Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Ateneo Factcheck 2016
FactCheck/ Information Brief on Peace Process (GPH/MILF) and an Autonomous Bangsamoro Western Mindanao has been experiencing an armed conflict for more than forty years, which claimed more than 150,000 souls and numerous properties. As of 2016 and in spite of a 17-year long truce between the parties, war traumas and chronic insecurity continue to plague the conflict-affected areas and keep the ARMM in a state of under-development, thus wasting important economic opportunities for the nation as a whole. Two major peace agreements and their annexes constitute the framework for peace and self- determination. The Final Peace Agreement (1996) signed by the Moro National Liberation Front and the government and the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (2014), signed by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, both envision – although in different manners – the realization of self-governance through the creation of a (genuinely) autonomous region which would allow the Moro people to live accordingly to their culture and faith. The Bangsamoro Basic Law is the emblematic implementing measure of the CAB. It is a legislative piece which aims at the creation of a Bangsamoro Political Entity, which should enjoy a certain amount of executive and legislative powers, according to the principle of subsidiarity. The 16th Congress however failed to pass the law, despite a year-long consultative process and the steady advocacy efforts of many peace groups. Besides the BBL, the CAB foresees the normalization of the region, notably through its socio-economic rehabilitation and the demobilization and reinsertion of former combatants. The issue of peace in Mindanao is particularly complex because it involves: - Security issues: peace and order through security sector agencies (PNP/ AFP), respect of ceasefires, control on arms;- Peace issues: peace talks (with whom? how?), respect and implementation of the peace agreements;- But also economic development;- And territorial and governance reforms to achieve regional autonomy. -
Arroyo Moved to Save Boracay; Aquino Made It a Cesspool by RIGOBERTO D
Arroyo moved to save Boracay; Aquino made it a cesspool BY RIGOBERTO D. TIGLAO ON MANILA TIMES, APRIL 4, 2018 OPINION ON PAGE ONE AFTER more than two years of study and on-the-ground investigation by various Cabinet members, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo made a bold move to prevent Boracay from further environmental degradation— even if it would cost her very dearly politically. She issued in May 2006, based on the recommendation of her environment and natural resources secretary Angelo Reyes, Proclamation 1064, the authorization for which was based on the 1936 Public Land Act and Marcos’ 1975 Presidential Decree 705. Arroyo’s proclamation classified 40 percent of Boracay’s 1,028 hectares as “forestland” and 60 percent as “agricultural land.” The proclamation provided detailed geographic coordinates where the forest and agricultural lands were. Aquino and Roxas threw to the dustbin her move to save the island. That meant that the forestland cannot be privately owned, and any resort or residence there should be kicked out. Yet only last month did the DENR uncover the fact that at least 25 percent of these are now occupied by high-end hotels and resorts. The proclamation also meant that areas declared as agricultural may be privately owned, but only after the state first declares it as alienable, with private individuals having to apply for original registration by homestead or sales patent. Yet nearly all of the areas in Boracay that are clearly not part of the forests, especially beach-front areas, are now claimed and occupied by private individuals and corporations, even the Singaporean-owned Shangri-la Hotel. -
The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines Lisandro Claudio
The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines Lisandro Claudio To cite this version: Lisandro Claudio. The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines. 2019. halshs-03151036 HAL Id: halshs-03151036 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03151036 Submitted on 2 Mar 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. EUROPEAN POLICY BRIEF COMPETING INTEGRATIONS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines This brief situates the rise and continued popularity of President Rodrigo Duterte within an intellectual history of Philippine liberalism. First, the history of the Philippine liberal tradition is examined beginning in the nineteenth century before it became the dominant mode of elite governance in the twentieth century. It then argues that “Dutertismo” (the dominant ideology and practice in the Philippines today) is both a reaction to, and an assault on, this liberal tradition. It concludes that the crisis brought about by the election of Duterte presents an opportunity for liberalism in the Philippines to be reimagined to confront the challenges faced by this country of almost 110 million people. -
Psychographics Study on the Voting Behavior of the Cebuano Electorate
PSYCHOGRAPHICS STUDY ON THE VOTING BEHAVIOR OF THE CEBUANO ELECTORATE By Nelia Ereno and Jessa Jane Langoyan ABSTRACT This study identified the attributes of a presidentiable/vice presidentiable that the Cebuano electorates preferred and prioritized as follows: 1) has a heart for the poor and the needy; 2) can provide occupation; 3) has a good personality/character; 4) has good platforms; and 5) has no issue of corruption. It was done through face-to-face interview with Cebuano registered voters randomly chosen using a stratified sampling technique. Canonical Correlation Analysis revealed that there was a significant difference as to the respondents’ preferences on the characteristic traits of the presidential and vice presidential candidates across respondents with respect to age, gender, educational attainment, and economic status. The strength of the relationships were identified to be good in age and educational attainment, moderate in gender and weak in economic status with respect to the characteristics of the presidentiable. Also, there was a good relationship in age bracket, moderate relationship in gender and educational attainment, and weak relationship in economic status with respect to the characteristics of a vice presidentiable. The strength of the said relationships were validated by the established predictive models. Moreover, perceptual mapping of the multivariate correspondence analysis determined the groupings of preferred characteristic traits of the presidential and vice presidential candidates across age, gender, educational attainment and economic status. A focus group discussion was conducted and it validated the survey results. It enumerated more characteristics that explained further the voting behavior of the Cebuano electorates. Keywords: canonical correlation, correspondence analysis perceptual mapping, predictive models INTRODUCTION Cebu has always been perceived as "a province of unpredictability during elections" [1]. -
Between Rhetoric and Reality: the Progress of Reforms Under the Benigno S. Aquino Administration
Acknowledgement I would like to extend my deepest gratitude, first, to the Institute of Developing Economies-JETRO, for having given me six months from September, 2011 to review, reflect and record my findings on the concern of the study. IDE-JETRO has been a most ideal site for this endeavor and I express my thanks for Executive Vice President Toyojiro Maruya and the Director of the International Exchange and Training Department, Mr. Hiroshi Sato. At IDE, I had many opportunities to exchange views as well as pleasantries with my counterpart, Takeshi Kawanaka. I thank Dr. Kawanaka for the constant support throughout the duration of my fellowship. My stay in IDE has also been facilitated by the continuous assistance of the “dynamic duo” of Takao Tsuneishi and Kenji Murasaki. The level of responsiveness of these two, from the days when we were corresponding before my arrival in Japan to the last days of my stay in IDE, is beyond compare. I have also had the opportunity to build friendships with IDE Researchers, from Nobuhiro Aizawa who I met in another part of the world two in 2009, to Izumi Chibana, one of three people that I could talk to in Filipino, the other two being Takeshi and IDE Researcher, Velle Atienza. Maraming salamat sa inyo! I have also enjoyed the company of a number of other IDE researchers within or beyond the confines of the Institute—Khoo Boo Teik, Kaoru Murakami, Hiroshi Kuwamori, and Sanae Suzuki. I have been privilege to meet researchers from other disciplines or area studies, Masashi Nakamura, Kozo Kunimune, Tatsufumi Yamagata, Yasushi Hazama, Housan Darwisha, Shozo Sakata, Tomohiro Machikita, Kenmei Tsubota, Ryoichi Hisasue, Hitoshi Suzuki, Shinichi Shigetomi, and Tsuruyo Funatsu. -
The Philippines: September 2016 Update
BRIEFING PAPER Number 7710, 19 September 2016 The Philippines: By Jon Lunn and Steven Ayres September 2016 update Contents: 1. Politics 2. Security 3. Economy www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The Philippines: September 2016 update Contents Summary 3 1. Politics 4 1.1 Enter Rodrigo Duterte – the ‘punisher’ 4 2. Security 6 2.1 The ‘war on drugs’ 6 2.2 Peace efforts in the south 8 2.3 South China Sea 11 2.4 Relations with the US 12 2.5 Relations with the UK 13 3. Economy 15 3.1 Economic challenges 16 Cover page image copyright: Philippines flag. Licensed under CC0 Public Domain - no copyright required / image cropped. 3 Commons Library Briefing, 19 September 2016 Summary On 9 May 2016 the 71 year-old Mayor of the southern city of Davao, Rodrigo Duterte, won a decisive victory in the presidential election in the Philippines, defeating his main opponent, Mar Roxas. Rodrigo Duterte stood on a strong ‘law and order’ platform , pledging to transfer to the national level the tough approach to criminals he had taken over the years in Davao – especially those involved in the drugs trade – which critics argue extended to encouraging a ‘shoot-to-kill’ policy by both the security forces and private vigilantes. He said he would wipe out crime across the country within six months of taking office. Since the new president was inaugurated at the end of June 2016, security issues have dominated the political scene. The most recent official figure for the number of people killed in the context of the ‘war on drugs since President Duterte took office is just over 3,100 people, about one-third of whom have been killed by the police. -
Southeast Asia from Scott Circle
Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Southeast Asia from Scott Circle Volume VII | Issue 4 | February 18, 2016 A Tumultuous 2016 in the South China Sea Inside This Issue gregory poling biweekly update Gregory Poling is a fellow with the Chair for Southeast Asia • Myanmar commander-in-chief’s term extended Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in amid fragile talks with Aung San Suu Kyi Washington, D.C. • U.S., Thailand hold annual Cobra Gold exercise • Singapore prime minister tables changes to February 18, 2016 political system • Obama hosts ASEAN leaders at Sunnylands This promises to be a landmark year for the claimant countries and other summit interested parties in the South China Sea disputes. Developments that have been under way for several years, especially China’s island-building looking ahead campaign in the Spratlys and Manila’s arbitration case against Beijing, will • Kingdom at a Crossroad: Thailand’s Uncertain come to fruition. These and other developments will draw outside players, Political Trajectory including the United States, Japan, Australia, and India, into greater involvement. Meanwhile a significant increase in Chinese forces and • 2016 Presidential and Congressional Primaries capabilities will lead to more frequent run-ins with neighbors. • Competing or Complementing Economic Visions? Regionalism and the Pacific Alliance, Alongside these developments, important political transitions will take TPP, RCEP, and the AIIB place around the region and further afield, especially the Philippine presidential elections in May. But no matter who emerges as Manila’s next leader, his or her ability to substantially alter course on the South China Sea will be highly constrained by the emergence of the issue as a cause célèbre among many Filipinos who view Beijing with wariness bordering on outright fear. -
Freedom in the World 2016 Philippines
Philippines Page 1 of 8 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Philippines Philippines Country: Philippines Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 3 Civil Liberties: 3 Aggregate Score: 65 Freedom Rating: 3.0 Overview: A deadly gun battle in January, combined with technical legal challenges, derailed progress in 2015 on congressional ratification of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BLL), under which a new self-governing region, Bangsamoro, would replace and add territory to the current Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The BLL was the next step outlined in a landmark 2014 peace treaty between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the country’s largest rebel group. The agreement, which could end more than 40 years of separatist violence among Moros, as the region’s Muslim population is known, must be approved by Congress and in a referendum in Mindanao before going into effect. President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s popularity suffered during the year due to his role in the January violence—in which about 70 police, rebels, and civilians were killed—and ongoing corruption. Presidential and legislative elections were scheduled for 2016. In October, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, the Netherlands, ruled that it had jurisdiction to hear a case filed by the Philippines regarding its dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea, despite objections from China. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: https://freedomhouse.org/print/48102 4/19/2018 Philippines Page 2 of 8 Political Rights: 27 / 40 (+1) [Key] A. Electoral Process: 9 / 12 The Philippines’ directly elected president is limited to a single six-year term. -
Duterte and Philippine Populism
JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA, 2017 VOL. 47, NO. 1, 142–153 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2016.1239751 COMMENTARY Flirting with Authoritarian Fantasies? Rodrigo Duterte and the New Terms of Philippine Populism Nicole Curato Centre for Deliberative Democracy & Global Governance, University of Canberra, Australia ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY This commentary aims to take stock of the 2016 presidential Published online elections in the Philippines that led to the landslide victory of 18 October 2016 ’ the controversial Rodrigo Duterte. It argues that part of Duterte s KEYWORDS ff electoral success is hinged on his e ective deployment of the Populism; Philippines; populist style. Although populism is not new to the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte; elections; Duterte exhibits features of contemporary populism that are befit- democracy ting of an age of communicative abundance. This commentary contrasts Duterte’s political style with other presidential conten- ders, characterises his relationship with the electorate and con- cludes by mapping populism’s democratic and anti-democratic tendencies, which may define the quality of democratic practice in the Philippines in the next six years. The first six months of 2016 were critical moments for Philippine democracy. In February, the nation commemorated the 30th anniversary of the People Power Revolution – a series of peaceful mass demonstrations that ousted the dictator Ferdinand Marcos. President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III – the son of the president who replaced the dictator – led the commemoration. He asked Filipinos to remember the atrocities of the authoritarian regime and the gains of democracy restored by his mother. He reminded the country of the torture, murder and disappearance of scores of activists whose families still await compensation from the Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board. -
The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism
Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy Special Issue, December 2018, pp. 181-206 The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) and ABS-CBN through the Prisms of Herman and Chomsky’s “Propaganda Model”: Duterte’s Tirade against the Media and vice versa Menelito P. Mansueto Colegio de San Juan de Letran [email protected] Jeresa May C. Ochave Ateneo de Davao University [email protected] Abstract This paper is an attempt to localize Herman and Chomsky’s analysis of the commercial media and use this concept to fit in the Philippine media climate. Through the propaganda model, they introduced the five interrelated media filters which made possible the “manufacture of consent.” By consent, Herman and Chomsky meant that the mass communication media can be a powerful tool to manufacture ideology and to influence a wider public to believe in a capitalistic propaganda. Thus, they call their theory the “propaganda model” referring to the capitalist media structure and its underlying political function. Herman and Chomsky’s analysis has been centered upon the US media, however, they also believed that the model is also true in other parts of the world as the media conglomeration is also found all around the globe. In the Philippines, media conglomeration is not an alien concept especially in the presence of a giant media outlet, such as, ABS-CBN. In this essay, the authors claim that the propaganda model is also observed even in the less obvious corporate media in the country, disguised as an independent media entity but like a chameleon, it © 2018 Menelito P. -
Urban Fragmentation and Class Contention in Metro Manila
Urban Fragmentation and Class Contention in Metro Manila by Marco Z. Garrido A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in the University of Michigan 2013 Doctoral Committee: Professor Jeffery M. Paige, Chair Dean Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr., Ateneo de Manila University Associate Professor Allen D. Hicken Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Frederick F. Wherry, Columbia University Associate Professor Gavin M. Shatkin, Northeastern University © Marco Z. Garrido 2013 To MMATCG ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my informants in the slums and gated subdivisions of Metro Manila for taking the time to tell me about their lives. I have written this dissertation in honor of their experiences. They may disagree with my analysis, but I pray they accept the fidelity of my descriptions. I thank my committee—Jeff Paige, Howard Kimeldorf, Gavin Shatkin, Fred Wherry, Jun Aguilar, and Allen Hicken—for their help in navigating the dark woods of my dissertation. They served as guiding lights throughout. In gratitude, I vow to emulate their dedication to me with respect to my own students. I thank Nene, the Cayton family, and Tito Jun Santillana for their help with my fieldwork; Cynch Bautista for rounding up an academic audience to suffer through a presentation of my early ideas, Michael Pinches for his valuable comments on my prospectus, and Jing Karaos for allowing me to affiliate with the Institute on Church and Social Issues. I am in their debt. Thanks too to Austin Kozlowski, Sahana Rajan, and the Spatial and Numeric Data Library at the University of Michigan for helping me make my maps. -
Military Service Board
FOURTEENTH CONGRESS OF THE ) REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES ) Second Regular Session ) Prepared and submitted jointly by the Committees on National Defense and Security, and Financeon MAY 1 3 Iflfl!l . Re: Senate Bill No. 3240 Recommending its approval in substitution of House Bill No. 4214. Sponsors: Senators Biazon and Angara --1111_-__ __II- MR. PRESIDENT: The Committees on National Defense and Security, and Finance, to which was referred House Bill No. 4214, introduced by Representatives Roman, Diaz, Cua (J.), Padilla, Gonzales (N.), De Guzman, Agbayani, Velarde and Romulo, entitled: “AN ACT CREATING THE MILITARY SERVICE BOARD AND PROVIDING FUNDS THEREFOR” have considered the same and have the honor to report it back to the Senate with the recommendation that the attached Senate Bill No. 9248, prepared by the Committees, entitled: “AN ACT CREATING THE MILITARY SERVICE BOARD AND PROVIDING FUNDS THEREFOR” be approved in substitution of House Bill No. 4214, with Senators Biazon, Angara, and the members of the Committees as authors thereof. 4 *..‘,2$ ., %b* Respectfully submitted: ‘1 -.,I ‘I”, ~.’*..“ Committee Chairmen: EDGA% 0J.A 47l- GAR Finance Member, National Defense and Security Member, Finance A Committee Vice-Chairpersons: al Defense and Security JOKER P. ARROYO Finance , Member, National Defense and Security Committee Members: A- ” REVILLA JR. FRANCIS “CHIZ” G. ESCUDERO d Security, and Finance National- Defense and Security MANUEL “LITO” M. LAPlD A National Defense and Securityyand Finance National4*0 Defense and Security, FdFinance ~ LOREN B. LEGARDA PA SON National Defense and Security, and Finance efense and Security, and Finance 9 MAR ROXAS M.A. MA National Defense and Security, and Finance Ndfenseand Security, and Finance ALAN PETER “COMPANERO” S.