When Christians Fight: Ecumenical Theologies And The Troubles In Northern Ireland Noel George Irwin Doctor of Philosophy The University of Sheffield Department of Biblical Studies and The Urban Theology Unit in Sheffield October 2009 ABSTRACT When Christians Fight: Ecumenical Theologies and the Troubles in Northern Ireland In this thesis I first of all outline the nature of the conflict in Northern Ireland. Against the prevalent academic consensus that the conflict is an ethnic one, I argue that it is a religious conflict with features of ethnicity and colonialism. I then assess the behaviour of the state, both under the Unionist government at Stormont and then under Direct Rule from Westminster. Pre-1972 I look at the question of discrimination against the Roman Catholic minority community. I argue that this was 'institutionalised partiality'. In the era of the 'Troubles' I provide continuity by seeing through the issue of 'fair employment' and also focus on the British Government's response to the violence in terms of abuses of human rights. My view is that political theology in Northern Ireland has never engaged critically with all the material presented in these chapters. After establishing that religion is the central motif of the 'Troubles', whose political manifestation is the parameters and behaviour of a particular state, I examine the broad sweep of the role the Churches played as they responded to the outbreak of inter-communal violence in 1968. I concentrate on the missed opportunity of the Violence Report of 1974 and what I term the 'ecumenical paradox' of the Churches reaction to the 'Troubles'. I then examine three representative theological reflections on the situation. One advocates a theological response to the 'Troubles' of reconciliation, one of citizenship and one of justice. After examining the evidence I offer a theology of justice, or liberation, which needed to be added to the dominant theological paradigm of reconciliation to provide a cogent response to the 'Troubles'. I give the example of the role of prisoners as a model from which the Churches could learn from. 2 Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Keith Whitelam, the University of Sheffield Department of Biblical Studies, for all the help and guidance he has provided. I also want to thank the Rev Dr John Vincent, the Urban Theology Unit in Sheffield, for the inspiration his spoken and written words have provided over the years, that both directly and indirectly have led to this thesis. I want to dedicate this thesis to my wife Jayne, without whose constant encouragement this would not have been possible, and to my children Will and Molly. Finally, I write this in memory of my late father William Noel Irwin who taught me about Christianity, peace, justice, socialism and most importantly how they all belong together. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Title 1 Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 3 Contents 4 Introduction 8 CHAPTER ONE: A PROBLEM FOR EVERY SOLUTION - RELIGION 1.1 Introduction 13 1.2 Religion 15 1.3 Theological Case Studies - Old and New 21 1.4 Conclusion 33 CHAPTER TWO: A PROBLEM FOR EVERY SOLUTION - ETHNICITY 2.1 Introduction 34 2.2 Paradigm Shift? 34 2.3 Wider History of the Term 35 2.4 What is an 'Ethnic'Explanation Trying to Say? 38 2.5 History of 'Ethnicity' within Northern Ireland 39 2.6 What is the Problem with Ethnicity? 42 2.7 Conclusion 45 CHAPTER THREE: A PROBLEM FOR EVERY SOLUTION -COLONIALISM 3.1 Introduction 47 3.2 The History 48 3.3 Settler Society 49 3.4 A Question of Bias? 50 3.5 A Loaded Term 51 3.6 A Question of History? 52 3.7 Conclusion 55 CHAPTER FOUR: A COLD HOUSE 4.1 Introduction 57 4.2 An Informed Judgement 58 4.3 Historical Background 58 4.4 Electoral Practices 60 4.5 Public Employment 64 4.6 Private Employment 68 4.7 Public Housing 70 4.8 Regional Development 73 4.9 Police 75 4.1 0 Order of Demerit 80 4.11 A Note on the Churches 80 4 4.12 Conclusion 84 CHAPTER FIVE: BEATING THE TERRORISTS (NORTHERN IRELAND UNDER DIRECT RULE) 5.1 Irony 86 5.2 What if? 87 5.3 Back to the Future 87 5.4 Fair Employment: a Short History 88 5.5 Results of the Legislation 89 5.6 The Debate 90 5.7 Informal Networks 90 5.8 The Concentration of Roman Catholics in Peripheral Areas 91 and the Larger Size of Roman Catholic Families 5.9 And Today? 92 5.10 We are Here to Help? 93 5.11 Torture? 95 5.12 Shoot to Kill? 100 5.13 Collusion 107 5.14 Conclusion 111 CHAPTER SIX: CHURCHES RESPONDING TO THE TROUBLES 6.1 Introduction and Recap 112 6.2 Beginning 113 6.3 Violence Report 116 6.4 Ecumenical Paradox 120 6.5 Political Differences 122 6.6 Theology of the Latest Atrocity 124 6.7 Limits 125 6.8 Future 128 6.9 Conclusion 128 CHAPTER SEVEN: 'BREAKING DOWN THE ENMITY'· THE FAITH AND POLITICS GROUP 7.1 Introduction 130 7.2 The Body of Work 132 7.3 Breaking Down the Enmity 134 7.4 Outline of the Document 135 7.5 Idolatry 137 7.6 Psychologising the Conflict 138 7.7 Equality of Sin Means Equality of Guilt? 140 7.8 Reconciliation 146 7.9 Conclusion 149 CHAPTER EIGHT: AN EVANGELICAL RESPONSE 8.1 Introduction 151 8.2 Including ECONI 153 8.3 For God and His Glory Alone 154 5 8.4 Citizenship 155 8.5 Religious or Civic Nationalism 157 8.6 Social Class 158 8.7 Ecclesiology 159 8.8 Documents 160 8.9 Centre for Contemporary Christianity in Ireland 162 8.10 Transforming Communities 163 8.11 Conclusion - The Same Yesterday, Today and Forever? 163 CHAPTER NINE: IRISH KAIROS 9.1 Introduction 167 9.2 Coasters 168 9.3 A New Approach? 170 9.4 Excursion on Method 172 9.5 Locus 174 9.6 Three Theologies 178 9.7 Status Quo Theology 178 9.8 A Good Influence? 181 9.9 A Question of Power 182 9.10 Romans 184 9.11 An Excursus on the State, the Bible and Northern Ireland 187 9.12 Ecumenical Theology 191 9.13 Blind Spots 192 9.14 Prophetic Theology 195 9.15 Lessons From Elsewhere 196 9.16 Three Injustices 197 9.17 Outside the Church is Salvation 198 CHAPTER TEN: 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' - THE ROLE OF PRISONERS: A SIGN OF THE KINGDOM OF GOD? 10.1 Introduction 201 10.2 A Question of Politics? 202 10.3 The Churches - 'Whatever You Say, Say Nothing' 204 10.4 How Much Influence? 205 10.5 Why are Politically-Motivated Prisoners Important? 207 10.5.1 Background 207 10.5.2 Education, Education, Education 208 10.5.3 Community Involvement 209 10.5.4 Leadership 210 10.6 Theological Reflections 211 10.6.1 Encounter and Dialogue 211 10.6.2 Liminality 217 10.6.3 Victims or Victimised? 221 10.6.4 How Shall We Name Them? 224 10.7 Conclusion: Getting Dirty Hands 225 CHAPTER 11: CONCLUSION 227 6 BIBLIOGRAPHY 233 INTERNET RESOURCES 248 APPENDIX ONE: VIOLENCE IN IRELAND 250 7 INTRODUCTION One of my earliest memories was the armoured car that appeared at the end of our street in east Belfast when the 'Troubles' began. My friends and I spent happy times getting rides and playing with the guns of the soldiers. Although very young we were aware that there was a much more serious side to the fun we were having; a next door neighbour was an RUC man who was away in DerrylLondonderry putting down 'the rebels'. I grew up, as many Ulster Protestants did, with life focussed around the Church and the Orange Order. Though my father was a member of both the 'Orange' and the 'Black', he was also a strong socialist and trade unionist, while both my grandfathers were members of the Northern Ireland Labour Party. Indeed my paternal grandfather had gotten into some trouble when he objected to an English Tory gentleman being parachuted in by the Unionist Party to represent our working class constituency. Looking back, I see that this 'Protestant Labour' tradition was where I gained an overiding sense of the importance of justice. It also led to some very heated debates in later life as I failed to see why my father's principles of both socialism and justice should not be applied to the injustices suffered by the Roman Catholic community in Northern Ireland. From three years of age my best friend was a Roman Catholic. Frank and his family were, as far as I was aware, the only Roman Catholic family in our area. That they remained, even through the darkest days of the 'Troubles', when others all over Northern Ireland were being intimidated out of their homes and forced to go and live with those on their own side, is testimony to the esteem that they were held in by our community. At thirteen years of age I ended up playing for a Roman Catholic football team, because Frank, who played for them, invited me along to have a kick around with the team. I had not encountered too many other Roman Catholics and I loved football so I joined in. Even though I was friendly with Frank, I was still a member of the junior Orange Order and wore a UVF badge with "For God and Ulster" emblazoned on it and was thinking a lot about how great it would be to fight and die for Ulster.