DOCSLIB.ORG

Another Death in Rawalpindi

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Another Death in Rawalpindi Print: Another Death in Rawalpindi http://www.thenation.com/doc/20080107/huq/print Another Death in Rawalpindi by AZIZ HUQ December 27, 2007 It goes without saying that the killing of any human being is a tragedy. But the assassination of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in Liaqut Bagh in Rawalpindi, along with more than a dozen others, echoes back into Pakistan's troubled history, portends more violence and flags a proud country's fall further into chaos. It also signals the manifest bankruptcy of the Bush Administration's anti-terrorism policy in the region. It was at Liaquat Bagh that Pakistan's second prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, was killed as he addressed a public meeting in October 1951; four years later, martial law would be declared, even before a first constitution could be promulgated. And it was close to the site of today's bombing at Liaqat Bagh, in the Rawalpindi Central Jail, that Benazir Bhutto's father, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was hanged at 2 AM April 4, 1979. Executions were usually held at dawn, but the military government wanted to avoid public protests. Neither Zulfiqar's wife nor his daughter was notified in time to be present at his death, or at his burial. Like his daughter, Zulfiqar had also been an elected prime minister of Pakistan. Indeed, he had set in motion Pakistan's relatively fair elections in March 1977--only to see his victory snatched away by a military coup ("Operation Fairplay") by his former friend and ally Army-General Muhammad Ziaul Haq. With no little irony, the United States-supported Zia struck on the night of July 4, 1977. Like today's American-sustained generalissimo Pervez Musharraf, Zia relied on the mullahs and on machine guns from America to make up the deficit of democracy. Thanks to the intermediating role that Pakistan's secret services, the ISI, played in the Afghan mujahideen's war against the Soviet occupation, Zia could rely on American support even as he postponed elections (first slated for 1979), hounded the judiciary into subservience and then elevated puritanical religious factions into national political actors. For it was Zia who first created a federal Shariat Court and a national council, or Majlis-e-Shoora, to preside over his conceit of an "Islamic democracy." At his death in August 1988, Zia left behind what political scientist Ayesha Jalal accurately describes as "a subservient, fragmented, highly monetized, corrupt and violent political system"--a system that merited American fealty to its dying day. Sound familiar? It should. In his years as President and Army Chief, Musharaff gradually chipped away at the political space for PPP and its main electoral competitor, Nawaz Sharif's PML-N, as well as imposing increasing pressure on a fiercely independent press. Instead, he relied on the six-party Islamist party alliance, the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal, which today governs two of Pakistan's four federal units, Northwest Frontier Province and Balochistan. In the past year, he has gutted again the judiciary of independent-minded judges such as Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. And during Musharraf's tenure, the military leadership has extended its control, kudzu-like, into more and more sectors of the economy, from construction to breakfast cereals. Today, military analyst Ayesha Siddeque 1 of 3 10/16/2008 6:40 PM Print: Another Death in Rawalpindi http://www.thenation.com/doc/20080107/huq/print estimates, the five conglomerates, or "welfare foundations," under military control own about $20 billion of assets and twelve billion hectares of land. This stake in the nation's economic life means the military necessarily has a large and persisting interest in control of the political process. Finally, as for Musharraf's central role to American anti-terrorism goals, well... we'll get to that in a moment. I hold no brief for Bhutto or the Pakistan's People Party. By all accounts, the party she led was elitist, venally corrupt, and massively incompetent during its two spells in office during the 1990s. Popular lamentations aside, moreover, no one credibly believes that she could be a redemptive figure in the mold of a Mandela. Rather, she was a tether back in history to that slim moment of democracy in Pakistan's fraught past of military domination. Since 1955, Pakistan has been ruled by generals with only brief intervals. In the wake of lawyers' protests, judicial resistance and international pressure, it seemed the thread of democracy might be recaptured. However imperfect Benazir and PPP might have been, at least they relied on the ballot box, and not on the Kalashnikov and the Qur'an. However corrupt the PPP might have been, at least they could be booted out in one election or other. The death of the major opposition leader will make it easier for Musharraf to assemble a parliamentary coalition to do his bidding in the coming January elections. It renders more distant the possibility of elections that are not manipulated and leaders who respond to the people rather than to bosses in uniform. And it makes it less likely that the Pakistani military will shift from its symbiotic entanglement with religious hardliners at the polls and in the streets. My aspiration and hope for democracy in Pakistan is no dewy-eyed Romanticism, a soft-hearted preference for rights or a lawyer's predilection for the grand abstraction "rule of law." Rather, in Pakistan's democracy lies America's best hope for redeeming the disaster that Pakistan has become for national security policy. It should escape no one's attention that Musharaff has relied so far on the openly pro-Taliban religious party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), particularly in the troubled province of Balochistan. News reports have consistently and plausibly identified Balochistan as the hiding place for high-level Al Qaeda leaders, including bin Laden, who can rely on sympathetic tribal and religious leaders. Musharraf depends for his political survival on political factions that are at minimum sympathetic to America's core enemy, and at worst are abetting the terrorist leadership's continued evasion of detection and arrest. In the muck of Pakistan's domestic politics, the friend of our friend may well be our enemy. Ironically, the Bush Administration has been backing a military leader who, even as he claimed to rein in religious militants, depends on them for his electoral success. Without democracy, though, there is not even a remote possibility of severing this fatal bond, and putting an end to sanctuary for Al Qaeda's leadership. Without democracy, there is scant chance that the tribal and religious leaders who have provided the Taliban with a strategic sanctuary can be won over. Without democracy, there is little chance for reform of madrassas that not only spew out "martyrs" for Kashmir and Afghanistan but also give aid and comfort to the very small number in the West looking for justifications of violence. Compounding the problem has been American incompetence. As in Iraq, billions of dollars in aid have been frittered away through incompetence and carelessness, leaving the Pakistani army just as unwilling and unable to take on the Taliban's sanctuaries. Worse, there is no remedial plan on the horizon. Under American tutelage, the military has gotten fatter and more ham-fisted. 2 of 3 10/16/2008 6:40 PM Print: Another Death in Rawalpindi http://www.thenation.com/doc/20080107/huq/print The Bush Administration's policy with respect to Pakistan, in short, is a train wreck. As usual, the White House has assumed that military force--here deployed by a vassal state--could clamp down on terrorism. As usual, it has utterly failed to understand complex relations, here the links between ISI and Al Qaeda going back to the Afghan war, and the way in which corruption and a drift to purely "faith-based" politics push more and more people toward the violently eschatological ideology of our enemies. The Administration's Pakistan policy is worse than a shambles; its failures radiate out. It is fostering the erosion of what limited success there was in Afghanistan. It is feeding terrorist propaganda that claims America sustains tyrants. And it is impeding the long-term goal of a Pakistan that cannot serve as a terrorist safe haven or a training ground for recruits from the West. The death of Benazir Bhutto shows that the Bush Administration has left itself no way out. Beyond the tragedy of Pakistan's history cruelly replaying itself, today should go down as the day it became clear how badly the Bush Administration has failed in the region. For on September 12, 2001, there was one failed state that could be a terrorist haven. Today, it is violently and tragically clear that the Administration's policies have wrought two more failed states that could, and likely will, sustain terrorist activities in the future. About Aziz Huq Aziz Huq directs the liberty and national security project at New York University's Brennan Center for Justice. He is co-author of Unchecked and Unbalanced: Presidential Power in a Time of Terror (New Press, 2007) He is a 2006 recipient of the Carnegie Scholars Fellowship and has published scholarship in the Columbia Law Review, the Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law, and the New School's Constellations Journal. He has also written for Himal Southasian, Legal Times and the American Prospect, and appeared as a commentator on Democracy Now! and NPR's Talk of the Nation. more... Copyright © 2008 The Nation 3 of 3 10/16/2008 6:40 PM.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Pakistan: Arrival and Departure
    01-2180-2 CH 01:0545-1 10/13/11 10:47 AM Page 1 stephen p. cohen 1 Pakistan: Arrival and Departure How did Pakistan arrive at its present juncture? Pakistan was originally intended by its great leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, to transform the lives of British Indian Muslims by providing them a homeland sheltered from Hindu oppression. It did so for some, although they amounted to less than half of the Indian subcontinent’s total number of Muslims. The north Indian Muslim middle class that spearheaded the Pakistan movement found itself united with many Muslims who had been less than enthusiastic about forming Pak- istan, and some were hostile to the idea of an explicitly Islamic state. Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, but in a decade self-styled field marshal Ayub Khan had replaced its shaky democratic political order with military-guided democracy, a market-oriented economy, and little effective investment in welfare or education. The Ayub experiment faltered, in part because of an unsuccessful war with India in 1965, and Ayub was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, who could not manage the growing chaos. East Pakistan went into revolt, and with India’s assistance, the old Pakistan was bro- ken up with the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. The second attempt to transform Pakistan was short-lived. It was led by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who simultaneously tried to gain control over the military, diversify Pakistan’s foreign and security policy, build a nuclear weapon, and introduce an economic order based on both Islam and socialism.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-Pakistan Engagement: the War on Terrorism and Beyond
    UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Touqir Hussain While the war on terrorism may have provided the rationale for the latest U.S. engagement with Pakistan, the present relationship between the United States and Pakistan is at the crossroads of many other issues, such as Pakistan’s own U.S.-Pakistan reform efforts, America’s evolving strategic relationship with South Asia, democracy in the Muslim world, and the dual problems of religious extremism and nuclear proliferation. As a result, Engagement the two countries have a complex relationship that presents a unique challenge to their respective policymaking communities. The War on Terrorism and Beyond This report examines the history and present state of U.S.-Pakistan relations, addresses the key challenges the two countries face, and concludes with specific policy recommendations Summary for ensuring the relationship meets the needs • The current U.S. engagement with Pakistan may be focused on the war on terrorism, of both the United States and Pakistan. It was written by Touqir Hussain, a senior fellow at the but it is not confined to it. It also addresses several other issues of concern to the United States Institute of Peace and a former United States: national and global security, terrorism, nuclear proliferation, economic senior diplomat from Pakistan, who served as and strategic opportunities in South Asia, democracy, and anti-Americanism in the ambassador to Japan, Spain, and Brazil. Muslim world. • The current U.S. engagement with Pakistan offers certain lessons for U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Examining Pakistan's Strategic Decision to Support the US War On
    Examining Pakistan’s Strategic Decision to Support the US War on Terror Examining Pakistan’s Strategic Decision to Support the US War on Terror Dr Tughral Yamin * Abstract The decision by the Pakistani leadership to unconditionally support the US in its war on terror after the 9/11 attacks has had long-term consequences. Now that the US intervention in Afghanistan is rapidly moving towards its denouement, the implications have become painfully clear. At the time the decision was made, the prevalent environment dictated the government of Pakistan to act quickly in favour of the USA. To defy the US would have meant grave consequences. Pakistan lacked the means and resources to chart an independent path. In this atmosphere of overwhelming coercion and fear, the only rational choice was total and complete cooperation. The government of Pakistan chose to unconditionally side with the US. This paper argues that the decision- making process is short-circuited when a single person is calling the shots, and the long-term consequences can be less than satisfactory. A multi-layered decision-making process not only buys time for the decision makers, but it also makes for greater responsibility and reduces the negative fallout to a large extent. A holistic response requires greater participation from all stakeholders. It also needs courage and imagination on the part of all concerned parties. An extraordinary situation must be thought through in great detail before making a strategic commitment. Keywords: Decision-making process; War on Terror; post-9/11 South/Central Asia * Dr Tughral Yamin is a retired brigadier and is currently the Associate Dean at the Centre for International Peace & Stability, NUST Islamabad.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Study of the Press in America, India and Pakistan
    The Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy Working Paper Series Covering September 11 and Its Consequences: A Comparative Study of the Press in America, India and Pakistan By Ramindar Singh Shorenstein Fellow, Fall 2001 Executive Director, Media Operations, IndusInd Entertainment Limited #2002-4 Copyright 2002, President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved COVERING SEPTEMBER 11 AND ITS CONSEQUENCES A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE PRESS IN AMERICA, INDIA AND PAKISTAN By Ramindar Singh, Shorenstein Fellow, Fall 2001 The September 11 attack on the World Trade Center in New York , confronted the Press with a supreme challenge, in America where the earth-shaking event happened and in South Asia which continued to experience violent aftershocks months later. September 11 affected Americans in a most fundamental way; it forced them to re-assess their role in the world and question why they become a target for disaffected groups in faraway lands. Similar reassessments were underway on the other side of the globe, with the press in India and Pakistan asking a different set of questions about how this event would affect and alter the lives of people in the South Asia region. This paper is an attempt to analyse how the press in America responded to the need to understand and report what happened on September 11, analyse why it happened and to present this information and analysis in a professional manner untainted by emotion, sentiment or jingoism. Simultaneously it examines how the press in India and Pakistan handled a similar challenge in their region. It would be tempting, while analyzing the performance of the press in these three countries, to cover a wide spectrum of newspapers and television stations.
    [Show full text]
  • Return of the Taliban" Teacher's Guide
    "Return Of The Taliban" Teacher's Guide About the Film: FRONTLINE reports from the lawless Pakistani tribal areas along the Afghanistan- Pakistan border and reveals how the area has fallen under the control of a resurgent Taliban militia. Despite the presence of 80,000 Pakistani troops, the Taliban and their supporters continue to use the region as a launching pad for attacks on U.S. and coalition forces in Afghanistan. Off limits to U.S. troops by agreement with Pakistan's president and long suspected of harboring Osama bin Laden and his deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri, the area is now considered a failed state. President Pervez Musharraf tells FRONTLINE reporter Martin Smith that Pakistan's strategy, which includes cash payments to militants who lay down their arms, has clearly foundered. In a region little understood because it is closed to most observers, FRONTLINE investigates a secret front in the war on terror. Watching the Film: Teachers can either assign the film for viewing as homework or show the film in class. Suggested discussion questions are provided. The lessons and activities in this guide can be used in the classroom without having viewed the film. A Note to Teachers: The lesson plan examines the growth of lawlessness in the tribal regions of Pakistan and asks students to propose solutions to this problem. The lesson plan can be used in its entirety or teachers can select individual activities to accommodate instructional time and student abilities. For classes in social studies, language arts, current events and history; Grade level 9th – 12th. Discussion Questions: This guide includes a list of questions for students to discuss after viewing "Return of The Taliban.
    [Show full text]
  • Biographies of Main Political Leaders of Pakistan
    Biographies of main political leaders of Pakistan INCUMBENT POLITICAL LEADERS ASIF ALI ZARDARI President of Pakistan since 2008 Asif Ali Zardari is the eleventh and current President of Pa- kistan. He is the Co-Chairman of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), a role he took on following the demise of his wife, Benazir Bhutto. Zardari rose to prominence in 1987 after his marriage to Benazir Bhutto, holding cabinet positions in both the 1990s PPP governments, and quickly acquired a reputation for corrupt practices. He was arrested in 1996 after the dismissal of the second government of Bena- zir Bhutto, and remained incarcerated for eight years on various charges of corruption. Released in 2004 amid ru- mours of reconciliation between Pervez Musharraf and the PPP, Zardari went into self-imposed exile in Dubai. He re- turned in December 2007 following Bhutto’s assassination. In 2008, as Co-Chairman of PPP he led his party to victory in the general elections. He was elected as President on September 6, 2008, following the resignation of Pervez Musharraf. His early years in power were characterised by widespread unrest due to his perceived reluctance to reinstate the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (who had been dismissed during the Musharraf imposed emergency of 2007). However, he has also overseen the passage of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution which effectively www.presidentofpakistan.gov.pk reduced presidential powers to that of a ceremonial figure- Asif Ali Zardari, President head. He remains, however, a highly controversial figure and continues to be dogged by allegations of corruption. Mohmmad government as Minister of Housing and Public Works.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamist Militancy in the Pakistan-Afghanistan Border Region and U.S. Policy
    = 81&2.89= .1.9&3(>=.3=9-*=&0.89&38 +,-&3.89&3=47)*7=*,.43=&3)=__=41.(>= _=1&3=74389&)9= 5*(.&1.89=.3=4:9-=8.&3=++&.78= *33*9-=&9?2&3= 5*(.&1.89=.3=.))1*=&89*73=++&.78= 4;*2'*7=,+`=,**2= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -.10-= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress 81&2.89= .1.9&3(>=.3=9-*=&0.89&38+,-&3.89&3=47)*7=*,.43=&3)=__=41.(>= = :22&7>= Increasing militant activity in western Pakistan poses three key national security threats: an increased potential for major attacks against the United States itself; a growing threat to Pakistani stability; and a hindrance of U.S. efforts to stabilize Afghanistan. This report will be updated as events warrant. A U.S.-Pakistan relationship marked by periods of both cooperation and discord was transformed by the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the ensuing enlistment of Pakistan as a key ally in U.S.-led counterterrorism efforts. Top U.S. officials have praised Pakistan for its ongoing cooperation, although long-held doubts exist about Islamabad’s commitment to some core U.S. interests. Pakistan is identified as a base for terrorist groups and their supporters operating in Kashmir, India, and Afghanistan. Since 2003, Pakistan’s army has conducted unprecedented and largely ineffectual counterterrorism operations in the country’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan, where Al Qaeda operatives and pro-Taliban insurgents are said to enjoy “safe haven.” Militant groups have only grown stronger and more aggressive in 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of General Pervez Musharraf's Approach to Extremism and Militancy in Pakistan Post 9/11
    AN ANALYSIS OF GENERAL PERVEZ MUSHARRAF'S APPROACH TO EXTREMISM AND MILITANCY IN PAKISTAN POST 9/11 Chetna Mishra1 Vivek Kumar Mishra2 ABSTRACT General Pervez Musharraf took over the reins in Pakistan by staging a coup in October, 1999. Even while he was struggling hard to curb the rising radicalization and extremism inside, the catastrophic 9/11 incident happened. Musharraf could not put off pressures of America to be an ally in 'War on Terror'. The partnership with America rained hell on his regime as he saw every move of his government producing reaction bigger than before. The menace of extremism remained uncontrolled, rather exacerbated to the extent that Pakistan saw almost an insurgency in the border regions of FATA and NWFP. The Paper attempts an analysis of the approach of then President Musharraf on militancy and extremism and draws conclusion that Musharraf's policies backfired. Methodology: The Paper adopts Content Analysis and Historical Methodology. For this the available government documents as well as secondary data have been used. For statistical analysis, South Asia Terrorism Portal Database has been used. Keywords: Extremism, Militancy, Terrorism INTRODUCTION asset for Pakistan. It is no more a hidden secret that Taliban would not have come to existence without Pakistan’s help As Pakistan’s partnership into war on terror began post 9/11, and support. They were created for a purpose, the purpose it began deploying forces for the first time in its lawless being to counter India — Pakistan’s strategic and ideological frontiers. To begin with, it deployed some 25000 military and enemy.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections Since General Pervez Musharraf Took Power in 1999
    Elections since General Pervez Musharraf took power in 1999 Long before Pervez Musharraf took power in a military coup in 1999, elections in Pakistan did not meet international standards for being “free and fair.” Periods of military rule have meant that elections were not held regularly and their genuineness was often challenged. The secrecy of the ballot has not always been maintained and practices by local feudal and tribal leaders have frequently compromised the free expression of voters’ will. Authorities have often placed severe constraints on the rights to freedom of expression, association, assembly and movement. Below is a summary of the issues raised in elections held since Musharraf came to power. Local bodies elections, August 2001 Pakistan has only ever held local bodies elections under military rule. These are technically held on a non-party basis, although political parties support and campaign for candidates, openly violating election rules. The Musharraf government revamped the local government system that General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq had established through a Presidential Ordinance in 1979.1 Local bodies elections were held in phases from December 2000 to August 2001 under the new Local Government Ordinance that devolved power to elected local governments in a three-tiered system at the district, tehsil (county) and union council (town) levels. International observers did not monitor these elections. The non-governmental Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), whose monitors around the country sent in their observations, noted that “confusion surrounded the local bodies process from the start. The multiple ballot system handicapped voters as did the 1 Gen.
    [Show full text]
  • Yousaf Raza Gilani: Pakistan's New Prime Minister
    ISAS Brief No. 61 – Date: 25 March 2008 469A Bukit Timah Road #07-01,Tower Block, Singapore 259770 Tel: 6516 6179 / 6516 4239 Fax: 6776 7505 / 6314 5447 Email: [email protected] Website: www.isas.nus.edu.sg Yousaf Raza Gilani: Pakistan’s New Prime Minister Ishtiaq Ahmed1 Yousaf Raza Gilani (complete formal name: Makdoom Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani), was elected to the Pakistan National Assembly on 18 February 2008 on a ticket of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of Benazir Bhutto. After several weeks of suspense and speculation, during which intense consultations and negotiations within the PPP and between the PPP and its coalition partners, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), the Awami National Party (ANP), the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-F and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) took place, Gilani was nominated on 22 March 2008 as the PPP candidate for the pivotal post of prime minister. On 24 March 2008, he was elected Prime Minister of Pakistan. He secured votes 264 votes of the newly elected legislators while his rival and leader of the opposition, Chaudhri Pervaiz Elahi, of the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam (PML-Q), received only 42 votes. He is to be sworn in as prime minister on 25 March 2008 by President Pervez Musharraf. Gilani hails from a prominent landowning family of Multan in the Seraiki-speaking areas of southern Punjab. Multan is an ancient city and is known for the very large number of Sufi shrines located in it. Gilani’s family are custodians of one of the prominent Sufi shrines, that of their ancestor, Musa Pak.
    [Show full text]
  • Address by H.E. General Pervez Musharraf President of Pakistan at the 58Th Session of the UN General Assembly, New York. Mr
    Address by H.E. General Pervez Musharraf President of Pakistan at the 58th Session of the UN General Assembly, New York. Mr. President, It is with great pleasure that I extend to you our warmest felicitations on your election. I also congratulate your predecessor, H.E. Mr. Jan Kavan, for his effective leadership during the last Session of the General Assembly. 2. We support Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s efforts to infuse a new sense of mission in the United Nations and maintain the centrality of its role in the promotion of global peace and security. We pay tribute to the memory of Mr. Sergio de Mello and the other UN officials who sacrificed their lives in the service of peace. Mr. President, 3. When the Berlin Wall collapsed, hopes revived for a new age of cooperation and peace, free of ideological confrontations. Sadly, these hopes were dashed: - by the ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, and then in Kosovo; - by the failure to end the occupation of Palestine, leading to the revived Intifada against Israeli occupation; - by the brutal suppression of the Kashmiris demand for self-determination and freedom from Indian occupation; - by the unending war in Afghanistan and the international neglect which created a climate in which extremism and terrorism could breed; - by the series of international financial crises and the rise of poverty as a consequence of unequal economic globalization. 4. The terrible terrorist atrocity of 9/11 jolted the foundations of the international system. The response has weakened Al-Qaeda. But, it has not eliminated its associates. Terrorists have struck repeatedly around the world – in Indonesia, Tunisia, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Russia, Kenya – and in Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Execution and Conviction of Terrorists
    Table of Contents INTRODUCTION .................................................................................1 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................2 LIMITATIONS .....................................................................................3 DATA COLLECTION ............................................................................3 PURPOSE/OBJECTIVE ........................................................................3 CATEGORIES OF TRIAL COURTS .......................................................4 PEOPLE CONVICTED THROUGH DIFFERENT TRIAL COURTS ..................................... 4 CATEGORIES OF CONVICTED EXECUTIONS .....................................5 CONVICTED TERRORISTS EXECUTED THROUGH THE DECISIONS OF TRIAL COURTS ...... 6 Executions: Monthly Data for 2014-2015 ............................................... 7 Executions: Province-Based Data ........................................................... 8 Executions: City-Based Data ................................................................... 9 LIST OF ALL CONVICTED PEOPLE EXECUTED IN PAKISTAN SINCE DECEMBER 2014 .............................................................................. 10 PEOPLE PROSECUTED UNDER MILITARY COURTS ...................... 21 EXECUTION AND CONVICTION OF TERRORISTS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF MILITARY VERSUS CIVILIAN COURTS IN PAKISTAN by M. Suleman Shahid INTRODUCTION On December 16, 2014, terrorists attacked the Army Public School Peshawar, as a result of which 149
    [Show full text]