The Death of Heraclitus Fairweather, Janet Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1973; 14, 3; Proquest Pg
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The Heraclitus Anecdote: De Partibus Animalium I 5.645A17-23
Ancient Philosophy 21 (2001) ©Mathesis Publications 1 The Heraclitus Anecdote: De Partibus Animalium i 5.645a17-23 Pavel Gregoric Chapter 5 of the first book of Aristotle’s De Partibus Animalium contains a short self-contained treatise (644b22-645a36) which has been characterised as a ‘protreptic to the study of animals’ (Peck in Aristotle 1937, 97). Such a charac- terisation of the treatise may be misleading, because Aristotle does not seem to have composed it in order to motivate his audience to go out in the field and study animals, but rather to kindle their interest in the scientific account of ani- mals which he is about to provide. It is reasonable to suppose that Aristotle’s audience, eager to learn something valuable and dignified, needed an explanation of why they should like to hear, amongst other animals, about sponges, snails, grubs, and other humble creatures which are displeasing even to look at, not to mention witnessing the dissections that might have accompanied Aristotle’s lec- tures on animals (cf. Bonitz 1870, 104a4-17; Lloyd 1978). Aristotle explains why such ignoble animals deserve a place in a scientific account of animals and he illustrates that with an anecdote about Heraclitus. So one must not be childishly repelled by the examination of the humbler animals. For in all things of nature there is some- thing wonderful. And just as Heraclitus is said to have spoken to the visitors who wanted to meet him and who stopped as they were approaching when they saw him warming himself by the oven (e‰don aÈtÚn yerÒmenon prÚw t“ fipn“)—he urged them to come in without fear (§k°leue går aÈtoÁw efisi°nai yarroËntaw), for there were gods there too (e‰nai går ka‹ §ntaËya yeoÊw)—so one must approach the inquiry about each animal without aversion, since in all of them there is something natural and beautiful. -
Lucan's Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulf
Lucan’s Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2014 Reading Committee: Catherine Connors, Chair Alain Gowing Stephen Hinds Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics © Copyright 2014 Laura Zientek University of Washington Abstract Lucan’s Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Catherine Connors Department of Classics This dissertation is an analysis of the role of landscape and the natural world in Lucan’s Bellum Civile. I investigate digressions and excurses on mountains, rivers, and certain myths associated aetiologically with the land, and demonstrate how Stoic physics and cosmology – in particular the concepts of cosmic (dis)order, collapse, and conflagration – play a role in the way Lucan writes about the landscape in the context of a civil war poem. Building on previous analyses of the Bellum Civile that provide background on its literary context (Ahl, 1976), on Lucan’s poetic technique (Masters, 1992), and on landscape in Roman literature (Spencer, 2010), I approach Lucan’s depiction of the natural world by focusing on the mutual effect of humanity and landscape on each other. Thus, hardships posed by the land against characters like Caesar and Cato, gloomy and threatening atmospheres, and dangerous or unusual weather phenomena all have places in my study. I also explore how Lucan’s landscapes engage with the tropes of the locus amoenus or horridus (Schiesaro, 2006) and elements of the sublime (Day, 2013). -
The Natural Philosophers
The Natural Philosophers For us, the most interesting part is actually not what solutions these earliest philosophers arrived at, but The earliest Greek philosophers are sometimes which questions they asked and what type of answer called natural philosophers because they were mainly they were looking for. We are more interested in how concerned with the natural world and its processes. they thought than in exactly what they thought. We have already asked ourselves where everything We know that they posed questions relating to the comes from. Nowadays a lot of people imagine that at transformations they could observe in the physical some time something must have come from nothing. This world. They were looking for the underlying laws of idea was not so widespread among the Greeks. For one nature. They wanted to understand what was happening reason or another, they assumed that “something” had around them without having to turn to the ancient always existed. myths. And most important, they wanted to understand How everything could come from nothing was the actual processes by studying nature itself. This was therefore not the all-important question. On the other quite different from explaining thunder and lightning or hand the Greeks marveled at how live fish could come winter and spring by telling stories about the gods. from water, and huge trees and brilliantly colored So philosophy gradually liberated itself from flowers could come from the dead earth. Not to mention religion. We could say that the natural philosophers took how a baby could come from its mother’s womb! the first step in the direction of scientific reasoning, The philosophers observed with their own eyes thereby becoming the precursors of what was to become that nature was in a constant state of transformation. -
The Apprentice's Sorcerer: Pancrates and His Pow Ers
ACTA CLASSICA XLVII (2004) 101-126 ISSN 0065-1141 THE APPRENTICE’S SORCERER: PANCRATES AND HIS POW ERS IN CONTEXT (LUCIAN, PHILOPSEUDES 33-36)∗ Daniel Ogden University of Exeter ABSTRACT The figure of the sorcerer Pancrates in Lucian’s tale of The Sorcerer’s Apprentice at Philopseudes 33-36 alludes to the traditions relating to Hadrian’s poet Pancrates Epicus and to those relating to his supposed magicial guru Pachrates. These traditions are argued to have had a common origin, and new arguments are advanced for this position. Lucian further exploits the significance of Pancrates’ name (‘All-powerful’) in relation to that of a well-established character-type within his stock-in-trade, Eucrates (‘Well- powerful’), who is accordingly cast in the role of his apprentice. Pancrates’ focal spell, the animation of the pestle for domestic service, reflects the themes and concerns of contempary magical practice as documented in the papyri. Admonitory Cynic imagery, of a sort found elsewhere in the Philopseudes, may be latent both in the figure of Pancates and in his pestle. The famous tale of The Sorcerer’s Apprentice, now known principally from the works of Goethe and Disney,1 originates among the ‘lying’ stories related in Lucian’s dialogue Philopseudes or Lover of Lies.2 Here Tychiades gives his friend ∗ I acknowledge with gratitude the significant contributions made to the development of this paper by: the staff of the department of Classics, Near and Far Eastern and Religious Studies at UNISA; the staff of the Classics Department in the University of Natal at Pietermaritzburg, where an incunabular version was delivered in 2001; and the anonymous AClass referees. -
Heraclitus on Pythagoras
Leonid Zhmud Heraclitus on Pythagoras By the time of Heraclitus, criticism of one’s predecessors and contemporaries had long been an established literary tradition. It had been successfully prac ticed since Hesiod by many poets and prose writers.1 No one, however, practiced criticism in the form of persistent and methodical attacks on both previous and current intellectual traditions as effectively as Heraclitus. Indeed, his biting criti cism was a part of his philosophical method and, on an even deeper level, of his selfappraisal and selfunderstanding, since he alone pretended to know the correct way to understand the underlying reality, unattainable even for the wisest men of Greece. Of all the celebrities figuring in Heraclitus’ fragments only Bias, one of the Seven Sages, is mentioned approvingly (DK 22 B 39), while another Sage, Thales, is the only one mentioned neutrally, as an astronomer (DK 22 B 38). All the others named by Heraclitus, which is to say the three most famous poets, Homer, Hesiod and Archilochus, the philosophical poet Xenophanes, Pythago ras, widely known for his manifold wisdom, and finally, the historian and geog rapher Hecataeus – are given their share of opprobrium.2 Despite all the intensity of Heraclitus’ attacks on these famous individuals, one cannot say that there was much personal in them. He was not engaged in ordi nary polemics with his contemporaries, as for example Xenophanes, Simonides or Pindar were.3 Xenophanes and Hecataeus, who were alive when his book was written, appear only once in his fragments, and even then only in the company of two more famous people, Hesiod and Pythagoras (DK 22 B 40). -
Master Essay Question List, Exam #1
PHIL 320: HISTORY OF ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY STUDY QUESTIONS FOR MID-TERM EXAM Milesians 1. What ideas do Thales and Anaximander have in common? Where do they disagree? What, do you suppose, accounts for their disagreement? 2. Explain the role of the apeiron in Anaximander’s system. Discuss at least two possible interpretations of what Anaximander means by ‘apeiron’. 3. Discuss and amplify, if you can, the claim (made by Bertrand Russell) that “the Milesian school is important, not for what it achieved, but for what it attempted.” 4. What was Anaximander’s objection to making a common element (such as water, as Thales had proposed) the archê? How did Anaximenes, who proposed air as the archê, avoid this objection? 5. It is often claimed that Anaximenes attempted to account for qualitative differences in quantitative terms. What can be said in favor of this claim? What can be said against it? 6. Compare the role of the traditional Greek elements in the theories of Anaximander and Anaximenes. Discuss the importance of the notion of opposition in each of the theories. 7. Compare the role of the notion of opposition in the theories of Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Heraclitus. Heraclitus 1. The notion of logos plays an important role in Heraclitus’s thought. Explain, in as much detaill as you can, what the notion is and what role it plays. 2. According to Plato, Heraclitus said that it is impossible to step into the same river twice. Heraclitus’s own words, in fragment 12, read as follows: “Upon those that step into the same rivers different and different waters flow . -
Illinois Classical Studies
16 Vainglorious Menippus In Lucian's Dialogues of the Dead> aXka. Tcapct vcKpoiq SoyixaTa Lucian, DMort. 6(20).3 ("Pythagoras"). JOELC.RELfflAN Lucian's Dialogues of the Dead are known to the world in two different ways. The most important is through their modem descendants: they are part of Lucian's massive influence on Erasmus, and are frequently imitated in the French and German literature of the 18th and 19th centuries.^ The other is through the study of the literary era that gave them birth: the Greek Second Sophistic, its principles of literary imitation, its allegiance to rhetoric, and its artful irreality. Of these two I am not competent to address the former, except to suggest that the familiarity that Western readers inevitably feel when reading these infernal dialogues does much to obscure what is strange, fantastic, and poetic. But I take issue here with the latter, for the investigation of Lucian's habits of composition and use of motifs, so spectacularly (if sometimes tendentiously) documented by the monographs of Graham Anderson,^ runs the risk of reducing the study of Lucian to a contemplation (and sometimes a rather joyless contemplation) of a second- rate artist's notion of art for art's sake, and would ask us to see as the only content in Lucian the erection of a literary facade and the clever adoption of pretenses and poses. The words of critical appreciation become such things as "graceful," "effortless Atticism," "sophistication," and numerous variations that suggest that we have to do only with shadow and not with * An earlier version of this paper was delivered as a public lecture at the University of Illinois at Urbana in March 1987. -
Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty of the Department of Greek and Latin School of Arts and Sciences Of The Catholic University of America In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Doctor of Philosophy © Copyright All Rights Reserved By Matthew Alexander Theris Poulos Washington, D.C. 2019 Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus Matthew Alexander Theris Poulos, PhD Director: William McCarthy, PhD In this study, I analyze the poetics of Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. 330–390 AD), who was one of the first Christian poets writing in Greek to leave an extensive corpus of poetry (about 17,000 lines). Gregory work is striking not only for its breadth but also for its wide variety of themes and metrical schemes. As my focal point, I have chosen Gregory’s reception and adaptation of the poetry and poetics of Callimachus of Cyrene (ca. 290–230 BC). Callimachus was the first poet in the western tradition to enunciate an aesthetic and came to typify for subsequent authors an approach to poetry that privileged finely-wrought, compressed, and erudite compositions. I argue that for Gregory, Callimachus’ works are more than simply one more source to exploit for nice turns of phrase; rather, Callimachus pervasively shapes Gregory’s entire approach to poetic composition. This is seen not only in Gregory’s allusions to Callimachean works, which are numerous and occur quite frequently in programmatic contexts, but also in features of Gregory’s work like poikilia (variety) and a strong authorial persona that have their best precedent in Callimachus’ variegated oeuvre. -
The Fragments of Zeno and Cleanthes, but Having an Important
,1(70 THE FRAGMENTS OF ZENO AND CLEANTHES. ftonton: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. ambriDse: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. ltip>ifl: F. A. BROCKHAUS. #tto Hork: MACMILLAX AND CO. THE FRAGMENTS OF ZENO AND CLEANTHES WITH INTRODUCTION AND EXPLANATORY NOTES. AX ESSAY WHICH OBTAINED THE HARE PRIZE IX THE YEAR 1889. BY A. C. PEARSON, M.A. LATE SCHOLAR OF CHRIST S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. LONDON: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE. 1891 [All Rights reserved.] Cambridge : PBIXTKIi BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THK UNIVERSITY PRKSS. PREFACE. S dissertation is published in accordance with thr conditions attached to the Hare Prize, and appears nearly in its original form. For many reasons, however, I should have desired to subject the work to a more under the searching revision than has been practicable circumstances. Indeed, error is especially difficult t<> avoid in dealing with a large body of scattered authorities, a the majority of which can only be consulted in public- library. to be for The obligations, which require acknowledged of Zeno and the present collection of the fragments former are Cleanthes, are both special and general. The Philo- soon disposed of. In the Neue Jahrbticher fur Wellmann an lofjie for 1878, p. 435 foil., published article on Zeno of Citium, which was the first serious of Zeno from that attempt to discriminate the teaching of Wellmann were of the Stoa in general. The omissions of the supplied and the first complete collection fragments of Cleanthes was made by Wachsmuth in two Gottingen I programs published in 187-i LS75 (Commentationes s et II de Zenone Citiensi et Cleaitt/ie Assio). -
Literary Quarrels
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics (1) The Cicala's Song: Plato in the Aetia Benjamin Acosta-Hughes University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Version 1.2 © Benjamin Acosta-Hughes, [email protected] (2) Literary Quarrels Susan Stephens Stanford University Version 1.0 © Susan Stephens Abstract: Scholars have long noted Platonic elements or allusions in Callimachus' poems, particularly in the Aetia prologue and the 13th Iambus that center on poetic composition. Following up on their work, Benjamin Acosta-Hughes and Susan Stephens, in a recent panel at the APA, and in papers that are about to appear in Callimachea II. Atti della seconda giornata di studi su Callimaco (Rome: Herder), have argued not for occasional allusions, but for a much more extensive influence from the Phaedo and Phaedrus in the Aetia prologue (Acosta-Hughes) and the Protagoras, Ion, and Phaedrus in the Iambi (Stephens). These papers are part of a preliminary study to reformulate Callimachus' aesthetic theory. 1 The Cicala's Song: Plato in the Aetia* This paper prefigures a larger study of Callimachus and Plato, a study on which my Stanford colleague Susan Stephens and I have now embarked in our co-authored volume on Callimachus.1 Awareness of Platonic allusion in Callimachus is not new, although its significance has not really been appreciateda close reading of the two authors remains a real desideratum, and it is indeed this need that we hope our work will one day fulfill. The main focal points of the present paper are two passages of Callimachus, and two passages of Plato, that, read together, configure a remarkable intertextual dialogue on poetry, reading, and the inspired voice. -
On the Nature of Heraclitus' Book
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter 4-24-2002 On the Nature of Heraclitus' Book Herbert Granger Wayne State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, and the History of Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Granger, Herbert, "On the Nature of Heraclitus' Book" (2002). The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter. 331. https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp/331 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. ON THE NATURE OF HERACLITUS’ BOOK Herbert Granger Wayne State University (Comments Welcome) THE DISPUTE OYER HERACLITUS’ BOOK Antiquity credits Heraclitus with a single book (D. L. 9.5-6), but the nature, even the existence, of this ‘book’ remain disputed.1 The orthodoxy takes it to be a collection of independent aphorisms that at most Heraclitus grouped into loose associations under a few headings.2 Heraclitus did not lay out his thoughts sequentially or develop them in a continuous fashion, and thus he did not build one statement upon the other and drive steadily towards a conclusion or conclusions. Because Diels despaired of discerning any intrinsic order among Heraclitus’ fragments, he printed them largely in an alphabetical arrangement based on the names of the authors who preserved them. -
What Is “Classical” About Classical Antiquity? Eight Propositions
What Is “Classical” about Classical Antiquity? Eight Propositions JAMES I. PORTER 1. “classical antiquity” is not consistently classical In 1930 classical studies experienced an insurrection. Werner Jaeger, in apostasy from his teacher Wilamowitz, convened a conference in Naumburg called “The Problem of the Classical” (Das Problem des Klassischen). The apostasy was open and calculated. Thirty years earlier Wilamowitz had boasted that he helped put paid to the word classical, which he found meaningless, and in his Geschichte der Philologie from 1921 he notoriously (and audibly) omitted the time- honored epithet of his discipline.1 (In English the title ought to read, History of [ ] Philology. The published English and Italian translations spoil the title’s symbolism by reinserting the missing word Classical.) Das Klassische was a problem indeed, and Jaeger’s conference aimed at making classics a classical discipline again, one firmly rooted in classical and humanistic values true for all time, as against its being a compilation of dry historical data. We have a good idea of what the conference was about because Jaeger published its proceedings a year later.2 But what went on behind the scenes? Luckily, in the days before tape recorders there was Alfred Körte, who offers an in- valuable first-hand account of what he saw and heard: “A number of speakers in the discussion at Naumburg sharply disputed the claim that Aeschylus was a classical author of the first rank (ein Klassiker). As the discussion went on, it turned out that actually none of the first-class luminaries of world literature had any rightful claim to the label classical, or at most they had only a qualified claim to it—neither Homer nor Aeschylus nor Shakespeare nor even the young Goethe.