Umm Kulthum Lesson9
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Empire's H(A)Unting Grounds: Theorising Violence and Resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan
Empire’s h(a)unting grounds: theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/102631/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Manchanda, Nivi and Salem, Sara (2020) Empire’s h(a)unting grounds: theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan. Current Sociology, 68 (2). pp. 241-262. ISSN 1461-7064 10.1177%2F0011392119886866 Reuse Items deposited in LSE Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the LSE Research Online record for the item. [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ Empire’s H(a)unting Grounds: Theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan Nivi Manchanda, Queen Mary University of London Sara Salem, London School of Economics Abstract This article thinks theory otherwise by searching for what is missing, silent and yet highly productive and constitutive of present realities’. Looking at Afghanistan and Egypt, we show how imperial legacies and capitalist futurities are rendered invisible by dominant social theories, and why it matters that we think beyond an empiricist sociology in the Middle East. In Afghanistan, we explore the ways in which portrayals of the country as retrogressive elide the colonial violence that that have ensured the very backwardness that is now considered Afghanistan’s enduring characteristic. -
Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform. -
Soft Power and Cross-Border Mobility in the Middle East
IPS0010.1177/0192512118759902International Political Science ReviewTsourapas 759902research-article2018 Article International Political Science Review 2018, Vol. 39(3) 400 –416 Authoritarian emigration states: © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: Soft power and cross-border sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902DOI: 10.1177/0192512118759902 mobility in the Middle East journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Gerasimos Tsourapas University of Birmingham, UK Abstract Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making. Keywords Soft power, diasporas, Egypt, Middle East, authoritarianism, migration, case study, Arab–Israeli conflict Introduction Can labor emigration serve a state’s foreign policy goals? In particular, how do authoritarian states use labor emigration in their foreign policy-making? The emerging academic literature on the poli- tics of international migration has yet to fully explore this phenomenon as a separate field of inquiry. -
Asmahan Presence and Distinctive Performance Style
A versatile singer renowned for her powerful voice, enchanting stage Asmahan presence and distinctive performance style. Amal Al-Atrash, (1912-1944), better known by her stage name Asmahan, was an exceptional Syrian-Egyptian singer and actor who rose to fame in Egypt in the 1930s and early 1940s. Born into a prominent family, she moved from Syria to Egypt with her mother and siblings due to political unrest. To earn a living, her mother, who had an excellent voice, began singing and playing the oud. She was a source of inspiration for Asmahan and her brother, Farid Al-Atrash, who also became a famous musician. Asmahan, like her mother, demonstrated vocal talent from an early age, and went on to sing songs written by DID YOU KNOW? renowned musicians in some of Egypt’s most important venues. Asmahan collaborated with the great artist Mohammed Abdel Wahab, Asmahan was a versatile singer celebrated singing one of his compositions for for her powerful voice, enchanting stage the Film Yawm Sa’id (Happy Day). presence and distinctive performance style. She was not only skilled in tarab, but she was also incredibly innovative. Her voice was FUN FACT regarded as one of the few in the Arab world at the time able to compete with renowned Asmahan and her brother Farid Al- Egyptian singer Umm Kulthum. Atrash starred in the successful 1941 film Intisar al-Shabab (The Triumph Despite her short life, Asmahan performed of Youth), in which they portray two and recorded several memorable songs young singers looking for fame in Egypt. composed by renowned musicians, including her brother Farid Al-Atrash. -
War and Diplomacy: the Suez Crisis
1 Professor Pnina Lahav, Boston University School of Law C.) Please do not use, quote or distribute without author’s permission War and Diplomacy: The Suez Crisis 1. Introduction Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution, and Mariah Zeisberg’s War Powers, are two remarkable books that certainly deserve an entire symposium devoted to them. These books complement each other in the same way that the war powers, some vested in Congress and others in the President, are in correspondence with each other. Griffin’s book revolves around the history of the war powers since 1945, and in this sense is more empirical. Its thesis is that the cold war and Truman’s subsequent decision to launch the war in Korea destabilized American constitutionalism. In the following decades the United States has found itself confronting an endless string of constitutional crises related to the deployment of troops abroad, and the quest for a formula to resolve the constitutional puzzles is as strong as ever. Zeisberg’s book, which took advantage of the fact that Griffin’s book preceded it, is more normative, even though it should be emphasized that Griffin also offers important normative insights. Both books are anchored in democratic theory in that they emphasize the cardinal significance of inter-branch deliberation. Both endorse the notion that the implicit assumption underlying the text of the Constitution is that while the war powers are divided between the legislative and executive branches, these institutions are expected to deliberate internally as well as externally when confronting the critical matter of war. -
LAD LUX Fold-Out ARTWORK V2
ROOM 1 Introduction R DDLE I belonged to a woman whose voice stole the show! I can also be the star, with my glitter and glow. D D YOU KNOW? This necklace reflects the UAE’s long history in pearling. The discovery of the world’s oldest known pearl in Marawah Island, Abu Dhabi, shows how pearls have been harvested and valued for nearly 8000 years. This beautiful necklace was gifted to the great singer Umm Kulthum by Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, Founding Father of the UAE. With nine rows, it is decorated with pearls, gemstones and gold pendants. ACT V TY Where would you wear this sparkling necklace if it were given to you? ROOM 2 The Origins of Luxury R DDLE Like the moon and stars against night skies, My pearls and dark hair will catch your eyes. D D YOU KNOW? The type of jewellery in this portrait was considered to be the most expensive and popular during the Roman period, 2,000 years ago. The most beautiful pearls were from the island of Dilmun, in present day Bahrain. ACT V TY Try to find other precious objects decorated with pearls in the exhibition. ROOM 4 Luxury at the Table R DDLE You’ll find me in your tea cup, When you want to cosy up. I go round and round in circles, you see. Oh, how much fun that is for me. D D YOU KNOW? In Europe around 500 years ago, spoons were regarded as personal items. Although this spoon was not for tea, many guests used to bring their own spoons when invited to lavish meals. -
The Propaganda War in Nasser's Egypt, 1952–1967
DEFINING THE ENEMY AS ISRAEL, ZIONIST, NEO-NAZI, OR JEWISH: THE PROPAGANDA WAR IN NASSER’S EGYPT, 1952–1967 Michael Sharnoff President Gamal Abdel Nasser‘s repudiation that Egypt‘s conflict with Israel should be viewed in the context of Egypt‘s aversion to Zionism — not the Jewish people — requires a greater examination of the declarations and actions under Nasser‘s Egypt. To gain a more cogent understanding of Nasser‘s perception of Israel and Jews, it is necessary first to define anti-Zionism and antisemitism. Zionism is a political and nationalist movement which claims that Jews have the right to self-determination. Most Jews consider the manifestation of Zionism as the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 — the rebirth of their nation after nearly 2,000 years in exile. Anti- Zionists claim they do not have specific grievances against the Jewish people per se, but rather they do not believe that Jews constitute a distinct nation requiring a homeland in Israel. Many anti-Zionists espouse radical views such as calling for the liquidation of the state of Israel and the expulsion of the Jews living there. The European Union Agency for Human Rights defines antisemitism as a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of anti-Semitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, towards Jewish community institutions and religious facilities. This includes calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing of Jews; dehumanizing Jews; holding Jews collectively responsible for real or imagined events; denying or trivializing the Holocaust; and accusing Jews of dual loyalties or being more sympathetic to Israel than their own nations. -
Women in Sha'bi Music: Globalization, Mass Media and Popular Music in the Arab World
WOMEN IN SHA'BI MUSIC: GLOBALIZATION, MASS MEDIA AND POPULAR MUSIC IN THE ARAB WORLD DANA F. ACEE A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF MUSIC December 2011 Committee: David Harnish, Advisor Kara Attrep © 2011 Dana F. Acee All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT David Harnish, Advisor This thesis focuses on sha’bi music, a style of popular music in the Arab world. More specifically, it discusses the role of women in sha’bi music, focusing on singers Nancy Ajram and Haifa Wehbe as examples of female pop singers. I take a feminist approach to understanding the lives, images, and legacies of two of the most influential female singers of the twentieth century, Umm Kulthum and Fairouz, and then I explore how these legacies have impacted the careers and societal expectations of Ajram and Wehbe. Several issues are explicated in the thesis, including the historic progression of popular music, the impacts of globalization and westernization, and the status of women as performers in the Arab world. The fan bases of the various female sha’bi singers are explored to examine why people are drawn to popular music, how youth cultures utilize music to define their generations, and why some people in the Arab world have problems with this music and/or with the singers: their lyrics, clothing, dancing bodies, and music videos. My ethnography on these issues among Arabs in Bowling Green, Ohio, reveals how members of the diaspora address the tensions of this music and the images of female performers. -
Rethinking the Six Day War: an Analysis of Counterfactual Explanations Limor Bordoley
Limor Bordoley Rethinking the Six Day War: An Analysis of Counterfactual Explanations Limor Bordoley Abstract The Six Day War of June 1967 transformed the political and physical landscape of the Middle East. The war established Israel as a major regional power in the region, while the Israeli territorial acquisitions resulting from the war have permanently marred Israel’s relationship with its Arab neighbors. The May crisis that preceded the war quickly spiraled out of control, leading many to believe that the war was unavoidable. In this paper, I construct three counterfactuals that consider how May and June 1967 might have unfolded differently if a particular event or person in the May crisis had been different. Ultimately, the counterfactuals show that war could have been avoided in three different ways, demonstrating that the Six Day War was certainly avoidable. In the latter half of the paper, I construct a framework to compare the effectiveness of multiple counterfactual. Thus, the objective of this paper is twofold: first, to determine whether war was unavoidable given the political climate and set of relations present in May and June 1967 and second, to create a framework with which one can compare the relative persuasiveness of multiple counterfactuals. Introduction The Six Day War of June 1967 transformed the political and physical landscape of the Middle East. The war established Israel as a major regional power, expanding its territorial boundaries and affirming its military supremacy in the region. The Israeli territorial acquisitions resulting from the war have been a major source of contention in peace talks with the Palestinians, and has permanently marred Israel’s relationship with its Arab neighbors. -
The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968
The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968 The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Orkaby, Asher Aviad. 2014. The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12269828 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968 A dissertation presented by Asher Aviad Orkaby to The Committee on Middle Eastern Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History and Middle Eastern Studies Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts April 2014 © 2014 Asher Aviad Orkaby All rights reserved. III Dissertation Advisor: Roger Owen Author: Asher Aviad Orkaby The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-68 Abstract The deposition of Imam Muhammad al-Badr in September 1962 was the culmination of a Yemeni nationalist movement that began in the 1940s with numerous failed attempts to overthrow the traditional religious legal order. Prior to 1962, both the USSR and Egypt had been cultivating alliances with al-Badr in an effort to secure their strategic interests in South Arabia. In the days following the 1962 coup d'état, Abdullah Sallal and his cohort of Yemeni officers established a republic and concealed the fate of al- Badr who had survived an assault on his Sana’a palace and whose supporters had already begun organizing a tribal coalition against the republic. -
From Gamal Abdel Nasser to Abdulfettah El Sisi
Dila KALYONCU FROM GAMAL ABDEL NASSER TO ABDULFETTAH EL SISI; THE HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD AND DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT CEMAL ABDÜL NASIR’DAN ABDÜLFETTAH EL-SİSİ’YE; MISIRDAKİ MÜSLÜMAN KARDEŞLERİN VE DEMOKRASİNİN TARİHSEL EVRİMİ Dila KALYONCU1 ÖZET Bu tez Mısır’da toplumu İslamileştirmek için 1928’de kurulmuş olan Müslüman Kardeşler’in geçirdiği siyasi ve ideolojik değişim ve gelişimi analiz etmektedir. Kurulduğu anda sahip olduğu ideolojinin siyasete karıştıktan sonra ve Mısır’daki siyasi durumun değişmesi ile çeşitli evrimler yaşamış olduğu dikkat çekmiştir. Bu çalışma, Müslüman Kardeşler hareketinin siyaseten egemen hale gelmesi ile iktidara muhalif olan yöndeki itibarının değişmesi ve iktidar konumuna evrimleşmesini incelemektedir. Böylece Mısır tarihinde ikinci defa özgür ve tarafsız seçimlerini gerçekleştiren Mısır halkının; bu harekete olan yaklaşımını da ölçebilme deneyimini elde etmiştir. Üçüncü olarak Morsi sonrası dönem incelenerek, Mısır’ın demokrasiye olan yaklaşımı incelenmiştir. Son olarak bu çalışma, Radikal İslama yönelik ılımlı İslam’ın öncülerinden Raşid Ghannoushi’nin yaptığı eleştrileri incelemektedir. Anahtar kelimeler: Mısır, Müslüman Kardeşler, Muhammed Morsi, Kutb, Raşid Gannuşi, Demokrasi ABSTRACT This thesis analyses the political and ideological transformation of the Society of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt from its foundation in 1928 up to Sisi period. It draws attention to the political and ideological evolution of the Society of Muslim Brotherhood after it enters to the political life and the conjuncture changes related to the politics. This thesis shows that, when the Muslim brothers hold the power rather than an opposition position within the politics, their dignity has also changed among the Egyptians. Through those social changes, Egyptians found a chance to measure the support that they give to the Muslim Brothers with the second free and fair elections. -
The Road Not Taken
Ha'aretz Interview 20 July 2001, B7-B9 Webversion 6-2008 The Road Not Taken A German document indicates that in the early 1950s, Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser tried to explore the possibility of peace with Israel By Haim Handwerker Gamal Abdel Nasser PRINCETON, N.J. - In 1953, Gamal Abdel Nasser, then the deputy prime minister of Egypt, contacted the West German ambassador in Cairo, Gunther Pawelke, and asked him to examine the possibility of a peace agreement with Israel. This was an official request. What exactly hap- pened as a result is not clear. What is clear is that this activity led nowhere. This information has been revealed by Middle East specialist Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, from Princeton, who bases his disclosure on an internal document of the West German Foreign Mini- stry, sent on July 2, 1953 to Walter Hallstein, the deputy foreign minister, second in the govern- ment hierarchy after prime minister and foreign minister Konrad Adenauer. The document deals with a proposal for ambassador Pawelke to mediate between Egypt and Britain on the British evacuation of the Suez Canal. In the document, the head of the Middle East desk at the German Foreign Ministry opposes the idea of German mediation, and notes the failure of a mediation effort in April 1953, when Nasser had asked ambassador Pawelke to exa- mine the possibility of a peace agreement with Israel. The suspicion, according to Schwanitz, was that the mediator would get embroiled with the sides. The German policy-makers tried to ensure that their country would maintain neutrality among states and not get mixed up in the bad relationship between Nasser and President Mah- mud Nagib.