Soviet Working Class – Deprived of the Means of Production
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Class and Ocupation
Theory and Society, vol. 9, núm. 1, 1980, pp. 177-214. Class and Ocupation. Wright, Erik Olin. Cita: Wright, Erik Olin (1980). Class and Ocupation. Theory and Society, 9 (1) 177-214. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/erik.olin.wright/53 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. 177 CLASS AND OCCUPATION ERIK OLIN WRIGHT Sociologists have generally regarded "class" and "occupation" as occupy- ing essentially the same theoretical terrain. Indeed, the most common operationalization of class is explicitly in terms of a typology of occupa- tions: professional and technical occupations constitute the upper-middle class, other white collar occupations comprise the middle class proper, and manual occupations make up the working class. Even when classes are not seen as defined simply by a typology of occupations, classes are generally viewed as largely determined by occupations. Frank Parkin expresses this view when he writes: "The backbone of the class structure, and indeed of the entire reward system of modern Western society, is the occupational order. Other sources of economic and symbolic advantage do coexist alongside the occupational order, but for the vast majority of the population these tend, at best, to be secondary to those deriving from the division of labor."' While the expression "backbone" is rather vague, nevertheless the basic proposition is clear: the occupational structure fundamentally determines the class structure. -
Inside the Middle Class
Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life FOR RELEASE WEDNESDAY APRIL 9, 2008 12:00PM EDT Paul Taylor, Project Director Rich Morin, Senior Editor D'Vera Cohn, Senior Writer Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rakesh Kochhar, Senior Researcher April Clark, Research Associate MEDIA INQUIRIES CONTACT: Pew Research Center 202 419 4372 http://pewresearch.org ii Table of Contents Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Overview……………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 Section One – A Self-Portrait 1. The Middle Class Defines Itself ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………..28 2. The Middle Class Squeeze………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..…….36 3. Middle Class Finances ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….……………………..47 4. Middle Class Priorities and Values………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………….53 5. Middle Class Jobs ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….65 6. Middle Class Politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………71 About the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project ……………………………………………………….…………………………….78 Questionnaire and topline …………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………………..79 Section Two – A Statistical Portrait 7. Middle Income Demography, 1970-2006…………………………………………………………………………………………………………110 8. Trends in Income, Expenditures, Wealth and Debt………………………………………..…………………………………………….140 Section Two Appendix ……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………………………………..163 -
The Dangerous Class the Concept of the Lumpenproletariat
The Dangerous Class The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat Marx and Engels’ concept of the “lumpenproletariat,” or underclass (an anglicized, politically neutral term), appears in The Communist Manifesto and other writings. It refers to “the dangerous class, the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society,” whose lowly status made its residents potential tools of the capitalists against the working class. Surprisingly, no one has made a substantial study of the lumpenproletariat in Marxist thought until now. Clyde Barrow argues that recent discussions about the downward spiral of the American white working class (“its main problem is that it is not working”) have reactivated the concept of the lumpenproletariat even among arguments that it is a term so ill-defined as to not be theoretical. Using techniques from etymology, lexicology, and translation, Barrow brings analytical coherence to the concept of the lumpenproletariat, revealing it to be an inherent component of Marx and Engels’ analysis of the historical origins of capitalism. However, a proletariat that is destined to decay into an underclass may pose insurmountable obstacles to a theory of revolutionary agency in post-industrial capitalism. The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat is the first comprehensive analysis of the concept of the lumpenproletariat in Marxist political theory. Clyde Barrow excavates and analyzes the use of this term from its introduction by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in The German Ideology (1846) and Save 30% at The Communist Manifesto (1848) through the central role of the relative surplus population in Post-Marxist political theory. He argues that when press.umich.edu organized by a strong man—whether a Bonaparte, a Mussolini, or a with promotion code Trump—the lumpenproletariat gravitates toward a parasitic and violent UMLUMPEN lumpen-state created in its own image, and such a state primarily serves the interests of the equally parasitic finance aristocracy. -
The Problem of Social Class Under Socialism Author(S): Sharon Zukin Source: Theory and Society, Vol
The Problem of Social Class under Socialism Author(s): Sharon Zukin Source: Theory and Society, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Nov., 1978), pp. 391-427 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656759 Accessed: 24-06-2015 21:55 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656759?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Theory and Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 132.236.27.111 on Wed, 24 Jun 2015 21:55:45 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 391 THE PROBLEM OF SOCIAL CLASS UNDER SOCIALISM SHARON ZUKIN Posing the problem of social class under socialismimplies that the concept of class can be removed from the historical context of capitalist society and applied to societies which either do not know or do not claim to know the classicalcapitalist mode of production. Overthe past fifty years, the obstacles to such an analysis have often led to political recriminationsand termino- logical culs-de-sac. -
The Dangerous Class: the Concept of the Lumpenproletariat
Review The dangerous class: The concept of the lumpenproletariat Clyde W. Barrow, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 2020, xii+196pp., ISBN: 978-0472132249 Contemporary Political Theory (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296-021-00487-9 An oft-cited description of the lumpenproletariat comes from Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. The Parisian lumpenproletariat that Louis Bonaparte recruited during the French class struggles of 1848–1851 in order to defeat the proletariat and ultimately to seize state power consisted of the following: Alongside decayed roue´s with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, ma- quereaus, brothel keepers, porters, literati, organ grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars – in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French call la bohe`me (1963: 75). As self-interested hustlers whose services are for sale to the highest bidder, the lumpenproletariat – a term Marx and Engels created – is typically co-opted, as Bonaparte demonstrates, by reactionary movements. However, Marx’s taxonomy indicates the difficulty of locating a synthesized and explanatory definition for a term presented here as an ‘indefinite’ alterity with no clear framework of composition. The term has seemed, to some commentators, incoherent or reflective of scorn toward the disreputable or poor (Bussard, 1987; Draper, 1972; Hardt and Negri, 2004). Others – typically literary and cultural critics (Stallybrass, 1990; Mills, 2017) – have approached it as the discursive trace of a complex social scene that escapes full schematization by class relations. -
1 the TROUBLE with ARISTOCRACY Hans Van
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery 1 THE TROUBLE WITH ARISTOCRACY Hans van Wees and Nick Fisher ‘The history of aristocracies … is littered with self-serving myths which outsiders have been surprisingly willing to accept uncritically’, a recent study warns (Doyle 2010, xv). Our volume shows that ancient ‘aristocracies’ and their modern students are no exception. In antiquity, upper classes commonly claimed that they had inherited, or ought to have inherited, their status, privilege and power because their families excelled in personal virtues such as generosity, hospitality and military prowess while abstaining from ignoble ‘money-making’ pursuits such as commerce or manual labour. In modern scholarship, these claims are often translated into a belief that a hereditary ‘aristocratic’ class is identifiable at most times and places in the ancient world, whether or not it is in actually in power as an oligarchy, and that deep ideological divisions existed between ‘aristocratic values’ and the norms and ideals of lower or ‘middling’ classes. Such ancient claims and modern interpretations are pervasively questioned in this volume.1 We suggest that ‘aristocracy’ is only rarely a helpful concept for the analysis of political struggles and historical developments or of ideological divisions and contested discourses in literary and material cultures in the ancient world. Moreover, we argue that a serious study of these subjects requires close analysis of the nature of social inequality in any given time and place, rather than broad generalizations about aristocracies or indeed other elites and their putative ideologies. -
Race, Class, and Slavery During the American Civil
UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6238s7h2 Journal Journal of Classical Sociology, 17(1) Author Anderson, Kevin Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Kevin B. Anderson, University of California, Santa Barbara [author’s last version of article published in Journal of Classical Sociology 17:1 (2017), pp. 24-36] As the U.S. marked the 150th anniversary of the Civil War, some attention was given to African-American resistance to slavery and to the northern radical abolitionists. Increasingly, it was admitted, even in the South, that the Confederacy’s supposedly “noble cause” was based upon the defense of slavery. Yet to this day U.S. public opinion continues to deny the race and class dimensions of the war. There is also a denial, sometimes even among critical sociologists, of the war’s revolutionary implications, not only for African-Americans, but also for white labor and for the U.S. economic and political system as a whole. And there is still greater ignorance of the fact that Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote extensively on the dialectics of race and class in the American Civil War, something I have tried to remedy in my recent book, Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies. Marx on Ireland: Class, Ethnicity, and National Liberation Sometimes, as I have tried to show in Marx at the Margins, Marx conceptualized the pathway to class-consciousness and to socialist revolution as direct rather than indirect. -
Soviet Workers State . Was Strangled
. '-.-~ ___ J - '-. -. ") .----~~ How the .Soviet Workers State . Was Strangled August 1993 ..x~" Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116 2 Table of Contents Introduction "Standing alone, as it does, the only young Soviet republic, premised on the Bankrupt Stalinism Opens Floodgates live thing in the universe, there slogan "Workers of the world, unite," to Capitalist Restoration is a strong probability that the Rus became a beacon to the exploited and Soviet Workers: sian Revolution will not be able oppressed the world over, from the pow Defeat Yeltsin-Bush to defy the deadly enmity of the erful organized workers movements of Counterrevolution! ............... 3 entire world. But whether it survive Europe to the small but militant prole or perish, whether it be altered tariats of countries subjected to colonial unrecognizably by the pressure of ist oppression. But due mainly to the Traitors, Not Trotskyists circumstance, it will have shown absence of a hardened, tested leadership Cheerleaders for that dreams can come true, that the like the Bolsheviks, the revolutionary Yeltsin's Counterrevolution ... 12 race may be to the strong, that the wave was repulsed in the advanced impe toiling masses can not only conquer, rialist centers, first and foremost Ger but build." many where revolutionary upsurges in Moscow: Cops Unleashed Against Anti-Yellsin Demonstrators -John Reed, March 19 J 8 1918-19 and 1923 were defeated. Under conditions of hostile imperial Soviet Union in the Balance ... 17 The Russian Revolution of 25 October 1917 (7 November in the modern calen ist encirclement, economic backward dar) was the defining political event of ness and the disappointment of the hopes Moscow-Patrice Lumumba University the 20th century. -
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate from the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate From the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty By Jessica J. Stephens A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor David Potter, chair Professor Bruce W. Frier Professor Richard Janko Professor Nicola Terrenato [Type text] [Type text] © Jessica J. Stephens 2016 Dedication To those of us who do not hesitate to take the long and winding road, who are stars in someone else’s sky, and who walk the hillside in the sweet summer sun. ii [Type text] [Type text] Acknowledgements I owe my deep gratitude to many people whose intellectual, emotional, and financial support made my journey possible. Without Dr. T., Eric, Jay, and Maryanne, my academic career would have never begun and I will forever be grateful for the opportunities they gave me. At Michigan, guidance in negotiating the administrative side of the PhD given by Kathleen and Michelle has been invaluable, and I have treasured the conversations I have had with them and Terre, Diana, and Molly about gardening and travelling. The network of gardeners at Project Grow has provided me with hundreds of hours of joy and a respite from the stress of the academy. I owe many thanks to my fellow graduate students, not only for attending the brown bags and Three Field Talks I gave that helped shape this project, but also for their astute feedback, wonderful camaraderie, and constant support over our many years together. Due particular recognition for reading chapters, lengthy discussions, office friendships, and hours of good company are the following: Michael McOsker, Karen Acton, Beth Platte, Trevor Kilgore, Patrick Parker, Anna Whittington, Gene Cassedy, Ryan Hughes, Ananda Burra, Tim Hart, Matt Naglak, Garrett Ryan, and Ellen Cole Lee. -
How a Democracy Becomes an Aristocracy
Academic rigour, journalistic flair What’s in a name? How a democracy becomes an aristocracy October 7, 2016 2.23pm AEDT What do you call a democracy that depends on the exclusion of whole groups from political participation? Gaia/Wikipedia Commons, CC BY-SA This article is part of the Democracy Futures series, a joint global initiative with the Author Sydney Democracy Network. The project aims to stimulate fresh thinking about the many challenges facing democracies in the 21st century. Sandra Field Assistant Professor of Humanities (Philosophy), Yale-NUS College Is there something about the deep logic of democracy that destines it to succeed in the world? Democ- racy, the form of politics that includes everyone as equals – does it perhaps suit human nature better than the alternatives? After all, surely any person who is excluded from the decision-making in a society will be more liable to rise up against it. From ancient thinkers like Seneca to contemporary thinkers like Francis Fukuyama, we can see some version of this line of thought. Seneca thought that tyrannies could never last long; Fukuyama famously argued that liberal democracy is the end of history. I want to focus instead on the person credited with giving the most direct and uncompromising state- ment of this thought: Benedict de Spinoza. For centuries, “democracy” was a term of abuse, understood as a dangerous form of mob rule. Spinoza was one of the first in the history of modern political thought to celebrate democracy. Living in the 17th-century Dutch Republic, amid political turmoil in his own country, and witnessing the disorders across the channel in England, Spinoza was intensely interested in the concrete, material basis for peace. -
Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie
Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie: the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour. Capital: an asset (including money) owned by an individual as wealth used to realize a fnancial proft, and to create additional wealth. Capital exists within the process of economic exchange and grows out of the process of circulation. Capital is the basis of the economic system of capitalism. Capitalism: a mode of production in which capital in its various forms is the principal means of production. Capital can take the form of money or credit for the purchase of labour power and materials of production; of physical machinery; or of stocks of fnished goods or work in progress. Whatever the form, it is the private ownership of capital in the hands of the class of capitalists to the exclusion of the mass of the population. Class: social stratifcation defned by a person's relationship to the means of production. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bf/Pyramid_of_Capitalist_System.png Class struggle: an antagonism that exists within a society, catalyzed by competing socioeconomic interests and central to revolutionary change. Communism: 1) a political movement of the working class in capitalist society, committed to the abolition of capitalism 2) a form of society which the working class, through its struggle, would bring into existence through abolition of classes and of the capitalist division of labor. Dictatorship of the Proletariat: the idea that the proletariat (the working class) has control over political power in the process of changing the ownership of the means of production from private to collective ownership as part of a socialist transition to communism. -
Imperialist Occupation of Iraq Defend the Palestinianpeop-Le!
50e No. 810 ~X-523 26 September 2003 / For Class Struggle Against U.S. Capitalist Rulers! Imperialist Occupation of Iraq II II I u II We print below a presentation, edited "New World Order" emerging from the and abridged for publication, by com demise of the Soviet Union in 1991-92. rade Don Cane at a September 13 Spar This counterrevolution, which restored tacist League forum in San Francisco. the capitalist profit system, was a huge The International Communist League defeat for the world's working class. opposes the U.S. imperialist occupation The 1917 Bolshevik-led October Revolu of Iraq. As the American section, the tion, the world's first and only victorious Spartacist LeaguelU.S., we recognize the workers revolution, seized power for the Iraqi people and the American working working class. It was a beacon of hope for Reuters Falluja, September 13: Iraqi protesters chant anti-American slogans at funeral class have a common enemy-the Amer the millions of oppressed and exploited, for eight police officers shot by U.S. troops. ican capitalist ruling class. Every victory particularly in the colonial East. Bolshe for the imperialists encourages yet more vism meant resolute anti-imperialism. ist overlords, the U.S. Congress and the rulers prattle about bringing 'democracy' military adventures; every setback assists What we need is that kind of a revolution imperial presidency-we must sweep and 'liberation' to the Iraqi people-like the struggles of working people and the -not a few reforms, or a new deal with them away into the dustbin of history! the Zionists 'liberated' the Palestinians oppressed.