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The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines Lisandro Claudio
The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines Lisandro Claudio To cite this version: Lisandro Claudio. The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines. 2019. halshs-03151036 HAL Id: halshs-03151036 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03151036 Submitted on 2 Mar 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. EUROPEAN POLICY BRIEF COMPETING INTEGRATIONS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines This brief situates the rise and continued popularity of President Rodrigo Duterte within an intellectual history of Philippine liberalism. First, the history of the Philippine liberal tradition is examined beginning in the nineteenth century before it became the dominant mode of elite governance in the twentieth century. It then argues that “Dutertismo” (the dominant ideology and practice in the Philippines today) is both a reaction to, and an assault on, this liberal tradition. It concludes that the crisis brought about by the election of Duterte presents an opportunity for liberalism in the Philippines to be reimagined to confront the challenges faced by this country of almost 110 million people. -
Psychographics Study on the Voting Behavior of the Cebuano Electorate
PSYCHOGRAPHICS STUDY ON THE VOTING BEHAVIOR OF THE CEBUANO ELECTORATE By Nelia Ereno and Jessa Jane Langoyan ABSTRACT This study identified the attributes of a presidentiable/vice presidentiable that the Cebuano electorates preferred and prioritized as follows: 1) has a heart for the poor and the needy; 2) can provide occupation; 3) has a good personality/character; 4) has good platforms; and 5) has no issue of corruption. It was done through face-to-face interview with Cebuano registered voters randomly chosen using a stratified sampling technique. Canonical Correlation Analysis revealed that there was a significant difference as to the respondents’ preferences on the characteristic traits of the presidential and vice presidential candidates across respondents with respect to age, gender, educational attainment, and economic status. The strength of the relationships were identified to be good in age and educational attainment, moderate in gender and weak in economic status with respect to the characteristics of the presidentiable. Also, there was a good relationship in age bracket, moderate relationship in gender and educational attainment, and weak relationship in economic status with respect to the characteristics of a vice presidentiable. The strength of the said relationships were validated by the established predictive models. Moreover, perceptual mapping of the multivariate correspondence analysis determined the groupings of preferred characteristic traits of the presidential and vice presidential candidates across age, gender, educational attainment and economic status. A focus group discussion was conducted and it validated the survey results. It enumerated more characteristics that explained further the voting behavior of the Cebuano electorates. Keywords: canonical correlation, correspondence analysis perceptual mapping, predictive models INTRODUCTION Cebu has always been perceived as "a province of unpredictability during elections" [1]. -
Southeast Asia from Scott Circle
Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Southeast Asia from Scott Circle Volume VII | Issue 4 | February 18, 2016 A Tumultuous 2016 in the South China Sea Inside This Issue gregory poling biweekly update Gregory Poling is a fellow with the Chair for Southeast Asia • Myanmar commander-in-chief’s term extended Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in amid fragile talks with Aung San Suu Kyi Washington, D.C. • U.S., Thailand hold annual Cobra Gold exercise • Singapore prime minister tables changes to February 18, 2016 political system • Obama hosts ASEAN leaders at Sunnylands This promises to be a landmark year for the claimant countries and other summit interested parties in the South China Sea disputes. Developments that have been under way for several years, especially China’s island-building looking ahead campaign in the Spratlys and Manila’s arbitration case against Beijing, will • Kingdom at a Crossroad: Thailand’s Uncertain come to fruition. These and other developments will draw outside players, Political Trajectory including the United States, Japan, Australia, and India, into greater involvement. Meanwhile a significant increase in Chinese forces and • 2016 Presidential and Congressional Primaries capabilities will lead to more frequent run-ins with neighbors. • Competing or Complementing Economic Visions? Regionalism and the Pacific Alliance, Alongside these developments, important political transitions will take TPP, RCEP, and the AIIB place around the region and further afield, especially the Philippine presidential elections in May. But no matter who emerges as Manila’s next leader, his or her ability to substantially alter course on the South China Sea will be highly constrained by the emergence of the issue as a cause célèbre among many Filipinos who view Beijing with wariness bordering on outright fear. -
Freedom in the World 2016 Philippines
Philippines Page 1 of 8 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Philippines Philippines Country: Philippines Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 3 Civil Liberties: 3 Aggregate Score: 65 Freedom Rating: 3.0 Overview: A deadly gun battle in January, combined with technical legal challenges, derailed progress in 2015 on congressional ratification of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BLL), under which a new self-governing region, Bangsamoro, would replace and add territory to the current Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The BLL was the next step outlined in a landmark 2014 peace treaty between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the country’s largest rebel group. The agreement, which could end more than 40 years of separatist violence among Moros, as the region’s Muslim population is known, must be approved by Congress and in a referendum in Mindanao before going into effect. President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s popularity suffered during the year due to his role in the January violence—in which about 70 police, rebels, and civilians were killed—and ongoing corruption. Presidential and legislative elections were scheduled for 2016. In October, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, the Netherlands, ruled that it had jurisdiction to hear a case filed by the Philippines regarding its dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea, despite objections from China. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: https://freedomhouse.org/print/48102 4/19/2018 Philippines Page 2 of 8 Political Rights: 27 / 40 (+1) [Key] A. Electoral Process: 9 / 12 The Philippines’ directly elected president is limited to a single six-year term. -
Duterte and Philippine Populism
JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA, 2017 VOL. 47, NO. 1, 142–153 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2016.1239751 COMMENTARY Flirting with Authoritarian Fantasies? Rodrigo Duterte and the New Terms of Philippine Populism Nicole Curato Centre for Deliberative Democracy & Global Governance, University of Canberra, Australia ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY This commentary aims to take stock of the 2016 presidential Published online elections in the Philippines that led to the landslide victory of 18 October 2016 ’ the controversial Rodrigo Duterte. It argues that part of Duterte s KEYWORDS ff electoral success is hinged on his e ective deployment of the Populism; Philippines; populist style. Although populism is not new to the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte; elections; Duterte exhibits features of contemporary populism that are befit- democracy ting of an age of communicative abundance. This commentary contrasts Duterte’s political style with other presidential conten- ders, characterises his relationship with the electorate and con- cludes by mapping populism’s democratic and anti-democratic tendencies, which may define the quality of democratic practice in the Philippines in the next six years. The first six months of 2016 were critical moments for Philippine democracy. In February, the nation commemorated the 30th anniversary of the People Power Revolution – a series of peaceful mass demonstrations that ousted the dictator Ferdinand Marcos. President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III – the son of the president who replaced the dictator – led the commemoration. He asked Filipinos to remember the atrocities of the authoritarian regime and the gains of democracy restored by his mother. He reminded the country of the torture, murder and disappearance of scores of activists whose families still await compensation from the Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board. -
The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism
Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy Special Issue, December 2018, pp. 181-206 The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) and ABS-CBN through the Prisms of Herman and Chomsky’s “Propaganda Model”: Duterte’s Tirade against the Media and vice versa Menelito P. Mansueto Colegio de San Juan de Letran [email protected] Jeresa May C. Ochave Ateneo de Davao University [email protected] Abstract This paper is an attempt to localize Herman and Chomsky’s analysis of the commercial media and use this concept to fit in the Philippine media climate. Through the propaganda model, they introduced the five interrelated media filters which made possible the “manufacture of consent.” By consent, Herman and Chomsky meant that the mass communication media can be a powerful tool to manufacture ideology and to influence a wider public to believe in a capitalistic propaganda. Thus, they call their theory the “propaganda model” referring to the capitalist media structure and its underlying political function. Herman and Chomsky’s analysis has been centered upon the US media, however, they also believed that the model is also true in other parts of the world as the media conglomeration is also found all around the globe. In the Philippines, media conglomeration is not an alien concept especially in the presence of a giant media outlet, such as, ABS-CBN. In this essay, the authors claim that the propaganda model is also observed even in the less obvious corporate media in the country, disguised as an independent media entity but like a chameleon, it © 2018 Menelito P. -
Urban Fragmentation and Class Contention in Metro Manila
Urban Fragmentation and Class Contention in Metro Manila by Marco Z. Garrido A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in the University of Michigan 2013 Doctoral Committee: Professor Jeffery M. Paige, Chair Dean Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr., Ateneo de Manila University Associate Professor Allen D. Hicken Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Frederick F. Wherry, Columbia University Associate Professor Gavin M. Shatkin, Northeastern University © Marco Z. Garrido 2013 To MMATCG ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my informants in the slums and gated subdivisions of Metro Manila for taking the time to tell me about their lives. I have written this dissertation in honor of their experiences. They may disagree with my analysis, but I pray they accept the fidelity of my descriptions. I thank my committee—Jeff Paige, Howard Kimeldorf, Gavin Shatkin, Fred Wherry, Jun Aguilar, and Allen Hicken—for their help in navigating the dark woods of my dissertation. They served as guiding lights throughout. In gratitude, I vow to emulate their dedication to me with respect to my own students. I thank Nene, the Cayton family, and Tito Jun Santillana for their help with my fieldwork; Cynch Bautista for rounding up an academic audience to suffer through a presentation of my early ideas, Michael Pinches for his valuable comments on my prospectus, and Jing Karaos for allowing me to affiliate with the Institute on Church and Social Issues. I am in their debt. Thanks too to Austin Kozlowski, Sahana Rajan, and the Spatial and Numeric Data Library at the University of Michigan for helping me make my maps. -
ASIA-PACIFIC HOUSING FORUM 4 Post-Event Report
Housing as a foundation for breaking the poverty cycle ASIA-PACIFIC HOUSING FORUM 4 Post-Event Report 1 Table of Contents MESSAGE FROM HABITAT FOR HUMANITY 2 QUICK STATS 3 AWARENESS RAISING 4 SUMMARY OF 6 4TH ASIA-PACIFIC HOUSING FORUM SPEAKERS AND MODERATORS 9 AckNOWLEDGEMENTS 17 1 Dear delegates and supporters, During the course of the Housing Forum, various capacity building opportunities were delivered and Thank you for your participation at the fourth well attended. More than 100 participants took part Asia-Pacific Housing Forum in Manila. The forum in an inaugural housing finance course run by Whar- was the best attended since the inaugural event in ton School and Habitat for Humanity International. Singapore in 2007. It drew over 700 policy makers, The Eco-Town Framework training workshop run business titans and thought leaders from humani- by the Philippine Climate Change Commission, and tarian agencies and research institutions from over Asia Development Bank’s session on energy efficient 30 countries. More importantly, the forum brought technologies drew large groups as well. private, public and people sector stakeholders together under one roof to seek poverty housing Also noteworthy was the announcement of a ma- solutions. jor partnership between the Philippine govern- ment and our national office in the Philippines to The forum, with the theme ‘Housing as a foundation support families displaced by the recent conflict for breaking the poverty cycle’, achieved several out- in Zamboanga, in the south of the country. The comes. On the eve of event, the Philippine Housing partnership is currently underway __ three make- and Urban Development Coordinating Council and shift hospital tents have been built, more than Habitat for Humanity International collaborated on 10,000 shelter kits are set to be distributed, and a high-level roundtable discussion which was host- 2,000 houses will be built over the next two years. -
The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines
EUROPEAN POLICY BRIEF COMPETING INTEGRATIONS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines This brief situates the rise and continued popularity of President Rodrigo Duterte within an intellectual history of Philippine liberalism. First, the history of the Philippine liberal tradition is examined beginning in the nineteenth century before it became the dominant mode of elite governance in the twentieth century. It then argues that “Dutertismo” (the dominant ideology and practice in the Philippines today) is both a reaction to, and an assault on, this liberal tradition. It concludes that the crisis brought about by the election of Duterte presents an opportunity for liberalism in the Philippines to be reimagined to confront the challenges faced by this country of almost 110 million people. Lisandro E. Claudio, March 201 9 INTRODUCTION The election of President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016 took many political commentators by surprise. At the time of the election, conventional wisdom held that one of three main candidates would win the election. Initially, the favored candidate was then Vice President Jejomar Binay, a pro- poor populist in the mold of former president Joseph Estrada (in office from 1998-2001). As a former mayor of Makati City, the wealthy business center of Metro Manila, Binay had set up a formidable electoral machinery that capitalized on Makati’s ties with other cities across the country. However, when Binay’s name was dragged through corruption hearings in the Philippine Senate, his favorability numbers dropped. The controversy paved the way for the emergence of Grace Poe—a first-term senator and daughter of the country’s most prominent action star turned presidential candidate—to emerge as the front-runner. -
Philippine-Iran Relations: 50 Years and Beyond
50 Years and Beyond 1 PHILIPPINE-IRAN RELATIONS Philippine-Iran Relations 50 Years and Beyond 50 Years and Beyond ©2017 Henelito A. Sevilla, Jr., Asian Center, University of the Philippines Diliman and the Cultural Counselor, Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran The views and opinions of the authors do not necessarily reflect the official views and opinions of the Asian Center, University of the Philippines and the Cultural Counselorship Office of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Manila. Views and opinions expressed therein are the sole responsibility of the authors. Printed in the Republic of the Philippines. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner without written permission except in the case of brief quotation in academic articles and reviews. A copy of the publication containing the quotation should be sent to this email address: [email protected], Asian Center, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines, 1101. First Printing February 2017 ISBN 978-971-8992-21-0 PHILIPPINE-IRAN RELATIONS Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENT .................................................................................. v FOREWORD Hon. Mohammad Jafarimalek…………………………………….…...... vi Cultural Counselor, Embassy of the I. R. of Iran-Manila PREFACE H. E. Mohammad Tanhaei ………………………………..…….… vii Ambassador, Islamic Republic of Iran INTRODUCTION Joefe B. Santarita .......................................................................... x Asian Center Dean EDITOR'S NOTE -
THE MAY 2019 MID-TERM ELECTIONS: Outcomes, Process, Policy Implications
CenPEG Political Situationer No. 07 10 July 2019 THE MAY 2019 MID-TERM ELECTIONS: Outcomes, Process, Policy Implications Introduction The May 2019 mid-term elections took place amidst the now familiar problems of compromised voting transparency and accuracy linked with the automated election system (AES). Moreover, martial law was still in place in Mindanao making it difficult for opposition candidates to campaign freely. Towards election time, the systematic red-tagging and harassment of militant opposition candidates and civil society organizations further contributed to an environment of fear and impunity. In this context, the Duterte administration’s official candidates and allies won most of the contested seats nationally and locally but how this outcome impacts on the remaining three years of the administration is open to question. This early, the partisan realignments and negotiations for key positions in both the House and the Senate and the maneuverings for the 2022 presidential elections are already in place. Such actions are bound to deepen more opportunistic behavior by political allies and families and affect the political capital of the presidency as it faces new challenges and problems in its final three years in office. The Senate Elections: “Duterte Magic?” In an electoral process marred by persistent transparency and accuracy problems embedded in the automated election system, the administration candidates and allies dominated the elections. This victory has been attributed to the so-called “Duterte magic” but a careful analysis of the winning 12 candidates for the Senate shows a more nuanced reading of the results. At best, President Duterte and the administration can claim full credit for the victory of four senators: Christopher “Bong” Go, Ronald “Bato” de la Rosa, Francis Tolentino, and Aquilino “Koko” Pimentel III. -
Genuine Opposition Party – Team Unity Party – United Opposition Party
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PHL32818 Country: Philippines Date: 23 January 2008 Keywords: Philippines – Genuine Opposition party – Team Unity party – United Opposition party This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide background information on the ‘Genuine Opposition Party’, including what level of government it operates at, when it was formed, it’s main aims, and prominent people within the party. 2. Please provide background information on the ‘Team Unity Party’, including what level of government it operates at, when it was formed, it’s main aims, and prominent people within the party. 3. Please provide any other relevant information. RESPONSE Introduction Information was found to indicate that the Genuine Opposition and TEAM Unity were political coalitions organised in the context of the May 2007 Philippine elections. No information was found to indicate that either coalition was registered as a political party in the Philippines. Information is provided regarding the Genuine Opposition and TEAM Unity in response to Question 1 and Question 2. An overview of recent sources which contend that political parties in the Philippines are characterised by a lack of institutionalisation is provided in response to Question 4.