Parishodh Journal ISSN NO:2347-6648

Reflections Of Bengali Subaltern Society And Cultural IdentIty through the BangalI Bhadrolok’s lenses: an Analysis

-Mithun Majumder

Phd Research scholar, Deptt of International Relations,

Abstract

The are identified as culture savvy race, at the national and international levels. But if one dwells deep into Bengali culture, one may identify an admixture of elite/ higher class culture with typical lower/subaltern class culture. Often, it has been witnessed that elite/upper class culture has influenced subaltern class culture. This essay attempts to analyze such issues like: How is the position of the subaltern class reflected in typical elite class mindset? How do they define the subaltern class? Is Bengali culture dominated by the elite class only or the subaltern class gets priority as the chief producer class? This essay strives to answer many such questions

Key Words: , Subalterns, Culture, Class, Race, JanaJati

By Bengali society and cultural identity, one does mean the construction of a typical Bhadralok cultural identity and is identified as the epicentre of Bengali Bhadralok culture. But the educated middle class city residents, salaried people, intellectuals also represent this culture. Bengali art and literature and the ideas generated from the civil society in Kolkata and its cultural exchanges with typical Mofussil or rural subaltern culture can lead to the construction of new language or dialect and may even lead to deconstruction of the same. The unorganized rural women labourers(mostly working as domestic help) often use the phrase that “ we work in Baboo homes in Kolkata”. By the term, “Baboo”, one can refer to elite, good mannered, western educated, culturally oriented bhadralok. According to Jogesh Chandra Bagle, “the gentleman who organizes Durgapuja for festivities, arranges for Laxmipuja to comply with the request of his spouse, complies with the request of pro-spouse(upagrihini) in organizing

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Saraswati Puja and indulges in Ganga Puja for culinary mutton delight-he is deemed as Baboo” 1.These gentlemen with higher cultural orientation are .

One may embark upon discussion of a number of festivities in Kolkata, ranging from the Grand DurgaPuja, to KaliPuja or Saraswati Puja. The Grand themes of DurgaPuja designed by Bhadralok artisans in sync with popular culture, often represents the lower class north-Bengali janajati cultural ethos-banbibi puja, or the Basantipuja of the subaltern classes in Sundarban area; chou dance of Bankura-based tribals and even sometimes do showcase puja style organized by the bagdi-dules. The Bhadraloks in the course of re-construction of subaltern cultures within the arena of bhadralok elite culture, give rise to a kind of deconstruction and a type of Destruction Language is created. What the subaltern classes cannot use in Bhadralok society, gets deconstructed in the mainstream Bhadralok culture and often becomes an item of entertainment and humour. In this way, a new cultural theme of the subaltern janajatis is evolved. Whether one can call it a Humour or a Sketch is mired in controversy.

Gayatri Spivak in her celebrated piece ‘Can Subaltern Speak?’, argues that the history and cultures of subalterns are redesigned by others. There is an inherent linkage between Bangali bhadralok culture and the festivities and the worshipped deities. The sacrifice offered to Goddess Kali in Kalighat is deemed as legitimate in Bhadralok culture , but the pottery art of subaltern janjatis is regarded as heinous(papachar). Besides in the Grand theme Pujas of Kolkata(Durga, Kali etc) the theme creators(artisans etc of Kumartuli) showcase the subaltern culture only as a theme, thereby commodifying it but the bhadraloks never identify with this subaltern culture. Hereby bhadraloks tend to potray a popular Bangali culture, but they never attempt to construct the indegeneous cultural and literary identity of the subalterns. Bhadraloks have never attempted to incorporate subaltern cultures within their own culture rather have endeavoured to divide the same. The people migrating from the rural areas and settling in the city fringes have given rise to a new rural subaltern culture in the city fringes. Kobigaan, Halfkhorai, Tarja, Hop Kirtan, Pakhir Dal, are names which can be heard and found in city fringes-it is a pointer to the fact that rural culture (loksanskriti) has acclimatised itself in the urban civic space. 2 There are a lot of space devoted to ancient rural cultures in Panchalis and Loksamskriti. Mention has been made therein about jokes, tamasha, other pseudo cultural affairs dating back to ancient rural Bengal. Evolution of various professions,

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steady rural-urban migration has led to the formation of a mixed subaltern culture that is not acceptable amongst the urban bhadralok elite.3 Sibnath Shastri in his celebrated piece: ‘Ramtanu Lahiri O Totkalin Bongosomaj’ writes in the context of the popularity of Dasarathi Roy’s Panchali, ‘This panchali is so full of slangs, perverse language and inappropriate comparisons, that we wonder that how can this keep the readers entertained’.4 But, at that time, the subaltern classes were also attracted to the panchalis. Many like Sibnath Shastri has denounced the Panchalis as ‘trash’ , yet in the general urban civic space, the acceptance of kobigan, tarja, kheu was intact indeed.

The construction of subaltern identity by the elite bhadralok writers have never reached the level of respectability and have always been bent bupon maintaining the elite authority and dominant identity, intact. This can be echoed in Sahitya Samrat BankimChandra Chattopadhyya’s Devi Chaudhurani (1864) novel: ‘When the fish has been fished out of water , a severe footfall can be witnessed across the ponds-the black fisherman are all over the place to our utter disgust and the fisherwomen with their clay-laden feet are making the pond waters black”.5 The elite bhadralok Brahmins of Bengal possessed such misdeamening notions about the subaltern classes then. Bibhutibhusan Bandopadhyyay in his celebrated piece, Pather Panchali, writes: ‘Durga, after entering the house looked at her mother with guilt on her face. Sarbojaya alerted that rice was ready, please have it and then roam around wherever you want. During the Baisakh month, all other girls are doing sibpuja or Senjuti, but look at my grown up girl-she is only roaming around. She has left home in the morning and could manage to come back only during afternoon to have meals- look at her hair, neither it has been combed , nor there is any oil applied in it – who will tell that she is a Brahmin girl? She looks like a subaltern Dule-Bagdi girl and if it continues in this way, one day she will have to be married of therein only’6

After the Renaissance in Bengal, the society has been reformed-it was Raja Rammohan Roy who pioneered the process of social reforms. Iswarchandra Vidyasagar propounded womens’ education and widow remarriage processes. But all these were ethnically Western .These great people could virtually do little to revive indigeneous culture. In British India non-agricultural professions have proliferated. The need of industry, workers and factories were felt. The rural subaltern classes have acted to serve this need. They have acclimatised to the shoddy, foul-smelling roadside Kolkata mills and thereby the Western

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capitalist model has been planted by elite Kolkatan Bhadaloks.7 The godfather of and new Bengali society, Derozio and his fellow intellectuals have created a educated, intellectual Bengali culture that represents the elite Bhadralok .The rationalist culture that was inspired by the new Bengali society, manifested itself in intellectual discussions at the College Street Coffee House. Its impact was never felt in the addas at factories, discussions among clerks during tiffin break , nor in the addas under the Banyan tree. Hence the gatherings and discussions in new Bengali society has witnessed a great elite- subaltern divide. Divide can be witnessed in the sphere of family life between the educated and sophisticated wives of elite bhadraloks and the subaltern class prostitutes in brothels. It can be illustrated in another way; many women from subaltern classes commute to Kolkata from areas like Canning, Kakdwip, Baruipur, Bongaon to work as domestic help and Ayas-the Bhadraloks term them as ‘masis’in order to pronounce the cultural divide . The elite Bhadralok of Kolkata have even utilised the downtrodden subaltern cultures for commercial and entertainment purposes. In popular Bengali films like “Beder Meye Jyotsna” or “Bostir Meye Radha”,had created a stir among the subaltern populace but for the elite bhadraloks, it meant a cultural decay and a division with the bhadralok dialect and culture. But, in the film, the lead cast was from the Bhadralok class. Gradually the antarmahal subaltern culture started penetrating in the urban civic space. Casteism and caste-based discrimination and caste divisions were also a part and parcel of Bengali life. There is a reflection of these in various short poems(Choras in Bengali) in Kolkata Keshab Chandra Sen’s 8

There is an inherent linkage between sports and Bengali culture, and the emotions associated with the same has in turn united the Bengalis. The bare- footed football matches against British teams could stir up Bengali nationalist sentiments. These nationalist sentiments were echoed even before the Partition of Bengal and reached its peak with the anti-Partition movement. As representatives of Bengali sports culture, several clubs were established- Shovabazar Club(1885), National(1885), Mohunbagan(1889), Ariana(1890)-the Bengali nationalist sentiments are associated with them. In these clubs, the Pals, Goswamis got importance but not the Kotals, Doluis(belonging to subaltern classes). Football got widespread acceptance and popularity amongst the

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general Bengali society, but cricket remained an exclusive apostle of the Bengali urban elite.9

Caste- based divisions remained a part and parcel of Bengali sports culture. When the national cricket team was formed in 1911, Bidhubhusan Mukherjee, a Brahmin got chance to play in the team, but he opted out since he had to play with one subaltern class cricketer named Palwankar Balure. Like Mukherjee, many others had refused to play with Balure, but the latter proved his mettle when he took 14 wickets on English soil. Balure could preserve his place in the side but another cricketer from Bengal, Faguram, could not make it to the Indian side due to his subaltern class status.10

If one comes to the context of two renowned Clubs in Bengal-Mohunbagan considers it to be a club of ‘ghotis’(bhoomiputras of Bengal). It considers itself to be the indigeneous club of Bengal. The Goswamis, Pals, Banerjees dominate the Mohunbagan club in utter disregard for the Nayiaas, Kotals . On the other hand, Eastbengal Club considers itself to be a representative of the Bangals(migrants with East Pakistan/later origins) and they refuse to take in Rajbangshis or Chandals. The famous Ghoti-Bangal rivary stemmed from this club culture. Again Ghotis are divided into Banerjees, Mukherjees on one hand and Dule-Bagdis on the other side. In the field of cricket, Banerjees, Goswamis, Gangulis have been dominant. Is it so that there was no one to speak about the subaltern classes in the realm of the Bengali intellectual class or the Bengali elite civic space. Mention, in this context may be made of a few who had lifelong voiced concerns and struggled for the Subaltern classes in Bengal- Mahesweta Debi, Partha Chatterjee, Santosh Rana, Kumar Rana, Debi Chatterjee, Sekhar Bandopadhyay.

In the realm of politics the Bengali Bhadralok class has been at the helm of affairs, provided stewardship in the political process. In the post-independence Bengal politics and political parties-the leadership position was monopolised by the Bhadraloks. The Congress leaders were Western educated and wielded authority like the erstwhile colonial rulers. After the end of the Congress rule in , the Left Front came to power through a long process of mass movement, land movement, food movement and was regarded as a government representing the workers, peasants and the subaltern classes. But the majority of the persons in leadership position within the Left Front hailed from the upper classes, especially in the period between 1977-1992, the Bhadralok elite formed the leadership therein. These Elite Bhadraloks refused to reside in areas

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inhabited by the refugee, poor people living in colony areas of the Kolkata city. Under the instruction of this elite leadership, repression was meted out on subaltern classes at Marichjhapi. Thousands of subaltern refugees fought against’ the tiger on land and the crocodile in waters’ and laid down their lives. The Left Front leadership and the party members did not accord acceptability to the authority of subaltern class. The writeup by Kanti Biswas, “Amar Jibon O Kichu Kotha”(autobiography) amply potrays the pressure created by elite party bhadralok leaders9both within and otside the party) against the subaltern class while playing leadership roles. Kanti Biswas served as Education Minister In Left Front Cabinet in 1982.At that time, party supremo Pramod Dasgupta once called Biswas in his office and handed over around 400 letters to him and asked him to select any one and read it. Biswas selected one letter from some Bhattacharyya from Bhatpara. To quote a part of the letter, “I have heard many a thing about him. He is famous as a brilliant student of Dhaka University. He claimed top rank in all of the University examinations. He was made the Education Minister of Bengal. Despite his administrative capability, and academic brilliance, the fact remains that he was born in the Chandal community. From a son of a Chandal no Bengali can take lessons because the level of education will be stagnating. If required, he can be made Minister of any other important Department. But, a Chandal should never be bestowed with the responsibility of education. The academic world in Bengal will be severely negatively affected due to the same.” 11

This was the mentality of Leftist elite Bengali Bhadralok towards the subaltern classes. Many mass movements were organized in Bengal against the Leftists and Left Rule: Singur, Nandigram, Netai, Bhangar, etc. In these mass movements, leadership and advisory positions were monopolised by the urban elite Bhadraloks. But, for the successful implementation of these movements, the role of the subaltern mass was important. Whether Singur or Nandigram, it was due to the sacrifice of the subaltern classes(example, Tapasi Malick), the Left Front Government fell from power in 2011. After the demise of the Left Rule, the government which has came into power, is also controlled by urban bhadralok elite. In the realm of , arts, sports , everything was controlled by elite culture and the Bhadraloks. But, in Bengal, in terms of demography, the population of the subaltern classes(SCs STs OBC s)outnumber the elite bhadraloks.

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In reality, in the post-independence period, Bengali culture and education was a bourgeouise system. During the Left Front rule, there was an attempt to create a class-less society by breaking the bourgeiose system. But it could not break the caste-system. In order to create a class-less society, the utmost requirement is to create a caste-less society. This was theoretically projected, but in reality, the Bhadralok society was bounded by caste-divisions and Brahmanical dominance in the social order. In contemporary times, a few subaltern class writers, researchers and intellectuals have brought to light, in their writings, the plight of their social discrimination. In Jadavpur University, History Professor RupKumar Barman , in his book, ‘ Yes The Scheduled Caste Can Write’ has potrayed that the Pondras, Rajbanshis, Namashudra theoreticians, has written about their socio-economic discrimination, hatred, misdemeanour, in several autobiographies, jatichandrikas, and literary works. Poundra writer, Krishnakumar Sarkar, has shown in his research, the plight of the poundras, their socio-economic discrimination, self consciousness, self identity, political consciousness. Beforehand, no Poundra writer could potray the plight of their self-identity and class discrimination. 12

Rashbehari Ray in his ‘Namasudra Darpan’ and Sashibhusan Biswas in his piece, ‘Namasudras’, has written about the dual caste theory. These two books potray the Namasudras not as downtrodden sudras, but as equivalent to Brahmans, in terms of their customs, rituals, behaviour patterns and social origin. Some writers belonging to subaltern classes, have potrayed through their lucid erudite writings the conditions of the subaltern classes in Bengal, that is, the classes to which they belong themselves. Of them, mention can be made of Manoharmouli Biswas, Jyotinbala, Manoranjan Byapari, Dhurjyoti Naskar, Shyamal Paramanick, Dilip Gyaen, Rupkumar Barman, Manoswantyo Biswas, Krishnakumar Sarkar, etc. Manohar Mouli, in his book, “Amar Bhubane Ami Benche Thaki”(2013), ‘Probondhye Brastyojon’ or in his “ Asprishyer Diary”(2010), Manoranjan Byapari in his piece, ‘Prithibite Chandal Jibon(2014), has represented the literature, culture, citizen life etc of the subaltern classes, in contemporary times and has received recognition from several quarters. But all these started, in 1990s, with the establishment of the Bengali Dalit Sahitya Sanstha.

Adwyito Mallavarman, a writer belonging to the Mal class, in his book, “Titas Ekti Nodir Nam”, has encouraged the Mal class : “Ananto has been encouraged towards studies, by Malo women belonging to barber community thus : ‘you

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have to be more educated more knowledgeable and you have to pass BA MA exams like the sons of Brahmans and Kayasthas’”

The “Ujaantalir Upokotha”, published in 2010, represents the highest literary award winning novel of Tripura Government, potrays the daily life of a antaja East Bengali peasant life, which has been cospicious by its absence in History texts. .’13 Sikar Chara Jibon published in 2010 by Jyotin Bala, potrays the hapless life of the subaltern people in the refugee camps of West Bengal: “The Government officials of the refugee camps belong to Hindu Varna. They used to hate us. They took advantage of our helpless condition in torturing our womenfolk. They rejoiced at our plight. If we did not comply to their ulterior requests, our cashvolts were forfeited. That history remained hidden forever.”14

Manoranjan Byapari, in his book “Itibritye Chandal Jibon”, has potrayed the psychoanalytical view on communalism and the Partition. After his name got struck off from Bankura Shiromini Refugee Camp, Byapari was appointed as a cow herd manager in the house of a Homeopathic Brahmin doctor who had migrated from East Bengal, to Ghutiari Furfura Sharif. The doctors’ family members looked down upon him, as if he was suffering from a contagious disease .15The voices of the subalterns were hidden so far and didn’t come into mainstream academic discourse.

Concluding findings

The intellectuals belonging to the subaltern classes have in their respective fields, attempted to potray the growth of self-consciousness of their classes. But the irony is, these type of intellectuals belonging to subaltern classes and writing about their classes in their own styles, are often recognized as part of the Bengali bhadralok intellectual community. Their contributions are often treated as just a part of the Bengali Bhadralok literary tradition, not a part of the sabaltern tradition. In the realm of Bengali pluralist bhadralok culture, the subalterns were always looked down upon and not as a integral part of the same. Within the sphere of the civil society they were looked down upon. How the civil society in Bengal comes out of its elitist garb, and accords a place for the subalterns is something which only the future can show up.

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REFERENCES

1. Jogesh Chandra Bagal(ed), Bankim Rachanabali, Sahitya Parishad(2nd volume), Kolkata, 1954, p.10.

2. Umanta Bandopadhyaya, Unish Sotoker Kolkata O Saraswatir Itor Santan, Anushtup, Kolkata, 2008, pp.16-18.

3. Pradyot Sengupta(ed), Naksha: Sekal O Ekal, 2nd volume, Anjana Prakashani, Kolkata, 1983, p.6.

4. Sibnath Shastri, Ramtanu Lahiri O Tatkalin Bangasamaj, New Age Publications Pvt Limited, 1904, p. 38.

5. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya, Debi Choudhurani, Bankim Rachanabali, First Volume, Uponyash Samagra, p. 670.

6. Bibhuti Bhoson Bandopadhyaya, Pather Panchaliu, Udbodhon Karjyasloy, Kolkata, 1999, p. 52.

7. Tapan Roychoudhury, Thee Views Of Europe From 19Th Century Bengal, K.P. Bagchi And Company, Kolkata, 2002, p.1`0.

8. Subir Roychoudhuru, Old Base Of Baboo,in Sukantyo Choudhury(ed), Calcutta The Living City Volume-1, OxfordUniversity Press, 1990, p. 73.

9. Soumen Mitra, In Search Of An Identity: The History Of Football In Colonial Calcutta, Dasgupta and Co. Pvt Ltd, Kolkata, 21006, p.110/.

10. Ramchandra Guha, Cricketer And Caste; The Heroic Struggles Of The Palwankar Brothers’, in Dilip. M. Menon9ed), Cultural History Of Modern India, New Delhi, Social Science Press, 2012, pp.3-18.

11. Kanti Biswas, Ammar Jibon Oo Kichu Kotha, Ekush Satok, Kolkata, 2014, pp.76-78

12. Unpublished PhD thesis on the topic; Jati Andolon Theke Rajnoitik Chetonar Bikash; Banglar Poundra Jatir Ekti Alochona;, Jadavpur University, 2018, Kolkata.

13. Kapil Krishna Thakur, Ujantalir Upakatha, First Volume, Kolkata, Chaturthyo Duniya, 1407.PP.89-90.

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14. Jyotin Bala, Sekar Chera Jibon, Chaturthyo Duniya, Kolkata, 2010, p.193.

15. Monoranjan Byapari, Itibritye Chandal Jibon, Kolkata, Kolkata Prokashoni, 2014, pp.48-59.

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Mithun Majumder is Phd Research scholar, Deptt of International Relations, Jadavpur University, West Bengal

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