Wealth Belt: New Jersey’S New Millennium September 1999 Geography

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Wealth Belt: New Jersey’S New Millennium September 1999 Geography Rutgers Regional Report Issue Paper Number 17 The Emerging Wealth Belt: New Jersey’s New Millennium September 1999 Geography James W. Hughes Dean, Edward J. Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy Joseph J. Seneca University Vice President for Academic Affairs and Professor of Economics Published by Edward J. Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy 2 Rutgers Regional Report ing power, and economic wherewithal has shifted to Introduction what can be called the central New Jersey “Wealth he New Jersey economy has continuously Belt,” an expanding group of counties whose economic T reinvented itself during the past two centuries, and demographic performance is much more aligned both structurally and spatially. Early settlements with the nation’s fast-growing “Sunbelt” than with the based on water-powered manufacturing and milling slow-growing “Frostbelt” (which encompasses the facilities scattered sparsely throughout a rural Northeast and Midwest regions of the country). agricultural state yielded to dense, concentrated Hence the Wealth Belt could also be termed New railroad- and steam-based urban production com- Jersey’s own Sunbelt. In a less flattering land-use/ plexes. These in turn succumbed to freeway-based transportation perspective, it also represents an “edge cities” that shelter the new information-age unprecedented degree of automobile-dependent economy. Thus, there have been spatial advances sprawl, congestion, and public infrastructure needs. and spatial withdrawals, as cycles of technological New Jersey’s Wealth Belt is currently defined by six innovation and industrial revolution have continu- counties: Hunterdon, Mercer, Middlesex, Monmouth, ously renewed the New Jersey economy. The final Morris, and Somerset. This band of counties spans two decades of the twentieth century have seen a the narrow midsection (or waist) of central New vast reshaping as dramatic as that of the last two Jersey between the Atlantic Ocean and the Delaware decades of the nineteenth century, when urbaniza- River, with a northern-edge outcropping defined by tion and city-building reigned. Morris County. A series of central arteries form the This report describes the emergence of an key growth zones and edge cities of the Wealth Belt. economic cluster of counties in New Jersey and It is in these corridors that the new information-age explains the reason for this new spatial alignment of economy has positioned itself—and toward which the economy. The report also traces the historical maturing baby-boom housing choices are oriented. shifts in the economic geography of New Jersey from These arteries consist of Interstate Route 287—the its rural beginnings to its high technology present. metropolitan circumferential freeway centered on Finally, the report describes the countervailing New York City; Interstate Routes 80 and 78—the demographic and economic initiatives that once major east-west freeways traversing the entire width of more may tilt growth back to urban New Jersey. It the state; the Garden State Parkway—the state’s major notes, however, that a variety of economic and public north-south toll road; and the New Jersey Turnpike, policy challenges raise serious questions about the Route 1, and parts of Interstate Route 295—which outcome of the redirection of our state’s spatial define the historic corridor between New York City development. and Philadelphia. Over 200 years ago, New Jersey was described by Benjamin Franklin as a “barrel tapped at both ends,” The Wealth Belt wedged between the cities of New York and Philadel- Emerges phia. Presently, the barrel is rapidly filling with growing shares of property wealth, income, jobs, and ince 1980, a virtual tidal wave of economic and people. Over 30 years ago, The New York Times, still S demographic decentralization has reached and reflecting Franklin’s perspective, described New engulfed the peripheries of the state’s metropolitan Jersey as “a corridor state lost in megalopolis.” regions that were historically centered on New York Presently, New Jersey is no longer lost; rather its City and Philadelphia. The phenomenon has reached matrix of growth zones defines one of the most potent its greatest intensity where New Jersey’s “suburban markets in the United States. rings” and “suburban edge cities” converge. As a While the Wealth Belt defines the crest-of-the- result, the critical mass of the state’s wealth, purchas- geographic/economic wave, the Mature Core Rutgers Regional Report 3 Metropolis—comprising Bergen, Essex, Hudson, more reasonably-sized dwellings—are the shelter Passaic, and Union counties—remains large and of choice for baby-boom housing consumers. The strong economically, particularly its maturing suburbs. tract houses of the 1950-to-1980 era have fallen However, the once overwhelmingly dominant core out of market favor, leading to new residential counties have experienced a relative ebbing in their forms and locations. These new environmentally- demographic, economic, and wealth positions. These attractive residential locations of choice are linked changes are revealed by county-based trends in broad to the maturing job growth corridors within which economic market potential (gauged by total popula- the new information-age economy is centered. tion and total personal income), the scale of individual The key economic dynamic behind these spending power (measured by per capita personal changes has been the latest reinvention and income), overall economic potency (determined by retooling of the New Jersey economy. Nationally, total employment), and property wealth (assessed by the post-industrial service economy emerged with total equalized valuation and equalized valuation per a vengeance during the 1980s, with two key capita). All of these indicators reveal the geography of prerequisites. First, it required the highly- the new New Jersey economy as the new millennium educated, highly-skilled labor force that is unfolds. normally found in metropolitan areas, and New Jersey was ready as the most metropolitan state— Dynamics it was the only state in America with every county a part of a metropolitan area! Second, it required here are a number of demographic and the office inventory to shelter these workers. And T economic forces and processes that have again New Jersey was ready as a result of the converged to yield the New Jersey Wealth Belt. great development wave of the 1980s, when 80 The key demographic force is the maturing baby- percent of all of the office space ever built in the boom generation, that oversized population cohort history of the state was erected, with the majority born between 1946 and 1964. The largest constructed in the growth corridors of the Wealth generation ever produced in the history of New Belt. At the beginning of the 1980s, the state was Jersey, the baby boom was (predominantly) born in a non-player in the broad regional office market. suburbia, reared in suburbia, ultimately chose to By 1990, the eleven counties of central-northern live, shop, and recreate in suburbia, and now New Jersey (which include the six Wealth Belt and prefers to work in suburbia. Thus, baby-boom five Mature Core Metropolis counties) comprised choices and preferences, reinforced by economic the fifth largest metropolitan office market in the cost advantages, underpinned the massive country. suburbanization of office space during the great Despite massive overbuilding in the office development boom of the 1980s. arena in the 1980s—a harsh reality revealed by the As it reproduced itself—generating the baby- devastating 38-month long recession of 1989 to boom echo—the baby boom also underpinned the 1992—this new inventory was available to house dispersed suburban/exurban housing market of the the new information-age economy of the 1990s. 1990s. Large-lot, family-raising, trade-up, single- This second-generation post-industrial economy family housing now totally dominates housing was a much more efficient, knowledge-dependent, demand. The extreme examples of the current information-based economy, where technology market edge are the new “McMansions,” 5,000 investments have finally yielded powerful produc- square feet and larger houses on two-acre and tivity gains. In turn, productivity gains yielded larger lots, consuming enormous former greenfield strong growth and low unemployment, and strong and farmland acreage. The new “finished ma- growth yielded real income gains—all of which are chines for living”—the appropriate label even for epicentered in New Jersey’s Wealth Belt. 4 Rutgers Regional Report broader metropolitan region centered on Manhattan. Definitional It still contains potent economic nodes and zones of Framework extraordinary residential affluence, but its relative share of the state’s economy has been eroding. e have partitioned New Jersey into six Northern Exurban Fringe includes Sussex and Warren regions for statewide analysis and to W counties, both bordering the Delaware River in the highlight the emerging Wealth Belt. These divisions northwest corner of the state. Once primarily are a working set of spatial delineations that attempt oriented to agriculture and natural resources, they are to isolate the increasingly complex economic and now highly accessible to the suburban job-growth social profile of the state. Alternative configurations corridors that matured in the 1980s. Low-density are possible, but we believe this partition is informa- residential use has been their most recent develop- tive in terms of characterizing the economic
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