenas uma referência aos visitantes do nosso site. @parlasur | [email protected] | www.parlamentomercosur.org @parlasur | [email protected] | www.parlamentomercosur.org MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA | MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA ÍNDICE ARGENTINA Uruguay favorece la radicación de empresas y familias argentinas Duro rechazo del PRO al proteccionismo y a la política de derechos humanos del Gobierno Ruta de la yerba mate: buscan que sea declarada patrimonio mundial MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA | MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA BRASIL UE põe acordo com Mercosul na geladeira à espera de melhor momento, diz consultoria PARAGUAY Buscan acuerdo para construcción de esclusas de navegación de Itaipú MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA | MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA URUGUAY Bartesaghi: "A Uruguay le sale muy caro ser parte del Mercosur" Caída de las exportaciones "era esperable, pero no por ello deja de ser grave" El Acuerdo de Asociación Estratégica Mercosur - UE y su impacto sobre las indicaciones geográficas Salida ordenada: Talvi apostará por su sector y pugnará por la secretaría general del Partido Colorado MERCOSUR EN LA PRENSA | MERCOSUL NA IMPRENSA Argentina Uruguay favorece la radicación de empresas y familias argentinas Nelson Fernández MONTEVIDEO. -
Figure A1 General Elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists Among Highest-Educated and Top-Income Voters In
Chapter 15. "Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019" Oscar BARRERA, Ana LEIVA, Clara MARTÍNEZ-TOLEDANO, Álvaro ZÚÑIGA-CORDERO Appendix A - Argentina Main figures and tables Figure A1 General elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists among highest-educated and top-income voters in Argentina, after controls Table A1 The structure of political cleavages in Argentina, 2015-2019 Appendix Figures - Structure of the Vote for Peronists Figure AA1 Vote for Peronists by income decile in Argentina Figure AA2 Vote for Peronists by income group in Argentina Figure AA3 Vote for Peronists by education level in Argentina Figure AA4 Vote for Peronists by age group in Argentina Figure AA5 Vote for Peronists by gender in Argentina Figure AA6 Vote for Peronists by marital status in Argentina Figure AA7 Vote for Peronists by employment status in Argentina Figure AA8 Vote for Peronists by employment sector in Argentina Figure AA9 Vote for Peronists by self-employment status in Argentina Figure AA10 Vote for Peronists by occupation in Argentina Figure AA11 Vote for Peronists by subjective social class in Argentina Figure AA12 Vote for Peronists by rural-urban location in Argentina Figure AA13 Vote for Peronists by region in Argentina Figure AA14 Vote for Peronists by ethnicity in Argentina Figure AA15 Vote for Peronists by religious affiliation in Argentina Figure AA16 Vote for Peronists by religiosity in Argentina Figure AA17 Vote for -
Media Coverage of Establishment and Non-Establishment Candidates in Argentina’S 2003 Presidential Election
MEDIA COVERAGE OF ESTABLISHMENT AND NON-ESTABLISHMENT CANDIDATES IN ARGENTINA’S 2003 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Karen J. Yang M.A. Political Science, M.A. Latin American Studies * * * * * The Ohio State University 2006 Dissertation Committee: Professor Anthony Mughan, Adviser Approved by Associate Professor Mark P. Jones Associate Professor Thomas E. Nelson Adviser Assistant Professor Sarah M. Brooks Political Science Graduate Program ABSTRACT In the aftermath of Argentina’s December 2001 financial meltdown, the political class was widely blamed for the crisis that transformed this once predominantly middle- class country into a poor one. However, when new presidential elections were held in April 2003, establishment candidates generally placed higher relative to non- establishment candidates. To account for this puzzling election outcome, I examine the role that Argentine centrist print media may have played through their coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates. The research design involves content analysis of front-page news articles from large, centrist newspapers, Clarín and La Nación, over an eleven-month period. To analyze the data, I rely on count data and multi-linear graphs as well as correlation coefficients and tests of significance. Testing two hypotheses, namely media attention and framing, I find that establishment candidates received more media attention, and perhaps more name recognition, than did non-establishment candidates. I also find that centrist print media framed candidate strengths and weaknesses in particular ways. Establishment candidates were portrayed as having competency and electability as their strengths and integrity as their weakness. -
The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of Insecurityinsecurity,, Solidaritysolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution
The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of InsecurityInsecurity,, SolidaritySolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution by Jennifer Fender A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Jennifer Fender 2020 The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of InsecurityInsecurity,, SolidaritySolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution Jennifer Fender Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2020 Abstract This dissertation explores the relationships between the middle class and the Left with a specific focus on attitudes towards redistributive policies. The work is based on an examination of the social attitudes and political propensities of the Uruguayan middle class during the Left governments of the Frente Amplio (FA) (2005-2014) including the lead up to their re-election in 2014. In investigating the attitudes and political proclivities of members of the Uruguayan middle class, I incorporate a consideration of the significant political and economic changes that occurred from the middle of the twentieth century onward. The work combines historical analysis and analysis of in-depth interviews conducted by the author. I argue that the presence of two sets of factors that shape individual’s senses of insecurity and solidarity help to explain middle class support for, or opposition to, redistributive policies. One set involves the presence or absence of a complex of insecurity mitigating factors; the second involves socialization processes that inculcate support for the social norms of equality and collective responsibility. I argue that a combination of insecurity mitigating factors and exposure to socialization processes that inculcate norms of equality and collective responsibility, producing social solidarity, tends to contribute to middle class support for the Left and the redistributive measures it stands for. -
Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and The
Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and the Caribbean Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic The Global State of Democracy Special Brief, November 2020 IN FOCUS The Global State of Democracy Special Brief, November 2020 Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and the Caribbean Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic Key facts and findings • The COVID-19 pandemic has hit a Latin American restrictions implemented to curb the pandemic; and Caribbean region plagued by unresolved use of the military to carry out civil tasks; persistent structural problems of high crime and violence, crime and violence; new dangers for the right political fragmentation and polarization, high to privacy; increases in gender inequality and poverty and inequality, corruption, and weak domestic violence; new risks posed to vulnerable states. groups; limited access to justice; restrictions on freedom of expression; executive overreach; • Democratically, the region was ailing prior to the reduced parliamentary oversight; political pandemic, with some countries suffering from polarization and clashes between democratic democratic erosion or backsliding, others from institutions; new openings for corruption; and democratic fragility and weakness. Overall, trust a discontented socially mobilized citizenry that in democracy had been in steady decline in the shuns traditional forms of political representation. decade preceding the pandemic, with citizen discontent culminating in a protest wave hitting • However, this overview also provides an opportunity several countries in the region at the end of 2019. to highlight some examples of democratic resilience and democratic innovation that have taken place • Long-overdue political and socio-economic reforms during the pandemic. -
La Alternancia Político-Electoral En Paraguay: La Elección De Fernando Lugo Y La Caída Del Partido Colorado (2008)
Los artículos publicados en esta revista son arbitrados y avalados por el sistema de pares académicos, bajo la modalidad de doble ciego. Fecha de impresión: enero de 2018 Año XVII, número 58 enero-junio 2018, semestral Editora responsable: Isabel Núñez Garduño Núm. de Certificado de Reserva de Derechos de Uso Exclusivo de Título: 04-2008-051319002200-102 Núm. de Certificado de Licitud de Título: 11490 Núm. de Certificado de Licitud de Contenido: 8071 ISSN: 1665-0921 Domicilio de la publicación y del distribuidor: Instituto Electoral del Estado de México, Paseo Tollocan núm. 944, col. Santa Ana Tlapaltitlán, C. P. 50160. Toluca, Estado de México. Tel. (01 722) 275 73 00, ext. 4300. [email protected], [email protected] aelectorales.ieem.org.mx Los juicios y afirmaciones expresados en los artículos aquí publicados son responsabilidad de los autores, y el Instituto Electoral del Estado de México no los comparte necesariamente. Se prohíbe la reproducción parcial o total del contenido de la revista sin la autorización del editor. Impreso en México Publicación incluida en el directorio y en el catálogo de Latindex, así como en doaj, en Clase, en Biblat y en Redib. Consejo Científico Andrés Malamud Universidad de Lisboa, Portugal Andrés Mejía Acosta King’s College, Inglaterra Daniel Buquet Universidad de la República, Uruguay Diego Reynoso Universidad de San Andrés, Argentina Irma Méndez de Hoyos Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, sede México Iván Llamazares Valduvieco Universidad de Salamanca, España Leticia M. Ruiz Rodríguez Universidad Complutense de Madrid, España Manuel Alcántara Sáez Universidad de Salamanca, España María Laura Tagina Universidad Nacional de San Martín, Argentina Mariana Llanos German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Alemania Peter Birle Instituto Ibero-Americano, Alemania (Berlín) Peter M. -
Brokers Beyond Clientelism: a New Perspective Through the Argentine Case
Brokers beyond clientelism: A new perspective through the Argentine case Rodrigo Zarazaga 1 Working Paper # 2 Published at Latin American Politcs and Society, 56(3): 23-45 Abstract Party machines and brokers have been widely researched in political science since 1950, yet a full description of brokers’ roles is still missing. This article contributes by describing in detail the many roles brokers perform for their parties and explaining why each broker performs all these roles. In particular, it shows that besides fulfilling clientelistic strategies, brokers perform important executive governability functions once their party is in power. Brokers multitask because they have the neighborhood knowledge required to successfully perform political activities at the local level. Moreover, performing nonclientelistic roles prepares brokers to perform clientelistic strategies. The article also presents a novel theoretical account for why voters abide by the clientelistic deal. Based on interviews with 120 brokers, it analyzes the complete set of brokers’ strategies, and detailed narrative accounts show the clientelistic machine at work. Resumen Desde 1950, las maquinarias políticas y los punteros han sido extensamente investigados dentro de la Ciencia Política; sin embargo aún está pendiente una descripción completa de sus roles. Este artículo contribuye con una descripción detallada de los muchos roles que los punteros desempeñan para sus partidos así como por qué lo hacen. En particular, demuestra que además de cumplir estrategias clientelares, los punteros llevan a cabo importantes funciones ejecutivas una vez que su partido está en el poder. La multiplicidad de tareas que los punteros desarrollan se debe a que tienen el conocimiento necesario de sus vecindarios para desarrollar exitosamente las actividades políticas a nivel local. -
A New Perspective Through the Argentine Case
Brokers beyond clientelism: A new perspective through the Argentine case Rodrigo Zarazaga 1 Working Paper #2 Published in Latin American Politcs and Society, 56(3): 23-45 Abstract Party machines and brokers have been widely researched in political science since 1950, yet a full description of brokers’ roles is still missing. This article contributes by describing in detail the many roles brokers perform for their parties and explaining why each broker performs all these roles. In particular, it shows that besides fulfilling clientelistic strategies, brokers perform important executive governability functions once their party is in power. Brokers multitask because they have the neighborhood knowledge required to successfully perform political activities at the local level. Moreover, performing nonclientelistic roles prepares brokers to perform clientelistic strategies. The article also presents a novel theoretical account for why voters abide by the clientelistic deal. Based on interviews with 120 brokers, it analyzes the complete set of brokers’ strategies, and detailed narrative accounts show the clientelistic machine at work. Resumen Desde 1950, las maquinarias políticas y los punteros han sido extensamente investigados dentro de la Ciencia Política; sin embargo aún está pendiente una descripción completa de sus roles. Este artículo contribuye con una descripción detallada de los muchos roles que los punteros desempeñan para sus partidos así como por qué lo hacen. En particular, demuestra que además de cumplir estrategias clientelares, los punteros llevan a cabo importantes funciones ejecutivas una vez que su partido está en el poder. La multiplicidad de tareas que los punteros desarrollan se debe a que tienen el conocimiento necesario de sus vecindarios para 1 Rodrigo Zarazaga is director and senior researcher at CIAS (Centro de Investigación y Acción Social). -
Midterm Decline in Comparative Perspective
Bowdoin College Bowdoin Digital Commons Honors Projects Student Scholarship and Creative Work 2019 Midterm Decline in Comparative Perspective Duncan Gans [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects Part of the American Politics Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Gans, Duncan, "Midterm Decline in Comparative Perspective" (2019). Honors Projects. 121. https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects/121 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship and Creative Work at Bowdoin Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Bowdoin Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Gans Introduction In the United States, midterms go poorly for the party controlling the White House. In the volatile and ever-changing world of politics, this tendency has been described as an “inevitability rivaling death and taxes.”1 This phenomenon is known as “the midterm effect” or “midterm decline”. From the late 1860s onwards, this effect has resulted in about 30 House of Representative seats lost on average, by the president’s party, in each election cycle. Since the Civil War, the president’s party has gained seats and improved their vote share only once during a midterm. In the unpredictable nature of politics, this consistency is exceptional. Despite consensus on the phenomenon’s existence, the causes of midterm decline have long been a black box in political science, with different models of midterm decline competing and combining to explain the historical disadvantage of the president’s party at midterms. -
12. Levitsky Pp. 152-166.Pmd
ARGENTINA WEATHERS THE STORM Steven Levitsky and María Victoria Murillo Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government at Harvard Uni- versity. He is author of Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective (2003) and is currently writing a book on the emergence and dynamics of competi- tive authoritarian regimes in the post–Cold War era. María Victoria Murillo is associate professor of political science and international affairs at Columbia University. She is the author of Labor Unions, Par- tisan Coalitions, and Market Reforms in Latin America (2001). The events of December 2001 seemed to transform Argentina’s interna- tional status from poster child to basket case. Throughout the 1990s, Argentina had been widely hailed as a case of successful market reform under democratic government. The radical economic transformation un- dertaken by the government of Carlos Saúl Menem had ended hyperinflation and restored economic growth, while the country enjoyed an unprecedented degree of democratic stability. Elections were free; civil liberties were broadly protected; and the armed forces, which had toppled six civilian governments since 1930, largely disappeared from the political scene. Yet in late 2001, Argentina suffered an extraordinary economic and political meltdown. A prolonged recession and a severe financial crisis culminated in a debt default, a chaotic devaluation, and a descent into the deepest depression in Argentine history. A massive wave of riots and protests triggered a string of presidential resignations, plunging the country into a profound crisis. For several months, Argen- tina teetered on the brink of anarchy. Widespread hostility toward the political elite raised the specter of a Peru- or Venezuela-style party- system collapse.