1971 – 1985 The Alliance Party of was born in the midst of the Troubles, in April 1970. Denis Loretto looks back at the party’s history and its relationships with the Liberal Party and the SDP. Alliance,Alliance, LiberalsLiberals andand thethe SDPSDP A Personal Memoir

n the th of October  I was drawn to was there at the first meeting on th February  my office window in by a com and was attracted to the agenda put forward – chaos O motion outside – hundreds of boisterous was at hand and it was up to the Northern Irish peo- young people were heading down Linenhall Street. ple themselves to put aside their sterile divisions and As I went to the door and looked out they re- build the solution. The root problem was sectarian- sponded to shouts from the front and all sat down in ism. A combination of absolute equality and involve- the street. They had been barred from access to the ment for Protestants and Catholics and respect for City Hall. The autumn sun beamed down on the the rule of law was paramount. Attacks on the ma- peaceful but determined scene. At that moment I re- jority view on the link with Great Britain were part alised that the bitter realities of my native province of the problem and not the solution. The immediate had invaded my cosy world. At some point I would objective was to support the reform programme and have to become involved. to recruit across the province members of all politi- What I had witnessed was the protest of Queens cal parties and none. Adding spice to the meeting University students against the brutal sweeping from was the announcement the same day that Terence the Derry streets of a civil rights march four days O’Neill had called a general election for the earlier – the one that sent the first appalling TV im- Stormont parliament. ages around the world. On that afternoon the Peo- I knew no-one on the platform but soon realised ple’s Democracy was formed by those students. On that some Liberal Party members – notably Oliver the same day the Derry Citizens Action Committee Napier – were the driving force. Their reward was was founded with as its Vice-Chairman. expulsion from the Liberal Party who evi- My own political experience was limited to a dently regarded this as heresy of some sort. couple of years in the Liberal Party in / It is often forgotten that O’Neill actually won the when I had gone to work in London. As it hap- ‘Crossroads’ election on th February  in that pened I lived in Orpington, Kent, and worked in twenty-seven out of the thirty-nine Unionists the famous by-election campaign – heady days! elected supported his reform programme. However Upon return to Northern Ireland I avoided politics they were a mixture of Official and Unofficial Un- like so many business and professional people of ionists and the divisions at the grass roots were seri- non-partisan view. There was a weak Ulster Liberal ous. Three Nationalists were dislodged by Independ- Party but it seemed to have no relevance in the lo- ents identified with the civil rights movement in- cal sectarian scene. I had sympathy with the civil cluding Hume. Sheelagh Murnaghan who had held rights movement but saw how easily it could be a seat for the Liberals since  under the anachro- subverted by forces more concerned with ‘Brits nistic University franchise was only able to muster Out’ than human rights. % of the vote in North Down. It was the formation of the New Ulster Move- During  NUM built an active organisation ment (NUM) which provided the vehicle for me. I with thousands of members drawn from all sections

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 33 Winter 2001–02 33 of the community. It issued many influ- Liberal parties had made some attempt (c) The elimination of prejudice by ential papers. It was the first to call for a to cut across sectarian divisions ‘but a just and liberal appreciation of Community Relations Commission with doctrinaire policies geared to the the beliefs and fears of different and a Central Housing Executive. But general British political scene they have members of the community; its more radical members were becom- failed to solve the fundamental prob- (d) Equality of social, economic and ing dissatisfied with a Movement. They lems on their own doorstep. They have educational opportunities; wanted a new political party. O’Neill tended to divide moderate and liberal (e) Highest standards of democracy had resigned in April and was replaced people on economic issues rather than at both parliamentary and local by the ineffectual Chichester-Clark. uniting them to fight against sectarian- government level; The reform programme was continu- ism and the past.’ (f) Complete and effective partici- ally overtaken by events including the In drafting the founding principles pation in our political, govern- major unrest in Derry’s Bogside that we majored on healing community di- mental and public life at all levels brought the British Army on to the visions but knew we must also be un- by people drawn from both sides streets and led to the formation of the equivocal on the British link. Vacillation of our present religious divide. Provisional IRA. Loyalist attacks on on this issue was one of the defects of . Our economic policies will not Catholic homes proliferated. the . We knew that be shackled by any economic dogma, The current political structure was the majority of Catholics were pre- whether socialist or conservative. The not going to work. Without any public- pared to settle for true equality and cul- Alliance Party will never accept any ity a sixteen-strong group was formed tural freedom within a province largely such socio-economic allegiance. Nor late in  consisting of NUM mem- running its own affairs within the is there any intention or desire what- bers plus representatives of the ‘Parlia- . All that has hap- ever to affiliate with any other party. mentary Associations’ which had pened since - up to and including the formed around unofficial pro-O’Neill Good Friday agreement - has borne .We firmly believe that without candidates in the February  elec- this out. For many years, both North universal respect for the law of the tion. Behind the scenes it worked on and South of the border, clamour for land and the authorities appointed to the logistics of forming a political party breaking the British link has always enforce it there can be no measurable from the ground up. I was proud to be a peaked at times when there seemed to progress. We therefore intend to se- member of ‘The Group’ and had no be no hope of a place in the sun for cure the rapid achievement of such doubt that launch was now only a mat- Northern Catholics. respect and the absolutely equal en- ter of timing. It was the two by-elec- It is worth quoting the founding forcement of the law without fear or tions on th April  that gave us principles of the Alliance Party in full: favour in every part of the state. Equal the signal. Paisley took O’Neill’s former justice will be guaranteed to all citi- .We support the constitutional seat Bannside. In South Antrim Paisley’s zens regardless of their political or re- position of Northern Ireland as an deputy Beattie won but an unknown ligious persuasion. integral part of the United King- candidate David Corkey standing as an dom. We know that this belief is The party launch brought a positive Independent backed by NUM activists shared by the overwhelming major- response from NUM members and gained over % of the vote and was ity of our people and that provoca- others of like mind. The leadership just behind the Official Unionist candi- tive debate about it has been a pri- rapidly got on with building a prov- date. Paisley had made his entrance into mary cause of our most fundamental ince-wide organisation with over elective politics and moderate union- troubles. The Union is in the best , card-carrying members. Some ism had no answer. economic and social interests of all feelers had been put out to civil rights In a hectic weekend we wrote a dec- citizens of the state. It also implies activists – John Hume received a tu- laration of intent containing the found- British standards of democracy and multuous reception when he ad- ing principles of the party plus all the social justice which will be energeti- dressed a NUM meeting in East Bel- supporting documentation for a press cally secured and steadfastly upheld. fast in  – but they kept their dis- launch on Tuesday st April. The name We are firmly committed to the tance. It was a great disappointment to of the party was one of the more con- principle of devolved government us that they got together with Nation- tentious issues. In the end ‘Alliance’ was and would not support any attempt alist members later the same year – on chosen because it was new, avoided to suspend or dissolve the Northern st August  - to form the Social any partisan flavour and would fit into Ireland Parliament. Democratic and (SDLP). a newspaper headline unabridged! In It had constructive intent and its advo- the declaration of intent we repudi- . Our primary objective is to heal cacy of a United Ireland was only by ated not only the Unionist and Na- the bitter divisions in our community consent. Clearly SDLP would get ma- tionalist parties ‘for whom the clock by ensuring - jor backing from Catholics. But it stopped in ’ but also the Labour (a) Equality of citizenship and of would never be able to attract cross- and Liberal parties ‘who have palpably human dignity; community support and would always failed to restart that clock’. Later we (b) The rooting out of discrimina- feel the danger of being outbid by the acknowledged that the Labour and tion and injustice;

34 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 33 Winter 2001–02 forces of militant republicanism. Earlier antithesis of ‘absolutely equal enforce- Labour turned up. Not surprisingly there was a Westminster general elec- ment of the law’. An immediate state- there was no agreement but the oppor- tion within two months of the Alliance ment was issued totally condemning the tunity was taken by Alliance to put for- Party launch. Given the orientation of measure and warning of the inevitable ward detailed proposals for an assembly Alliance towards devolved government consequences. On the same evening Al- and devolved government based on pro- the decision was made to hold fire and liance leaders travelled throughout the portionality and without security pow- not to expose the fledgling party to a province and addressed hastily organised ers in the initial stages. We also argued contest for which they would be un- meetings of the party membership in an strongly for no severing of the link with prepared. Liberal candidates stood in attempt to ward off any possible split on Great Britain without the support of a two of the twelve seats and came bot- this emotive issue. In the event we lost majority of Northern Ireland voters and tom of the poll in both. Paisley contin- no members. Not only had we given co-operation with the Republic of Ire- ued his advance by winning the North firm leadership but also our Protestant land through an advisory Anglo-Irish Antrim seat. members asked their Catholic col- Council involving Westminster MPs as Against the background of continu- leagues how they felt about the intern- well as members of the NI Assembly. Al- ing unrest, with Republican no-go ar- ment decision - and understood. though not invited to the conference eas being matched by growing loyalist It was not long before our grim pre- the Ulster Liberal Party made a submis- militancy, Alliance spokesmen gained dictions came true. Between th August sion on similar lines but with a Joint respect – particularly and and the end of the year a further  Council between Northern Ireland and . In April  the party people had been killed including forty- the Republic only rather than an Anglo- showed its strength by staging its first six members of the security forces. On Irish Council. annual conference with nearly , th January  the appalling debacle When the Government produced a members packing the Ulster Hall. The of Bloody Sunday when thirteen civil- Green Paper in October it was clear that slogan was ‘Towards Government’ and ians were shot dead in Derry by British much of this had been taken aboard. The that was our firm intent while having soldiers sent shock waves around the ‘Irish Dimension’ was clearly going to no illusions about how long it would world. Shortly afterwards Alliance ac- be the most contentious issue. Prior to take. We needed the impetus of high quired a parliamentary party when the the publication of a White Paper the expectation to keep the adrenalin flow- Stormont MPs Phelim O’Neill (Un- Government decided to hold a ‘border ing in those crusading days. ionist), Bertie McConnell (Independ- poll’ on th March  – no doubt Throughout  escalating vio- ent Unionist) and Tom Gormley (Inde- with the intention of demonstrating lence in the streets dominated further pendent Nationalist) left their former clearly to those pressing for Irish attempts at political progress. Despite allegiances and joined the party. How- where majority opinion stood. Once hopeful signs of understanding emerg- ever this was short-lived as the refusal of again the Alliance Party leadership was ing between SDLP and the Unionist Faulkner and his colleagues to accept faced with a difficult decision. It was one Government now led by Brian the transfer of law and order powers to thing to have a party principle which Faulkner, SDLP became hooked on a Westminster led to the suspension of supported the British link as the major- demand for an enquiry into the deaths the Stormont Parliament on th ity view but quite another to campaign of two men shot by the Army in Derry. March . Direct rule commenced in its favour in a referendum. Should we This led to their withdrawal from under Secretary of State William keep a low profile? As with internment Stormont and setting up of the rather Whitelaw. two years earlier we stuck to our princi- bizarre ‘Assembly of the Northern Irish After brief ceasefires violence con- ples by giving political leadership and is- People’ in Dungiven Co. Tyrone. tinued unabated including Bloody Fri- suing a province-wide leaflet headed On th August the fateful step was day in Belfast on st July when ‘Without Britain we’re sunk !’ We taken to introduce internment without twenty-six IRA bombs killed eleven spelled out the alternatives as ‘a Sinn trial to sweep up suspect IRA volun- and injured  people. Ulster Vanguard Fein United Ireland or a Vanguard Inde- teers. As  were taken into custody the was formed as a symbol of loyalist re- pendent Ulster’ and mentioned the ben- Alliance leadership was faced with its sistance and ideas for some form of in- eficial implications of membership of first major dilemma. While most Catho- dependence for the province began the European Community which the lics would be incensed by this move it to surface. The British Government un- UK and Ireland had joined at the begin- was likely that the majority of Protes- der Ted Heath decided to move rapidly ning of that year. tants would see it as a necessary measure towards testing the ground for restora- The reaction of both SDLP and to crush IRA violence which had tion of some form of devolution. hardline republicans to the border poll caused most of the thirty deaths that In September  a conference was was to call for abstention from voting – year. At an emergency meeting of the held at Darlington to examine the op- always a useful ploy when defeat is in- party Executive we decided that an ap- tions. As usual several parties including in evitable because the usual proportion palling error had been made which this case SDLP and Paisley’s Democratic of the electorate who do not bother to would increase rather than diminish vio- Unionist Party (DUP) refused to attend vote can be claimed as supporters. In lence and unrest. In any case the Party’s and only the Faulkner-led Official Un- the event the percentage poll was principles were clear – this was the ionists, Alliance and Northern Ireland .% with .% saying ‘yes’ to the

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 33 Winter 2001–02 35 British link. But interestingly this posi- ran the Catholic Oliver Napier in Typical quote – ‘ It is a vehicle trun- tive vote was .% of the entire elec- largely Protestant East Belfast and the dling inevitably through to a United torate – enough to demonstrate that a Protestant Bob Cooper in largely Ireland’. It was not surprising that a ma- significant number of Catholic voters Catholic West Belfast and both were jority of the Unionist Council voted had actually voted ‘yes’. The Alliance elected. Napier was elected as Alliance against the Sunningdale package in leadership felt justified but the poll was Party leader with Cooper as his deputy. January . Faulkner resigned as their of little benefit and has not been re- On the Unionist/Loyalist side there leader and was replaced by Harry West. peated since. was a multiplicity of party labels but in Faulkner carried on as Chief Execu- When the White Paper was pub- effect twenty-three members support- tive with a group of ‘Pro-Assembly Un- lished a power sharing Executive drawn ing the White Paper were elected and ionists’ around him. But his efforts to from an Assembly elected by single twenty-seven against. SDLP surged to gain gradual public support for this transferable vote and without security nineteen seats. brave and novel form of devolution were powers was to the fore. The shape and Despite the bitter Unionist divisions dealt a crippling blow by the man who size of the Irish Dimension was left for a remarkable breakthrough was an- had most pressurised him into agree- further discussion and negotiation at a nounced on st November  after ment at Sunningdale – British Prime conference to be held after elections to lengthy negotiations – a power-sharing Minister Ted Heath. Harried by indus- the new Assembly between its repre- Executive involving Unionists, SDLP trial unrest Heath called a snap general sentatives and those of the United and Alliance with Faulkner as Chief election for th February  with the Kingdom and the . Executive and SDLP leader theme ‘Who governs Britain’. It was dis- The White Paper divided the Unionists as his deputy. Alliance had two mem- astrous for him in that Labour headed by but Faulkner did manage to get a ma- bers – Oliver Napier and Bob Cooper. Harold Wilson narrowly won the elec- jority to accept it as a way forward. It Only two weeks later the conference tion. It was even more disastrous to his was also largely accepted by SDLP and envisaged in the White Paper to negoti- Northern Ireland policy in that the Alliance. While Paisley’s DUP rejected ate the ‘Irish Dimension’ commenced united forces of all Unionist parties op- it, they did decide to contest elections at Sunningdale. During those two posed to Sunningdale secured eleven of to the new Assembly. weeks I felt euphoric. The key was the the twelve N.I. seats under the banner of But first (on th May ) came entry of SDLP into an Executive before the United Ulster Unionist Council the elections to the twenty-six new dis- the conference started. To their sup- (UUUC) with .% of the vote. Their trict councils forming part of the re- porters, the achievement of power- slogan ‘Dublin is just a Sunningdale vised system of local government pro- sharing was a glittering prize. For their away’ played well to Unionist fears. In an posed by the Macrory Report in . representatives to come back from effort to avoid splitting the pro-agree- This was the first use of STV as a voting Sunningdale to announce they had ment vote Alliance stood in only three system since it was removed by the Un- thrown this away because of some de- seats and made little impact. ionist regime shortly after the creation tail of Southern involvement in North- After that it was only a matter of of Northern Ireland in the s. The ern affairs was inconceivable. To me this time before the Executive collapsed Alliance Party fought an energetic factor gave Faulkner the leverage he even though it proved in its short reign province-wide campaign. Our level of needed to ward off an over-strong Irish to be a competent administration. In expectation in those early days was Dimension which would destroy his May  the so-called Ulster Workers’ such that any result short of an Alliance prospects of selling the whole package Council strike was feebly handled by a landslide would have been a disap- to Unionists. Labour Government instinctively op- pointment! In the event we secured History now shows that Faulkner posed to strike-breaking and the Un- sixty-three of the  seats with .% tragically underplayed his hand. Under ionist members of the N.I. Executive of the first preference vote. We gained the combined pressure of British and resigned. Many years and many lives representation on twenty of the Irish Governments and the SDLP he were to pass before anything resem- twenty-six councils. Interestingly DUP conceded too much. Alliance repre- bling a political settlement surfaced were behind us with twenty-one seats sentatives did their best to seek a better again. During the rest of the s La- and SDLP not enormously ahead of us balance but could not in the end be bour continued in government at West- with eighty-three seats. seen to stymie an accord that all the minster, reinforced by a further general On th June  came the Assem- other parties endorsed. So agreement election in October  that changed bly elections. Although only a month was announced. In the resulting may- little in Northern Ireland. Again Alli- after the local government contest, hem it was notable that the over- ance had limited involvement fighting tribal loyalties strengthened in a battle weighty Council of Ireland was the tar- five seats and gaining a rather distant that would in effect appoint negotiat- get of Unionist dissidents - little was second place in four. ing representatives. The Alliance first said about the power-sharing Execu- Secretary of State Merlyn Rees at- preference vote slipped to .% but tive. Triumphalism by some SDLP tempted to find a way forward by means good transfers on later counts helped to spokesmen – utterly unnecessary in of an elected Constitutional Convention secure eight of the seventy-eight seats. selling the agreement to their people – of the same size as the previous Assembly. To the great credit of the party, Alliance sounded appalling to Unionist ears. In the election on st May  Alliance

36 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 33 Winter 2001–02 again won eight seats with .% of the against their treatment – something called off ten prisoners were dead. vote. The massive vote of .% and that would have immense significance While still in prison Bobby Sands won forty-seven of the seventy-eight seats for later on. a by-election for the Fermanagh-South UUUC candidates dictated the out- On rd May  came the West- Ty rone seat and therefore died as a come of the subsequent negotiations – minster general election that brought Westminster MP and a powerful martyr total failure after ten months. In Septem- Margaret Thatcher to power. Alliance to the republican cause. This tragic epi- ber  Roy Mason succeeded Merlyn decided to fight every seat but to con- sode inevitably deepened community Rees as Secretary of State. Both of them centrate effort on target seats – particu- divisions. concentrated on combating the unre- larly East Belfast with Oliver Napier as The May  district council elec- mitting violence from both extremes. candidate. With the Unionist vote very tions were held just two weeks after An IRA ceasefire in early  came to evenly split between Craig (Official Bobby Sands’ funeral. The DUP made nothing and some major explosions Unionist) and Robinson (DUP) we major advances and the Alliance Party were perpetrated by Republicans in saw an opportunity to come through lost ground – down to thirty-eight seats Great Britain. Escalating security powers the middle. In the end after a three-way and .% of the first preference vote. brought no relief. recount Robinson was elected with While on one hand Thatcher was tak- The formation of the Peace People , votes, Craig was second with ing a rigid stance on hunger strikes she in  was a welcome reaction by or- , votes and Napier was third with was at the same time seeking rapport dinary people against violence and Alli- , votes. Bearing in mind that with the Republic of Ireland Govern- ance members took part in all of its ral- there were also moderate Unionist and ment. In December  she took lies. Without any drive at political level NI Labour candidates with votes total- three senior Cabinet Ministers to Dub- it ultimately gained little. However a ling , it was a very close run thing. lin and set up joint studies on a range of more lasting initiative was taken by a As the constituency organiser I was bit- subjects. In November  she agreed group of parents who formed ‘All Chil- terly disappointed. The gaining of rep- with the Taoiseach Garret Fitzgerald to dren Together’ as a pressure group for resentation at Westminster level would set up a British-Irish Intergovernmen- integrated education. They sponsored have been an immense boost for the Al- tal Council. The moves that were to an enabling bill which was introduced liance Party and would undoubtedly culminate in the Anglo-Irish Agree- in the House of Lords by Alliance Party have improved the battered image of ment of  had begun. Peer Lord Dunleath. This became the the province. In fact the election within James Prior took over as Secretary of Education (Northern Ireland) Act in NI changed nothing. State in September . His initiative early  and led to the founding of But the change of power in the UK took the form of an Assembly with Lagan College with twenty-eight pu- overall was to prove highly significant. only advisory and consultative func- pils. Today there are forty-six shared A month later on th June  the tions initially but able to gain real schools in the province educating first poll for the power in specific areas if a weighted , Protestant and Catholic chil- saw Paisley (DUP), Hume (SDLP)and majority (%) agreed on this. It be- dren together – a beacon of hope for Taylor (OUP) elected to the three seats. came known as ‘rolling devolution’. the future. In such a province-wide tribal contest This time it was SDLP who decided to On th May  came the second it was not surprising that Napier only boycott but did stand for election on an round of elections to the twenty-six polled .% – probably not helped by abstentionist ticket. The same stance district councils just after an abortive the highly pro-European stance of the was taken by Sinn Fein who were thus strike by loyalists against government Alliance Party. fighting a ‘Stormont’ election for the security policy. It proved to be the best As Secretary of State the only real first time. The election on th Octo- overall performance by the Alliance initiative by Humphrey Atkins was to ber  was on the same basis as the Party. We moved up from sixty-three to convene an inter-party conference in previous Assembly and Convention. seventy seats and .% of the vote. In October  that was as usual boy- Sinn Fein took five seats and .% of Belfast Alliance secured thirteen of the cotted – this time by the Official Un- the vote against SDLP’s fourteen seats fifty-one seats including my own entry ionists. After three months of discussion and .% of the vote. Alliance man- into local government. This perform- between DUP, SDLP and Alliance the aged to improve to ten seats with .% ance was to lead to David Cook being conference broke up without agree- of the vote. One of the new Alliance elected as the first non-Unionist Lord ment. However Margaret Thatcher be- members was , previ- Mayor of Belfast in /. But on came personally involved when the ously General Secretary of the party went the violence and measures to protesting republican prisoners in the and a Belfast City Councillor. He was combat it that were the subject of con- Maze started hunger strikes in an at- appointed Chief Whip and began to stant controversy. Amid the tribal cla- tempt to gain recognition as political play a prominent role. mour Alliance spokesmen made con- prisoners. Their irresistible force met At this stage I was back in London sistent efforts to put forward non-parti- in Thatcher an immovable object. At having been promoted to an executive san views based on the rule of law. In first the strikes were called off. Then in position in the insurance company for the Maze Prison republican prisoners March  Bobby Sands refused whom I had always worked. I retained began to engage in ‘dirty’ protests food. By the time this new protest was my Alliance Party membership but

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 33 Winter 2001–02 37 agreed when asked to act as an adviser separate branch of the national party in Cushnahan was faced with an im- to the Liberal Northern Ireland panel. Northern Ireland ceased with the full portant decision. The Anglo-Irish I kept in touch with N.I. affairs par- approval of the remaining local Liberal/ Agreement was one of the few issues ticularly through contact with John SDP members. As to the Joint Com- on which real disagreement emerged Cushnahan. The Ulster Liberal Party mission report, I quote from a lengthy within Alliance. The lack of consulta- still existed but was very weak. The na- Irish Times leader of rd July : tion with Unionists and the danger of tional party had spoken out against repeating the  mistake of an over- The Report … is one of the most violence and sectarianism and sup- strong Irish Dimension caused dissent. important documents published on ported moves towards partnership Cushnahan led from the front. He the Anglo-Irish question in recent during the s but had little influ- spelled out to his members that while years … it shows signs of hard work, ence on affairs. Then at the Liberal consent on the British link itself was rigorous thinking and a commend- Party Conference in September  a sacrosanct – as the Agreement re-em- able attempt at objective analysis. resolution put forward by the Young phasised -it was absolutely vital to Liberals was passed. It sought to com- The report set out in detail how power break the Unionist veto on all forms of mit the party to a United Ireland as a sharing could work and was forthright political progress. The Agreement could long term objective without any in defence of civil rights and the rule of be the key to achieve that. Backed by a wording requiring consent from the law including the conduct of justice. clear majority he indicated broad sup- N.I. people – a policy only Sinn Fein While stating that the status quo was port for the Agreement. While another espoused within Ireland itself. not an option it upheld the principle of long period was to pass and many more By this time the Liberals were in al- consent in pursuing change. It formed tragedies were to befall the province, liance with the newly-formed SDP the core of Northern Ireland policy history will show that the  Anglo- and it was clear to and eventually inherited by the Liberal Irish Agreement was a major factor in David Owen that a properly consid- Democrats. drawing the Unionists into the nego- ered Northern Ireland policy was es- On  October  the dramatic tiations culminating twelve years later sential. In March  they set up a attempt on Margaret Thatcher’s life at a in the Good Friday Agreement. Joint Commission on Northern Ire- Brighton hotel brought out her best Looking back over this period in the land chaired by Lord Donaldson. I was qualities of courage and determination. history of the Alliance Party it could be invited to be a member and we got Far from being deterred from the on- argued that purity of purpose and firm down to work. In the meantime the going Anglo-Irish talks she stepped up adherence to principle was taken to the Alliance Party had begun to attend the process behind the scenes. On th point of rigidity. Perhaps a greater flex- meetings of the European Liberal November  she and Taoiseach Gar- ibility and occasional bending towards Democrats and this led to David Steel ret Fitzgerald signed the historic popular opinion on one side or another coming to Belfast on th May  Anglo-Irish Agreement. The key fea- could have brought more electoral suc- to endorse the candidature of David ture of the Agreement was that it gave cess. I would argue that it was and still is Cook in the forthcoming European the Republic a role in Northern Ire- crucially necessary for at least one or- Parliamentary election. land affairs by setting up a Joint Minis- ganisation of strength and integrity to Later that year as the Assembly at terial Conference with a permanent occupy the true centre ground in Stormont struggled to establish a secretariat. But it made clear that all of Northern Ireland politics. While liberal, worthwhile role Oliver Napier decided this could be altered if and when devo- outward-looking and willing to work to step down after an immensely hard- lution on a power-sharing basis within closely with kindred spirits in the Lib- working and courageous ten years as Northern Ireland was achieved. eral Democrats it must clearly be a Party Leader. His distinguished service The Unionists were faced with the product of the province itself. As Alli- was subsequently recognised by the reality that continued intransigence on ance spokesmen have said many times - award of a knighthood. Fortunately in power-sharing would not necessarily We do not just call for partnership John Cushnahan he had a worthy suc- result in the relatively comfortable op- between Protestants and Catholics. cessor. Cushnahan was elected on th tion of permanent direct rule from We ARE partnership between Prot- September and soon established good Westminster. estants and Catholics. relations with the press and other poli- The reaction of Unionists was im- ticians. When the Joint Commission mediate and bitterly hostile. As well as Denis Loretto was a founder member of the published its report in July  street protests culminating in an at- Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He was Cushnahan recognised in it much that tempted strike and shameful attacks on its Chairman in  and  and a Bel- the Alliance Party could support and police and their families by loyalist fast City Councillor from  to . He approached the Liberal/SDP leadership extremists, all fifteen Unionist MPs re- was a member of the Liberal/SDP Joint for talks. This gradually led to a high signed their seats and caused by- Commission on Northern Ireland in / degree of co-operation. elections. The only result of this tactic . He is currently a Liberal Democrat activ- Some years later Alliance was recog- was to lose two of their seats to the ist in Mole Valley, Surrey. nised as a sister party of the Liberal SDLP. Through all this the Government Democrats and attempts to maintain a and security forces held firm.

38 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 33 Winter 2001–02