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Pakistan: Arrival and Departure
01-2180-2 CH 01:0545-1 10/13/11 10:47 AM Page 1 stephen p. cohen 1 Pakistan: Arrival and Departure How did Pakistan arrive at its present juncture? Pakistan was originally intended by its great leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, to transform the lives of British Indian Muslims by providing them a homeland sheltered from Hindu oppression. It did so for some, although they amounted to less than half of the Indian subcontinent’s total number of Muslims. The north Indian Muslim middle class that spearheaded the Pakistan movement found itself united with many Muslims who had been less than enthusiastic about forming Pak- istan, and some were hostile to the idea of an explicitly Islamic state. Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, but in a decade self-styled field marshal Ayub Khan had replaced its shaky democratic political order with military-guided democracy, a market-oriented economy, and little effective investment in welfare or education. The Ayub experiment faltered, in part because of an unsuccessful war with India in 1965, and Ayub was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, who could not manage the growing chaos. East Pakistan went into revolt, and with India’s assistance, the old Pakistan was bro- ken up with the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. The second attempt to transform Pakistan was short-lived. It was led by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who simultaneously tried to gain control over the military, diversify Pakistan’s foreign and security policy, build a nuclear weapon, and introduce an economic order based on both Islam and socialism. -
In the Name of Almighty Allah the Most Gracious the Most Merciful PERSONALITY AS a FACTOR in FOREIGN POLICY MAKING
In the Name of Almighty Allah The Most Gracious The Most Merciful PERSONALITY AS A FACTOR IN FOREIGN POLICY MAKING A CASE STUDY OF PAK-US RELATIONS DURING BENAZIR BHUTTO PERIOD A thesis submitted in candidature of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science & International Relations in Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan By Amir Ahmed Khuhro 2009 Department of Political Science & International Relations Bahauddin Zakariya University MULTAN III DECLARATION I do solemnly declare that this thesis is a result of my personal research work and efforts, except where otherwise stated. I believe in good faith and declare that this thesis has not been submitted before it in any university for any examination or degree. Amir Ahmed Khuhro Ph.D Scholar, Department of International Relations, Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur, Sindh Date: 04-07-2009 IV DEDICATED TO My Wife & Daughter V CONTENTS Chapter One INTRODUCTION 01 – 18 Chapter Two THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF 19 – 37 PERSONALITY Definitions of Personality. Theories of Personality. o Trait Theory. o Psychoanalytic Theory. o Behavioural Theory. o Social Learning Theory. o Situational Theories. • Path-Goal Theory. • Normative Theory. Elements and Factors in the Development of Personality. o Elements of Personality o Factors of Personality • Biological Inheritance • Physical Environment • Cultural • Group Experience and Personality • Unique Experience and Personality VI Chapter Three BENAZIR BHUTTO: A PROFILE. 38 – 59 Benazir Bhutto’s Early Life and Education. Benazir Bhutto’s Political Career. Benazir Bhutto’s Marriage to Asif Ali Zardari. Benazir Bhutto’s Struggle for Survival and Supremacy. Chapter Four PAK: U.S RELATIONS DURING 1988-1990. 60 – 79 Objectives of Pakistan Foreign Policy. -
Son of the Desert
Dedicated to Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto Shaheed without words to express anything. The Author SONiDESERT A biography of Quaid·a·Awam SHAHEED ZULFIKAR ALI H By DR. HABIBULLAH SIDDIQUI Copyright (C) 2010 by nAfllST Printed and bound in Pakistan by publication unit of nAfllST Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto/Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Archives. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. First Edition: April 2010 Title Design: Khuda Bux Abro Price Rs. 650/· Published by: Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto/ Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Archives 4.i. Aoor, Sheikh Sultan Trust, Building No.2, Beaumont Road, Karachi. Phone: 021-35218095-96 Fax: 021-99206251 Printed at: The Time Press {Pvt.) Ltd. Karachi-Pakistan. CQNTENTS Foreword 1 Chapter: 01. On the Sands of Time 4 02. The Root.s 13 03. The Political Heritage-I: General Perspective 27 04. The Political Heritage-II: Sindh-Bhutto legacy 34 05. A revolutionary in the making 47 06. The Life of Politics: Insight and Vision· 65 07. Fall out with the Field Marshal and founding of Pakistan People's Party 108 08. The state dismembered: Who is to blame 118 09. The Revolutionary in the saddle: New Pakistan and the People's Government 148 10. Flash point.s and the fallout 180 11. Coup d'etat: tribulation and steadfasmess 197 12. Inside Death Cell and out to gallows 220 13. Home they brought the warrior dead 229 14. -
Parliamentary System and Framing of the 1973 Constitution: Contest Between Government and Opposition Inside the National Assembly
Pakistan Perspectives Vol. 25, No.1, January-June 2020 Parliamentary System and Framing of the 1973 Constitution: Contest between Government and Opposition inside the National Assembly Rahat Zubair Malik* Abstract It is generally believed that the Constitution of 1973 was passed unanimously by the parliament of Pakistan and was equally acceptable for all the federating units. While studying the processes of the approval of the said constitution inside the assembly, it becomes evident that the reality was quite different. There exists an argument that most of the Opposition members were not allowed to join the parliament’s session while the final approval of the constitution was processed. The present paper is an effort to analyse the developments that took place inside the National Assembly to pass this document which was to serve as the fundamental document of the state system in forthcoming years. In other words, the present article analyses the course of action through which the Constitution was framed. This is an analytical study primarily based on the National Assembly debates supported by the secondary sources, biographies, and autobiographies of the contemporary politicians to understand how far the amendments suggested by the then opposition were accommodated by the ruling party. Furthermore, this paper analyses the reasons for which each government has to amend the basic structure of the constitution to make it more practical and acceptable for its units. For instance the Eighteenth Amendment removed the concurrent list of the constitution but now the following governments are facing issues to implement the Amendment in detail. Keywords: 1973 Constitution, Opposition Parties, National Assembly Debates, Federating Units, Eighteenth Amendment ______ Introduction Pakistan inherited a parliamentary form of government in which there was a union of powers of Judiciary and the Executive, based on the British-built apparatus of the state, armed forces, and intelligence services along with the basic set of laws, which made the central government all-powerful. -
Context, Achievements and Challenges
CONTEXT, ACHIEVEMENTS AND CHALLENGES Table of Contents Acronyms i Foreword v 1. Introduction 1 1.1. Centrality of Parliament in Democratic Governance 1 1.2. Parliaments Across Political Systems 2 1.3. Contextualizing the Decade of Democracy in Pakistan 3 (2008 2018) 1.4. Empowerment and Institutional Development of 9 Parliament 1.5. Report – Decade of Democracy in Pakistan (2008 - 2018) 11 2. How They Fared on Lawmaking? 15 2.1 Introduction 15 2.2 Legislation: Quantitative Dimension 16 2.3 Private Members’ Bills: Pakistan, India and UK 17 2.4 Constitutional Amendments: Revival of 1973 19 Constitution and Beyond 2.5 Gender-sensitive Legislation 23 2.6 Electoral Reform 25 2.7 Failure to Repeal NAB Ordinance 27 2.8 Terrorism 28 2.9 Lawmaking for Rights 30 2.10 Education 32 2.11 Documenting and Publishing Laws 32 2.12 Access to Information 33 2.13 Economy 33 2.14 Justice Sector Reforms 34 3. Parliamentary Oversight of Government 37 3.1. Introduction 37 3.2. Question Hour 37 3.3. Calling Attention Notices 41 3.4. Resolutions 43 3.5. Motions under Rule 259 in National Assembly 48 3.6. Motion under Rule 218 in Senate 49 3.7. Adjournment Motions 49 4. Functioning of Mini Legislature: Parliamentary 53 Committees 4.1. Introduction 53 4.2. Empowerment of Committees 53 4.3. Composition of Committees and Role of Opposition 54 4.4. Public Hearings and Public Petitions 56 4.5. Performance of Committees 57 5. Gender Representation and Parliamentary 65 Performance 5.1 Introduction 65 5.2 State of Women Representation Internationally 66 5.3 Women’s Legislative Representation in Pakistan 68 5.4 Legal Framework for Women’s Representation 69 5.5 Women’s Right to Vote 71 5.6 Women Legislators’ Performance in the National 73 Assembly 5.7. -
Distilling Eligibility and Virtue: Articles 62 and 63 of the Pakistani Constitution
Distilling Eligibility and Virtue Distilling Eligibility and Virtue: Articles 62 and 63 of the Pakistani Constitution Saad Rasool* This article analyses the provisions regarding the qualifications and disqualifications for Parliamentarians set out in the constitution of Pakistan, and traces their evolution over the years. It establishes that the objective interpretation of these provisions in the past has given way to a more subjective and moralistic approach in the run-up to the 2013 general elections. It further argues that, for the most part, these provisions lay down unascertainable and subjective criteria for qualification and disqualification of a Parliamentarian. This in turn lends support to the main argument of this article that the fundamental right of an individual to contest for a public office, and an equal fundamental right of the citizenry to choose their representative cannot be refused, on the grounds of such ambiguous ideas. However, this is not to say that there should be no minimum criteria for qualifying to be a Parliamentarian; rather it is suggested that the present criteria suffer from serious defects which need to be remedied. Introduction The endeavour of law, in a democratic dispensation, is that of creating an ideal society – a society that is not simply a reflection of who we are, but, more importantly, of who we aspire to be. This endeavour, reflected in the corpus of our laws, emanates primarily from the legislature – the arm of the state that is entrusted with shaping the laws and freedoms that define the spirit of our society. In fidelity to the democratic ethos of a * Lawyer based in Lahore, and Visiting Faculty at LUMS. -
Islamist Militancy in the Pakistan-Afghanistan Border Region and U.S. Policy
= 81&2.89= .1.9&3(>=.3=9-*=&0.89&38 +,-&3.89&3=47)*7=*,.43=&3)=__=41.(>= _=1&3=74389&)9= 5*(.&1.89=.3=4:9-=8.&3=++&.78= *33*9-=&9?2&3= 5*(.&1.89=.3=.))1*=&89*73=++&.78= 4;*2'*7=,+`=,**2= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -.10-= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress 81&2.89= .1.9&3(>=.3=9-*=&0.89&38+,-&3.89&3=47)*7=*,.43=&3)=__=41.(>= = :22&7>= Increasing militant activity in western Pakistan poses three key national security threats: an increased potential for major attacks against the United States itself; a growing threat to Pakistani stability; and a hindrance of U.S. efforts to stabilize Afghanistan. This report will be updated as events warrant. A U.S.-Pakistan relationship marked by periods of both cooperation and discord was transformed by the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the ensuing enlistment of Pakistan as a key ally in U.S.-led counterterrorism efforts. Top U.S. officials have praised Pakistan for its ongoing cooperation, although long-held doubts exist about Islamabad’s commitment to some core U.S. interests. Pakistan is identified as a base for terrorist groups and their supporters operating in Kashmir, India, and Afghanistan. Since 2003, Pakistan’s army has conducted unprecedented and largely ineffectual counterterrorism operations in the country’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) bordering Afghanistan, where Al Qaeda operatives and pro-Taliban insurgents are said to enjoy “safe haven.” Militant groups have only grown stronger and more aggressive in 2008. -
Liberation War of Bangladesh
Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971 By: Alburuj Razzaq Rahman 9th Grade, Metro High School, Columbus, Ohio The Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 was for independence from Pakistan. India and Pakistan got independence from the British rule in 1947. Pakistan was formed for the Muslims and India had a majority of Hindus. Pakistan had two parts, East and West, which were separated by about 1,000 miles. East Pakistan was mainly the eastern part of the province of Bengal. The capital of Pakistan was Karachi in West Pakistan and was moved to Islamabad in 1958. However, due to discrimination in economy and ruling powers against them, the East Pakistanis vigorously protested and declared independence on March 26, 1971 under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. But during the year prior to that, to suppress the unrest in East Pakistan, the Pakistani government sent troops to East Pakistan and unleashed a massacre. And thus, the war for liberation commenced. The Reasons for war Both East and West Pakistan remained united because of their religion, Islam. West Pakistan had 97% Muslims and East Pakistanis had 85% Muslims. However, there were several significant reasons that caused the East Pakistani people to fight for their independence. West Pakistan had four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and the North-West Frontier. The fifth province was East Pakistan. Having control over the provinces, the West used up more resources than the East. Between 1948 and 1960, East Pakistan made 70% of all of Pakistan's exports, while it only received 25% of imported money. In 1948, East Pakistan had 11 fabric mills while the West had nine. -
The Mirage of Power, by Mubashir Hasan
The Mirage of Power AN ENQUIRY INTO THE BHUTTO YEARS 1971-1977 BY MUBASHIR HASAN Reproduced By: Sani H. Panhwar Member Sindh Council PPP. CONTENTS About the Author .. .. .. .. .. .. i Preface .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ii Acknowledgements .. .. .. .. .. v 1. The Dramatic Takeover .. .. .. .. .. 1 2. State of the Nation .. .. .. .. .. .. 14 3. Meeting the Challenges (1) .. .. .. .. 22 4. Meeting the Challenges (2) .. .. .. .. 43 5. Restructuring the Economy (1) .. .. .. .. 64 6. Restructuring the Economy (2) .. .. .. .. 85 7. Accords and Discords .. .. .. .. 100 8. All Not Well .. .. .. .. .. .. 120 9. Feeling Free .. .. .. .. .. .. 148 10. The Year of Change .. .. .. .. .. 167 11. All Power to the Establishment .. .. .. .. 187 12. The Losing Battle .. .. .. .. .. .. 199 13. The Battle Lost .. .. .. .. .. .. 209 14. The Economic Legacy .. .. .. .. .. 222 Appendices .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 261 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Mubashir Hasan is a well known figure in both academic and political circles in Pakistan. A Ph.D. in civil engineering, he served as an irrigation engineer and taught at the engineering university at Lahore. The author's formal entry into politics took place in 1967 when the founding convention of the Pakistan Peoples' Party was held at his residence. He was elected a member of the National Assembly of Pakistan in 1970 and served as Finance Minister in the late Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's Cabinet from 1971-1974. In 1975, he was elected Secretary General of the PPP. Following the promulgation of martial law in 1977, the author was jailed for his political beliefs. Dr. Hasan has written three books, numerous articles, and has spoken extensively on social, economic and political subjects: 2001, Birds of the Indus, (Mubashir Hasan, Tom J. -
Political Fields and Religious Movements: the Exclusion of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
POLITICAL FIELDS AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: THE EXCLUSION OF THE AHMADIYYA COMMUNITY IN PAKISTAN Sadia Saeed ABSTRACT This paper examines the Pakistani state’s shift from the accommodation to exclusion of the heterodox Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1953, the Pakistani state rejected demands by a religious movement that Ahmadis be legally declared non-Muslim. In 1974 however, the same demand was accepted. This paper argues that this shift in the state’s policy toward Ahmadis was contingent on the distinct political fields in which the two religious movements were embedded. Specifically, it points to conjunctures among two processes that defined state–religious movement relations: intrastate struggles for political power, and the framing strategies of religious movements vis-a` -vis core symbolic issues rife in the political field. Consequently, the exclusion of Ahmadis resulted from the transformation of the political field itself, characterized by the increasing hegemony of political discourses Political Power and Social Theory, Volume 23, 189–223 Copyright r 2012 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0198-8719/doi:10.1108/S0198-8719(2012)0000023011 189 190 SADIA SAEED referencing Islam, shift toward electoral politics, and the refashioning of the religious movement through positing the ‘‘Ahmadi issue’’ as a national question pertaining to democratic norms. In 1953, a group of prominent ulema1 in Pakistan launched a social movement demanding that the state forcibly declare the heterodox Ahmadiyya community (in short Ahmadis) a non-Muslim minority. At this moment, state authorities explicitly rejected this demand. In 1974, Pakistan’s National Assembly responded to the same demand by con- stitutionally declaring Ahmadis a non-Muslim minority. -
Yousaf Raza Gilani: Pakistan's New Prime Minister
ISAS Brief No. 61 – Date: 25 March 2008 469A Bukit Timah Road #07-01,Tower Block, Singapore 259770 Tel: 6516 6179 / 6516 4239 Fax: 6776 7505 / 6314 5447 Email: [email protected] Website: www.isas.nus.edu.sg Yousaf Raza Gilani: Pakistan’s New Prime Minister Ishtiaq Ahmed1 Yousaf Raza Gilani (complete formal name: Makdoom Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani), was elected to the Pakistan National Assembly on 18 February 2008 on a ticket of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of Benazir Bhutto. After several weeks of suspense and speculation, during which intense consultations and negotiations within the PPP and between the PPP and its coalition partners, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), the Awami National Party (ANP), the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-F and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) took place, Gilani was nominated on 22 March 2008 as the PPP candidate for the pivotal post of prime minister. On 24 March 2008, he was elected Prime Minister of Pakistan. He secured votes 264 votes of the newly elected legislators while his rival and leader of the opposition, Chaudhri Pervaiz Elahi, of the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam (PML-Q), received only 42 votes. He is to be sworn in as prime minister on 25 March 2008 by President Pervez Musharraf. Gilani hails from a prominent landowning family of Multan in the Seraiki-speaking areas of southern Punjab. Multan is an ancient city and is known for the very large number of Sufi shrines located in it. Gilani’s family are custodians of one of the prominent Sufi shrines, that of their ancestor, Musa Pak. -
Bhutto a Political Biography.Pdf
Bhutto a Political Biography By: Salmaan Taseer Reproduced By: Sani Hussain Panhwar Member Sindh Council, PPP Bhutto a Political Biography; Copyright © www.bhutto.org 1 CONTENTS Preface .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 1 The Bhuttos of Larkana .. .. .. .. .. .. 6 2 Salad Days .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 3 Rake’s Progress .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 28 4 In the Field Marshal’s Service .. .. .. .. .. 35 5 New Directions .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 45 6 War and Peace 1965-6 .. .. .. .. .. .. 54 7 Parting of the Ways .. .. .. .. .. .. 69 8 Reaching for Power .. .. .. .. .. .. 77 9 To the Polls .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 102 10 The Great Tragedy .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 114 11 Reins of Power .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 125 12 Simla .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 134 13 Consolidation .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 147 14 Decline and Fall .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 163 15 The Trial .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 176 16 The Bhutto Conundrum .. .. .. .. .. 194 Select Bibliography .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 206 Bhutto a Political Biography; Copyright © www.bhutto.org 2 PREFACE Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was a political phenomenon. In a country where the majority of politicians have been indistinguishable, grey and quick to compromise, he stalked among them as a Titan. He has been called ‘blackmailer’, ‘opportunist’, ‘Bhutto Khan’ (an undisguised comparison with Pakistan’s military dictators Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan) and ‘His Imperial Majesty the Shahinshah of Pakistan’ by his enemies. Time magazine referred to him as a ‘whiz kid’ on his coming to power in 1971. His supporters called him Takhare Asia’ (The Pride of Asia) and Anthony Howard, writing of him in the New Statesman, London, said ‘arguably the most intelligent and plausibly the best read of the world’s rulers’. Peter Gill wrote of him in the Daily Telegraph, London: ‘At 47, he has become one of the third world’s most accomplished rulers.’ And then later, after a change of heart and Bhutto’s fall from power, he described him as ‘one of nature’s bounders’.