Non Aligned Movement
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He True Aim of China in Setting up the AIIB Challenging the International Financial Tsystem Or Securing Multilateral Credibility? Author Jianmin Jin by Jianmin Jin
COVER STORY • Global Growth Strategy • 3-1 he True Aim of China in Setting up the AIIB Challenging the International Financial TSystem or Securing Multilateral Credibility? Author Jianmin Jin By Jianmin Jin The Chinese-initiative Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has been generating many headlines on the economic front of late — not without justification given its impact, sizeable enough to blow a big hole in the international development financing order. There is a wide range of opinion regarding the true aim of China in taking the lead to establish the AIIB, such as challenging the international financial order, securing geopolitical influence, securing benefits for the national economy, and establishing a new facility to mediate between capital surplus countries and capital deficit countries. My conclusion after examining the economic relationship between China and the rest of the world and various information coming out of China is that the true aim of China is both economic and diplomatic/ political: the former to secure the multilateral creditworthiness that is unavailable to China on its own, the latter to “exercise cooperative influence” (neutralize the idea of “China as a threat” by providing other countries with economic benefits through economic channels). New Silk Road Vision: “Stepped-up” Version regions, infrastructure was slow to develop, and the open-door policy of the Open-Door Policy was limited in scope. Moreover, the neighboring countries there were largely developing countries, so expectations for attracting capital and The Chinese initiative to establish the AIIB is founded on a regional technology appeared slim. development strategy: the “New Silk Road” strategy, or the “One Belt But 30 years later, things have changed. -
Empire's H(A)Unting Grounds: Theorising Violence and Resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan
Empire’s h(a)unting grounds: theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/102631/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Manchanda, Nivi and Salem, Sara (2020) Empire’s h(a)unting grounds: theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan. Current Sociology, 68 (2). pp. 241-262. ISSN 1461-7064 10.1177%2F0011392119886866 Reuse Items deposited in LSE Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the LSE Research Online record for the item. [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ Empire’s H(a)unting Grounds: Theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan Nivi Manchanda, Queen Mary University of London Sara Salem, London School of Economics Abstract This article thinks theory otherwise by searching for what is missing, silent and yet highly productive and constitutive of present realities’. Looking at Afghanistan and Egypt, we show how imperial legacies and capitalist futurities are rendered invisible by dominant social theories, and why it matters that we think beyond an empiricist sociology in the Middle East. In Afghanistan, we explore the ways in which portrayals of the country as retrogressive elide the colonial violence that that have ensured the very backwardness that is now considered Afghanistan’s enduring characteristic. -
From Poverty to Power, 2Nd Edition
PART FIVE THE inTERnaTIOnal SYSTEM WHO RULES THE WORLD? 241 THE INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEm 244 THE INTERNATIONAL TRADING SYSTEm 260 THE INTERNATIONAL AID SYSTEm 289 HOW CHANGE HAppENS: THE 2005 GLENEAGLES AGREEMENTS 311 INTERNATIONAL RULES AND NORMS 313 THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM FOR HUMANITARIAN RELIEF AND PEACE 317 HOW CHANGE HAppENS: LANDMINES, AN ARMS CONTROL SUCCESS STORY 333 CLIMATE CHANGE 335 GLOBAL GOVERNANCE IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY 351 WHO RULES THE WORLD? Global institutions such as the World Bank, the IMF, and the United Nations, transnational corporations, rich country governments, (and even interna- tional non-government organisations such as Oxfam) are sometimes viewed as the most powerful and dynamic forces in the fight against poverty and inequality. This book has argued, on the contrary, that the main actors are poor men and women and their national governments – a combination we have called active citizens and effective states. This is not to deny the power of global institutions. In tackling global poverty and inequality they can, by both action and omission, be either part of the solution or part of the problem. They can foster efforts to build an effective, accountable state and an active citizenry, or they can under- mine or even crush them. This part of the book examines those aspects of the international system most relevant to the fight against poverty and inequality, and explores how global institutions can be placed at the service of development. The web of international institutions, laws, regulations, -
Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform. -
Soft Power and Cross-Border Mobility in the Middle East
IPS0010.1177/0192512118759902International Political Science ReviewTsourapas 759902research-article2018 Article International Political Science Review 2018, Vol. 39(3) 400 –416 Authoritarian emigration states: © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: Soft power and cross-border sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902DOI: 10.1177/0192512118759902 mobility in the Middle East journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Gerasimos Tsourapas University of Birmingham, UK Abstract Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making. Keywords Soft power, diasporas, Egypt, Middle East, authoritarianism, migration, case study, Arab–Israeli conflict Introduction Can labor emigration serve a state’s foreign policy goals? In particular, how do authoritarian states use labor emigration in their foreign policy-making? The emerging academic literature on the poli- tics of international migration has yet to fully explore this phenomenon as a separate field of inquiry. -
Review of Local and Global Impacts of Volcanic Eruptions and Disaster Management Practices: the Indonesian Example
geosciences Review Review of Local and Global Impacts of Volcanic Eruptions and Disaster Management Practices: The Indonesian Example Mukhamad N. Malawani 1,2, Franck Lavigne 1,3,* , Christopher Gomez 2,4 , Bachtiar W. Mutaqin 2 and Danang S. Hadmoko 2 1 Laboratoire de Géographie Physique, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, UMR 8591, 92195 Meudon, France; [email protected] 2 Disaster and Risk Management Research Group, Faculty of Geography, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta 55281, Indonesia; [email protected] (C.G.); [email protected] (B.W.M.); [email protected] (D.S.H.) 3 Institut Universitaire de France, 75005 Paris, France 4 Laboratory of Sediment Hazards and Disaster Risk, Kobe University, Kobe City 658-0022, Japan * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: This paper discusses the relations between the impacts of volcanic eruptions at multiple- scales and the related-issues of disaster-risk reduction (DRR). The review is structured around local and global impacts of volcanic eruptions, which have not been widely discussed in the literature, in terms of DRR issues. We classify the impacts at local scale on four different geographical features: impacts on the drainage system, on the structural morphology, on the water bodies, and the impact Citation: Malawani, M.N.; on societies and the environment. It has been demonstrated that information on local impacts can Lavigne, F.; Gomez, C.; be integrated into four phases of the DRR, i.e., monitoring, mapping, emergency, and recovery. In Mutaqin, B.W.; Hadmoko, D.S. contrast, information on the global impacts (e.g., global disruption on climate and air traffic) only fits Review of Local and Global Impacts the first DRR phase. -
Outline Lecture Three: Decolonization Vs. Neocolonialism I) “A World Safe
Outline Lecture Three: Decolonization vs. Neocolonialism I) “A World Safe for Democracy”? a) Amritsar, India in 1919 i) Demonstrations against the Rowlatt Bills ii) General Reginald Dyer’s response and rationale on behalf of the British Raj (1) George Orwell’s “Shooting an Elephant” b) Versailles and China’s May Fourth Movement 1919 i) What were the catalysts behind the May Fourth Movement? ii) May Fourth’s Ambivalent relationship with the West (1) Western-inspired ideals of democracy and self-determination (2) E.g. Chen Duxiu’s New Youth c) Impetus for Social Reforms i) Many saw anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism as synonymous ii) Associated traditional China’s feudal society with gender inequality (1) Call for women’s entry into the public sphere II) Revolutionary Movements in China 1911-1949 a) Key Dates: i) 1911 Revolution–Sun Yat-sen’s overthrow of Qing (Manchu) Dynasty and founding of the Republic ii) 1919 Beginning of May Fourth Movement iii) 1926-1928 Chiang Kai-shek’s Northern Expedition and national unification iv) 1937-1945 Sino-Japanese War v) 1949 Communist take-over of the mainland under Mao Zedong; Nationalist Party under Chiang retreat to Taiwan b) Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the Founding of the Republic i) Experience and exposure of an expatriate and exile ii) Three Principles of the People (1923) (1) First Principle: Nationalism (2) Second Principle: Democracy (a) Egalitarian ideals since antiquity (i) Mencius’s justification for Gemin or “revoking the mandate” (b) Five-power Constitutional Republic (3) Third Principle: Livelihood -
War and Diplomacy: the Suez Crisis
1 Professor Pnina Lahav, Boston University School of Law C.) Please do not use, quote or distribute without author’s permission War and Diplomacy: The Suez Crisis 1. Introduction Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution, and Mariah Zeisberg’s War Powers, are two remarkable books that certainly deserve an entire symposium devoted to them. These books complement each other in the same way that the war powers, some vested in Congress and others in the President, are in correspondence with each other. Griffin’s book revolves around the history of the war powers since 1945, and in this sense is more empirical. Its thesis is that the cold war and Truman’s subsequent decision to launch the war in Korea destabilized American constitutionalism. In the following decades the United States has found itself confronting an endless string of constitutional crises related to the deployment of troops abroad, and the quest for a formula to resolve the constitutional puzzles is as strong as ever. Zeisberg’s book, which took advantage of the fact that Griffin’s book preceded it, is more normative, even though it should be emphasized that Griffin also offers important normative insights. Both books are anchored in democratic theory in that they emphasize the cardinal significance of inter-branch deliberation. Both endorse the notion that the implicit assumption underlying the text of the Constitution is that while the war powers are divided between the legislative and executive branches, these institutions are expected to deliberate internally as well as externally when confronting the critical matter of war. -
Can the World Be Governed?
Can the World Be Governed? Studies in International Governance is a research and policy analysis series from the Centre for International Governance Innovation (cigi) and WLU Press. Titles in the series provide timely consideration of emerging trends and current challenges in the broad field of international governance. Representing diverse perspectives on important global issues, the series will be of interest to students and academics while serving also as a reference tool for policy-makers and experts engaged in policy discussion. To reach the greatest possible audience and ultimately shape the policy dialogue, each volume will be made available both in print through WLU Press and, twelve months after pub- lication, accessible for free online through the igloo Network under the Creative Com- mons License. Can theWorld Be Governed? Possibilities for Effective Multilateralism *** Alan S. Alexandroff, editor Wilfrid Laurier University Press acknowledges the financial support of the Government of Canada through its Book Publishing Industry Development Program for its publishing activities. Wilfrid Laurier University Press acknowledges the financial support of the Centre for International Gov- ernance Innovation. The Centre for International Governance Innovation gratefully acknowl- edges support for its work program from the Government of Canada and the Government of Ontario. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Can the world be governed? : possibilities for effective multilateralism / Alan S. Alexandroff, editor. (Studies in international governance series) Co-published by: Centre for International Governance Innovation. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-55458-041-5 1. International organization. 2. International cooperation. 3. International rela- tions. 4. International economic relations. 5. Security, International. -
Non-Alignment and the United States
Robert B. Rakove. Kennedy, Johnson, and the Nonaligned World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. 315 pp. $31.99, paper, ISBN 978-1-107-44938-1. Reviewed by Simon Stevens Published on H-1960s (August, 2014) Commissioned by Zachary J. Lechner (Centenary College of Louisiana) The central historical problem that Robert B. of a policy of “engagement” of the “nonaligned Rakove sets out to solve in Kennedy, Johnson, and world.” The subsequent souring of relations was a the Nonaligned World is how to explain the re‐ consequence of the abandonment of that ap‐ markable transformation in the relationship be‐ proach under Lyndon Johnson. Central to tween the United States and much of the postcolo‐ Rakove’s argument is the distinction between nial world over the course of the 1960s. The assas‐ Kennedy’s approach to states in the Third World sination of John F. Kennedy in 1963 was met with that were “aligned” in the Cold War and those that genuine grief in many postcolonial states, reflect‐ were “non-aligned.” Common historiographic ing the positive and hopeful light in which the characterizations of Kennedy’s policy toward the United States under Kennedy had been widely Third World as aggressive and interventionist viewed. And yet by the second half of the decade, have failed to appreciate the significance of this the United States “had come to be seen not as an distinction, Rakove suggests. In the cases of states ally to Third World aspirations but as a malevo‐ that the U.S. government perceived to be already lent foe. Polarizing accusatory rhetoric unusual in aligned with the West, especially in Latin America the early 1960s became unremarkable by the and Southeast Asia, the Kennedy administration decade’s end, emerging as a lasting feature of was intolerant of changes that might endanger world politics, a recognizable precursor to con‐ that alignment, and pursued forceful interven‐ temporary denunciations of the United States” (p. -
Poverty and the Struggle to Survive in the Fuuta Tooro Region Of
What Development? Poverty and the Struggle to Survive in the Fuuta Tooro Region of Southern Mauritania Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Christopher Hemmig, M.A. Graduate Program in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures. The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Sabra Webber, Advisor Morgan Liu Katey Borland Copyright by Christopher T. Hemmig 2015 Abstract Like much of Subsaharan Africa, development has been an ever-present aspect to postcolonial life for the Halpulaar populations of the Fuuta Tooro region of southern Mauritania. With the collapse of locally historical modes of production by which the population formerly sustained itself, Fuuta communities recognize the need for change and adaptation to the different political, economic, social, and ecological circumstances in which they find themselves. Development has taken on a particular urgency as people look for effective strategies to adjust to new realities while maintaining their sense of cultural identity. Unfortunately, the initiatives, projects, and partnerships that have come to fruition through development have not been enough to bring improvements to the quality of life in the region. Fuuta communities find their capacity to develop hindered by three macro challenges: climate change, their marginalized status within the Mauritanian national community, and the region's unfavorable integration into the global economy by which the local markets act as backwaters that accumulate the detritus of global trade. Any headway that communities can make against any of these challenges tends to be swallowed up by the forces associated with the other challenges. -
SOUTHEAST ASIAN GLOBALIZATION Responses To
Loh & NIAS Democracy in Asia series, 10 Öjendal (eds) SOUTHEAST ASIAN RESPONSES TO GLOBALIZATION Restructuring Governance and Deepening Democracy SOUTHEAST ASIAN RESPONSES TO GLOBALIZATION Edited by Francis Loh Kok Wah and Joakim Öjendal It is now apparent, especially in the aftermath of the regional financial crisis of 1997, that globalization has been impacting upon the Southeast Asian economies and societies in new and harrowing ways, a theme of many SOUTHEAST ASIAN recent studies. Inadvertently, these studies of globalization have also high- lighted that the 1980s and 1990s debate on democratization in the region Responses to – which focused on the emergence of the middle classes, the roles of new social movements, NGOs and the changing relations between state and civil society – might have been overly one-dimensional. GLOBALIZATION This volume revisits the theme of democratization via the lenses of globalization, understood economically, politically and culturally. Although globalization increasingly frames the processes of democracy and develop- restructuring governance and ment, nonetheless, the governments and peoples of Southeast Asia have deepening democracy been able to determine the pace and character – even the direction of these processes – to a considerable extent. This collection of essays (by some distin- guished senior scholars and other equally perceptive younger ones) focuses on this globalization–democratization nexus and shows, empirically and ana- lytically, how governance is being restructured and democracy sometimes