Lucian's Alexander
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The Death of Heraclitus Fairweather, Janet Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1973; 14, 3; Proquest Pg
The Death of Heraclitus Fairweather, Janet Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1973; 14, 3; ProQuest pg. 233 The Death of Heraclitus Janet Fairweather ECENTLY there has been a revival of interest in a theory, Roriginally put forward by A. Gladisch,l about one ancient ac count of the death of Heraclitus. According to Neanthes of Cyzicus 2 Heraclitus, suffering from dropsy, attempted to cure him self by covering his body with manure and lying out in the sun to dry, but he was made unrecognizable by the dung covering and was finally eaten by dogs. Gladisch and others have seen in this anecdote a veiled allusion to a certain Zoroastrian ritual, described in the Videvdat (8.37f), in which a man who has come into contact with a corpse which has not been devoured by scavengers is supposed to rid himself of the polluting demon, Nasu the Druj, by lying on the ground, covering himself with bull's urine, and having some dogs brought to the scene. The fact that we find both in Neanthes' tale and in this ritual the use of bovine excreta, exposure of a man's body in the sun, and the inter vention of dogs has seemed to some scholars too remarkable to be coincidental. Gladisch and, following him, F. M. Cleve3 have seen in Neanthes' anecdote an indication that Heraclitus might have ordered a Zoroastrian funeral for himself. M. L. West,4 more cautiously and subtly, has suggested that the story of the manure treatment and the dogs could have originated as an inference from some allusion Hera clitus may have made to the purification ritual in a part of his work now lost, perhaps in connection with his sneer (fr.86 Marcovich=B 5 D/K) at people who attempt to rid themselves of blood pollution by spilling more blood. -
The Cult of Glykon of Abonuteichos from Lucian of Samosata to Cognitive Science
Cultural and Religious Studies, June 2020, Vol. 8, No. 6, 357-365 doi: 10.17265/2328-2177/2020.06.004 D D AV I D PUBLISHING Building the Supernatural: The Cult of Glykon of Abonuteichos From Lucian of Samosata to Cognitive Science Guido Migliorati Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Brescia, Italy We can argue that the making and the spread of the cult of Glykon of Abonuteichos can be explained through a cognitivist template. Lucian of Samosata’s Pseudomantis booklet and the material evidence, which testifies to the building and the spread of Glykon’s cult by Alexander of Abonuteichos, belong to a historical context characterized by instability, deadly epidemics and military pressure. It is a historical context, therefore, in which people feel reality with anxiety; one of the reactions is the growing up of the belief in prophylactic and prophetic cults, capable to protecting and forecasting. Since Lucian had pointed out that fear and hope were the forces that dominated the lives of men, just as the same had denounced that Alexander of Abonuteichos was ready to exploit those forces to his advantage, the cult of Glykon could be labeled as a trick. However, cognitive science and specifically the hard-wired brain circuit research may offer an alternative explanation: the interaction between potential risk of low probability, but high impact events (unstoppable irruptions of the Germans, or generalized impotence against the spread of disease) can impact on the hard-wired brain circuit activity capable of keeping social and individual anxiety, implicitly conditioning mentality and behavior of a religious “entrepreneur” and consumers, both concerned about protection and forecasting, fear and hope. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-48303-2 — the Moon in the Greek and Roman Imagination Karen Ní Mheallaigh Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-48303-2 — The Moon in the Greek and Roman Imagination Karen ní Mheallaigh Index More Information Index Achilles’ shield. See Homer Callimachus, – Aëtius, – celestial bowls, – Aglaonice, – Cicero, Somnium Scipionis, –, , See Alcmaeon of Croton, , – selēnoskopia (or ‘view from Moon’) Alcman Cleomedes, , Partheneia (Maiden Songs), – cognitive estrangement. See selēnoskopia (view from Alexander of Abonouteichos, – Moon) amphiphōntes, Colin Webster, , – analogical drift, Corinna, – Anaxagoras of Clazomenae, , –, –, cup of Helios, – Cyrano de Bergerac, , n Anaximander of Miletus, – Anaximenes of Miletus, – Demetrius Triclinius, n, , – Ancient Greek calendar, See also parapēgmata Democritus of Abdera, –, Antiphanes of Berge, – Diogenes of Apollonia, antiphraxis, – dioptra. See Lucian, True Stories Antonius Diogenes, The incredible things beyond Thule earthshine, – and scholarly hoax, – Earthy Moon Theory (EMT), –, –, and the Arctic, – See Plutarch, De facie and the Moon, – problems/challenges, , – narrative complexity, – eclipse Apollo Noumēnios, lunar eclipse, – Apuleius mechanism of eclipse, – lunam despumari, – solar eclipse, , – Aristarchus of Samos, , Empedocles of Acragas, –, , – Aristotle Empedotimus, fire creatures on the Moon, – Endymiones, , – on nature of Moon, Ennius’ dream, – theory of elements, Epimenides of Crete, – Astraeus, Eratosthenes of Cyrene, astral travel. See soul projection Hermes. See selēnoskopia (or ‘view from astronomical observation, , See mountains Moon’) astronomy -
Snakes on Ancient Coins by Peter E
Snakes on Ancient Coins by Peter E. Lewis An albino reticulated python (Wikimedia Commons). NAKES have always had an aura of In Judaism and Christianity there was needed healing travelled to Epidaurus Smystery and danger about them, and a tendency to see snakes as evil. This from all over the Greek and Roman world. in ancient times people were fascinated was because in the book of Genesis a In his temple Asclepius was shown with by them. It is therefore not surprising snake represents Satan and tempts Eve his hand on the head of a snake, indi - that snakes feature in Greco-Roman to disobey God. But the ancient Greeks cating that it was his agent. ( Figure 4 ) religion and that they appear commonly and Romans had a positive view of On a coin of Epidaurus he is also shown on ancient coins. snakes. They knew that if someone was with his hand on a snake. ( Figure 5 ) The bitten by a snake they could die, but this ruins of the temple can still be seen. meant that snakes had power over life Near the temple there was a building in and death. Moreover they observed that a which the sick slept with snakes. ( Figure snake could shed its skin and in a way be 6) Presumably the snakes were tame reborn. So they had power over renewal and non-poisonous, but the psychological and resurrection. All this meant that effect of sleeping with them must have snakes were not like ordinary creatures: been enormous. No wonder many people they belonged to the supernatural realm. -
The Apprentice's Sorcerer: Pancrates and His Pow Ers
ACTA CLASSICA XLVII (2004) 101-126 ISSN 0065-1141 THE APPRENTICE’S SORCERER: PANCRATES AND HIS POW ERS IN CONTEXT (LUCIAN, PHILOPSEUDES 33-36)∗ Daniel Ogden University of Exeter ABSTRACT The figure of the sorcerer Pancrates in Lucian’s tale of The Sorcerer’s Apprentice at Philopseudes 33-36 alludes to the traditions relating to Hadrian’s poet Pancrates Epicus and to those relating to his supposed magicial guru Pachrates. These traditions are argued to have had a common origin, and new arguments are advanced for this position. Lucian further exploits the significance of Pancrates’ name (‘All-powerful’) in relation to that of a well-established character-type within his stock-in-trade, Eucrates (‘Well- powerful’), who is accordingly cast in the role of his apprentice. Pancrates’ focal spell, the animation of the pestle for domestic service, reflects the themes and concerns of contempary magical practice as documented in the papyri. Admonitory Cynic imagery, of a sort found elsewhere in the Philopseudes, may be latent both in the figure of Pancates and in his pestle. The famous tale of The Sorcerer’s Apprentice, now known principally from the works of Goethe and Disney,1 originates among the ‘lying’ stories related in Lucian’s dialogue Philopseudes or Lover of Lies.2 Here Tychiades gives his friend ∗ I acknowledge with gratitude the significant contributions made to the development of this paper by: the staff of the department of Classics, Near and Far Eastern and Religious Studies at UNISA; the staff of the Classics Department in the University of Natal at Pietermaritzburg, where an incunabular version was delivered in 2001; and the anonymous AClass referees. -
The Spell of Achilles Tatius: Magic and Metafiction in Leucippe and Clitophon
The Spell of Achilles Tatius: Magic and Metafiction in Leucippe and Clitophon ASHLI J.E. BAKER Bucknell University Eros is “…δεινὸς γόης καὶ φαρμακεὺς καὶ σοφιστής…” (Plato, Symposium 203d) Introduction In the beginning of Book Two of Achilles Tatius’ Leucippe and Clitophon, the clever but thus far failed lover Clitophon witnesses a remarkable – and useful – scene. He passes by just as Clio, Leucippe’s slave, is stung on the hand by a bee. He sees Leucippe soothe Clio’s pain by singing incantations (ἐπᾴδω) she says she learned from an Egyptian woman.1 When Clitophon, determined to woo Leu- cippe, finds himself alone with her on the following day, he pretends that he too has been stung by a bee. Leucippe approaches, asking where he has been stung. In reply, Clitophon says, ————— 1 παύσειν γὰρ αὐτὴν τῆς ἀλγηδόνος δύο ἐπᾴσασαν ῥήματα· διδαχθῆναι γὰρ αὐτὴν ὑπό τινος Αἰγυπτίας εἰς πληγὰς σφηκῶν καὶ μελιττῶν. Καὶ ἅμα ἐπῇδε· καὶ ἔλεγεν ἡ Κλειὼ μετὰ μικρὸν ῥᾴων γεγονέναι. (2.7 - “…she would, she said, stop her pain by chanting two spells; she had been taught by an Egyptian woman how to deal with wasp- and bee-stings. As she had chanted, Clio had said that the pain was gradually relieved.”). All Greek text of Leu- cippe and Clitophon is that of Garnaud 1991. All translations are cited, with occasional alterations, from Whitmarsh 2001. I want to give special thanks to Catherine Connors for her insightful comments throughout the drafting of this paper. Thanks too to Alex Hollmann and Stephen Trzaskoma for feedback on earlier versions of this project. -
Download Horace: the SATIRES, EPISTLES and ARS POETICA
+RUDFH 4XLQWXV+RUDWLXV)ODFFXV 7KH6DWLUHV(SLVWOHVDQG$UV3RHWLFD Translated by A. S. Kline ã2005 All Rights Reserved This work may be freely reproduced, stored, and transmitted, electronically or otherwise, for any non- commercial purpose. &RQWHQWV Satires: Book I Satire I - On Discontent............................11 BkISatI:1-22 Everyone is discontented with their lot .......11 BkISatI:23-60 All work to make themselves rich, but why? ..........................................................................................12 BkISatI:61-91 The miseries of the wealthy.......................13 BkISatI:92-121 Set a limit to your desire for riches..........14 Satires: Book I Satire II – On Extremism .........................16 BkISatII:1-22 When it comes to money men practise extremes............................................................................16 BkISatII:23-46 And in sexual matters some prefer adultery ..........................................................................................17 BkISatII:47-63 While others avoid wives like the plague.17 BkISatII:64-85 The sin’s the same, but wives are more trouble...............................................................................18 BkISatII:86-110 Wives present endless obstacles.............19 BkISatII:111-134 No married women for me!..................20 Satires: Book I Satire III – On Tolerance..........................22 BkISatIII:1-24 Tigellius the Singer’s faults......................22 BkISatIII:25-54 Where is our tolerance though? ..............23 BkISatIII:55-75 -
Reading for Pleasure: Narrative, Irony, and Erotics in Achilles Tatius
READING FOR PLEASURE: NARRATIVE, IRONY, AND EROTICS IN ACHILLES TATIUS Tim Whitmarsh Leucippe & Clitophon is exceptional among the corpus of extant Greek novels in that it is almost entirely narrated by a central pro- tagonist in the narrative.1 The opening words are those of an un- named figure explaining how he met Clitophon lamenting his experi- ences in love; and in response to his request, Clitophon narrated his tale. That tale then becomes the remainder of the novel (there is no return to the outer frame at the conclusion). This feature—so-called ‘ego-narration’ (or, to use a technical phrase, ‘character-bound nar- ration’2)—has often been remarked upon from a narratological per- spective: commentators have shown how subtly Achilles manipulates his readers’ knowledge and ignorance of events for the purposes of narrative tension and drama.3 In this essay I want to take a rather dif- ferent approach. What sort of narrator is Clitophon? How does his identity affect his selection and interpretation of material? And what pleasures are to be had from observing his partisanship and blind- spots? In other words, does Clitophon’s narrative dramatise a certain kind of approach to novel-reading, an approach that is itself explored, distanced, problematised, ironised? Ego-narratives are not in and of themselves ironical, they become so when they are read as such; when, that is, a gap (be it cognitive, moral or intellectual) opens up between the focalization of the nar- rator and that of the reader. But for a narrative to be read as ironical (rather than, say, simply contemptible), the reader must recognise a complicity with a figure (not necessarily a character, but an identifi- able perspective) within the text who shares her perspective.4 The 1 If we restrict the corpus to the canonical five, that is. -
Euanthes and the World of Rhetoric in Achilles Tatius' Leucippe And
Euanthes and the World of Rhetoric in Achilles Tatius’ Leucippe and Cleitophon KATHERINE A. MCHUGH The University of Edinburgh In Book Three of Achilles Tatius’ Leucippe and Cleitophon there is an ekphrasis of a painting, one of three within the entirety of the novel. The description takes place after the protagonists’ arrival at Pelusium, as they happen upon the Temple of Zeus and come across “double images” (εἰκόνα διπλῆν, 3,6,3) which have been signed by the artist Euanthes (3,6,3).1 The main aim of this article is to consider the name of this artist, as opposed to the painting itself; it seeks to prove that Euanthes was not a real figure, but a name created by Achilles which is imbued with rhetorical references in keeping with the intellectual climate of 2nd Century AD Greek literature. The name Euanthes and its possible rhetorical connotations will be explored in conjunction with a detailed consideration of Achilles’ use of ekphrasis throughout Leucippe and Cleitophon and his interest in rhetorical edu- cation in order to assert that some of the author’s playful in-jokes have been un- derstudied, and that they can provide us with a clearer picture of how the author strives to appeal to his reader; that is, a reader who is steeped in a rhetorical edu- cation himself. The article also considers the other two ekphraseis of paintings in Leucippe and Cleitophon (which occur in Books One and Five) in order to aid with an understanding of Achilles’ use of the rhetorical technique and how sig- nificant rhetoric is to his novel as a whole. -
Ancient Roman Civilization
ANCIENT ROMAN CIVILIZATION HANDOUT PACKAGE FALL 2009 HISTORY 4322/6322 Dr. Peter J. Brand 1 MOST ANCIENT ROME: ORIGINS AND BEGINNINGS Legend of Trojan origins: dates back at least to 5th century BCE, when Greek historian Hellanicus refers to it. Trojan hero Aeneas, in flight from Troy, lands on Italian coast and intermarries with Latin ruling family. His descendants are Romulus and Remus. Aeneas himself was worshipped in Rome under the label Iuppiter Indiges (“native Jupiter”). She-Wolf Legend: current in Italy by late 5th or earlier 4th century, though not clearly with reference to Rome. A statue of babies Romulus and Remus with she-wolf is known to have been set up in Rome as early as 296 BCE. “Latial”/ “Villanovan” settlement on Palatine Hill, which Romans regarded as site of Romulus’ original settlement Sabine component of Roman population: (1) early inhabitants of Quirinal Hill (2) Term for people “Quirites,” originally referring to Sabines, later used for Romans as group. (3) Legend of Sabine women probably is ex-post-facto explanation of Sabine component in Roman makeup. Foundation of Rome: traditionally agreed as being April 21, 753; Roman time-reckoning was generally in terms of so many years “since the founding of the city” (ab urbe condita, abbreviated AUC) Etruscan kings of Rome: Tarquinius Priscus (# 5) and Tarquin the Proud (# 7). The traditional date of his expulsion is 509 BCE. The Republic was believed to have begun immediately afterwards, but this is complicated by Lars Porsenna (of Clusium): attacked, and probably took Rome after Tarquin the Proud was expelled, but did not reinstall him. -
Illinois Classical Studies
16 Vainglorious Menippus In Lucian's Dialogues of the Dead> aXka. Tcapct vcKpoiq SoyixaTa Lucian, DMort. 6(20).3 ("Pythagoras"). JOELC.RELfflAN Lucian's Dialogues of the Dead are known to the world in two different ways. The most important is through their modem descendants: they are part of Lucian's massive influence on Erasmus, and are frequently imitated in the French and German literature of the 18th and 19th centuries.^ The other is through the study of the literary era that gave them birth: the Greek Second Sophistic, its principles of literary imitation, its allegiance to rhetoric, and its artful irreality. Of these two I am not competent to address the former, except to suggest that the familiarity that Western readers inevitably feel when reading these infernal dialogues does much to obscure what is strange, fantastic, and poetic. But I take issue here with the latter, for the investigation of Lucian's habits of composition and use of motifs, so spectacularly (if sometimes tendentiously) documented by the monographs of Graham Anderson,^ runs the risk of reducing the study of Lucian to a contemplation (and sometimes a rather joyless contemplation) of a second- rate artist's notion of art for art's sake, and would ask us to see as the only content in Lucian the erection of a literary facade and the clever adoption of pretenses and poses. The words of critical appreciation become such things as "graceful," "effortless Atticism," "sophistication," and numerous variations that suggest that we have to do only with shadow and not with * An earlier version of this paper was delivered as a public lecture at the University of Illinois at Urbana in March 1987. -
Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty of the Department of Greek and Latin School of Arts and Sciences Of The Catholic University of America In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Doctor of Philosophy © Copyright All Rights Reserved By Matthew Alexander Theris Poulos Washington, D.C. 2019 Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus Matthew Alexander Theris Poulos, PhD Director: William McCarthy, PhD In this study, I analyze the poetics of Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. 330–390 AD), who was one of the first Christian poets writing in Greek to leave an extensive corpus of poetry (about 17,000 lines). Gregory work is striking not only for its breadth but also for its wide variety of themes and metrical schemes. As my focal point, I have chosen Gregory’s reception and adaptation of the poetry and poetics of Callimachus of Cyrene (ca. 290–230 BC). Callimachus was the first poet in the western tradition to enunciate an aesthetic and came to typify for subsequent authors an approach to poetry that privileged finely-wrought, compressed, and erudite compositions. I argue that for Gregory, Callimachus’ works are more than simply one more source to exploit for nice turns of phrase; rather, Callimachus pervasively shapes Gregory’s entire approach to poetic composition. This is seen not only in Gregory’s allusions to Callimachean works, which are numerous and occur quite frequently in programmatic contexts, but also in features of Gregory’s work like poikilia (variety) and a strong authorial persona that have their best precedent in Callimachus’ variegated oeuvre.