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Reclaiming Titanic
Students in Mercy Mission RECLAIMING to Africa TITANIC Career in Crisis? Queen’s people at the heart of Belfast’s rebirth How we support our graduates Innovation in our DNA Queen’s is changing society for the better PLUS: UNIVERSITY NEWS, MY TIME AT QUEEN’S, CLASS NOTES, SPORT 2 The Graduate 2011 Welcome To The Graduate Welcome to the Education Centre, which aims to reinvigorate our 2011 edition of The economy by offering exceptional programmes. The Graduate Magazine. Riddel Hall Founders’ Club, set up by the Development and Alumni Relations Office, connects companies from It is important to keep across Northern Ireland who together have pledged you, our Alumni, over £1m in support of the project. You can read more informed about what about this on page 44. is going on at Queen’s. We are proud of our I would also like to welcome this year’s graduates to exceptional University our family of over 100,000 alumni. The Development and we hope you share and Alumni Relations Office is your link to Queen’s and this pride! we want to make this network beneficial for you. For example, new graduates who are uncertain about their It has been an exciting future career path should turn to page 14 and read year. Our world-class Belfast Telegraph journalist John Laverty’s article on the research has gained support available from the Queen’s University Careers significant media Employability and Skills Service. coverage. In our Innovation feature, starting on page 19, you can read about a scientific breakthrough Along with all your favourite regular columns such as in the treatment of Cystic Fibrosis that will make a Class Notes, My time at Queen’s and our Book Review huge difference to the quality of life for CF sufferers page, we hope that The Graduate lives up to the high globally. -
NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2014/105/745
NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2014/105/745 Creation Date(s): 3 August 1984 Extent and medium: 11 pages Creator(s): Department of the Taoiseach Access Conditions: Open Copyright: National Archives, Ireland. May only be reproduced with the written permission of the Director of the National Archives. • Mer.tinr.:;r·lpf't1nr; bctv~ecnbetv.'ecn thethe Govc:rnmc11t.Govc: rnmCt lt. a.ncla.nd thethe> /\JJ1&nci::flJ J 1unc~ JJ'[JI[jrtyrty' u.~eu~U~eu~; ;tt J) 9c11 98 1 1 Prt:sc11tPrescnt onon thethe GovernmentGovcrnment sideside were:were: TheThe TaoiseachTaoiseach Dr.Dr. GarretGarret FitzGerald,FitzGerald, T.D.,T.D., TheThe Tanaiste,Tanaiste, Mr.Mr. DickDick Spring,Spring, T.D.T.D. TheThe MinisterMinister forfor ForeignForeign Affairs,Affairs, Mr.Mr. PeterPeter BarryBarry T.D.,T.D., accompaniedaccompanied byby Mr.Mr. WalterWaIter KirwanKirwan DepartmentDepartment ofof thethe TaoiseachTaoiseac}l andand MessrsMessrs Lillis,Lilli8, BurkeBurke andand 00 Ccallaigh,Ceallaigh, DepartmentDepartment ofof ForeignForeign •• Affairs.Affairs. TheThe AllianceAlliance PartyParty DelegationDelegation consistedconsisted of:of: TheThe PartyParty Leader,Leader, M~.M~. OliverOliver NapierNapier Mr.Mr. DavidDavid Cook, DeputyDeputy LeaderLeader Mr.Mr . John Cushnahan, Chief Whip,vlhip, Mr. Seamus Close, The Party Chairman, Mrs. Jane Copeland and Party Secretary, Mrs. Susan Edgar. , The meeting started at 12.30 and concluded at 4.00. The substantive discussions took place over the lunch table without adjourning to the Conference Room. The Taoiseach opened the discussions by saying that the situation in Northern Ireland has changed significantly and that 40% of thethe nationalist vote now goes toto Sinn Fein. There , . is withinwithin thethe nationalistnationalist community an element which could swingswing eithereither toto thethe SDLPSDLP oror SinnSinn Fein.Fein. -
Race, Ethnic Minorities and the Culture of the Liberal Democrats
Race, Ethnic Minorities and the Culture of the Liberal Democrats Introduction In September 2016 I was invited by Baroness Brinton, as President of the Liberal Democrats, and on behalf of the Party Leader, Tim Farron MP, and the Federal Executive (now the Federal Board), to undertake an independent inquiry into process and culture within the Liberal Democrats, focusing specifically on race and ethnicity. I was not asked to address particular individual complaints or cases, nor the problems of race and ethnicity in the country as a whole, but as part of the party’s commitment to build and safeguard a fair, free and open society I was commissioned to focus on those barriers or issues faced by Black and Minority Ethnic (BaME)1 members and supporters and the Liberal Democrat Party itself. The Federal Executive provided the following questions to be addressed as part of the review process, but also made clear that I was free to explore other relevant questions. 1. Are there barriers to participation for BAME members? If so, what and where are they? 2. Do barriers differ in different parts of the party? 3. How effective are existing mechanisms/procedures in addressing the issue? 4. Does the Party do enough to engage with BAME voters and ensure accessibility for potential BAME members? 5. What further steps should, or could, be taken by the Party to address the issues identified in this review? I accepted the invitation and stood down as the Party’s Spokesman on Northern Ireland. While Party Headquarters undertook to provide responses to any questions I had, and to help with arranging contacts, meetings or information, it seemed to me best, within the limitations of a pro bono inquiry and my other commitments, to undertake meetings away from Party Headquarters and with as little direct involvement as possible by the party staff, in order to give a degree of independence to the work. -
DCU Business School
DCU Business School RESEARCH PAPER SERIES PAPER NO. 31 November 1997 ‘Ulster Like Israel Can Only Lose Once’: Ulster Unionism, Security and Citizenship, 1972-97 Mr. John Doyle DCU Business School ISSN 1393-290X ‘ULSTER LIKE ISRAEL CAN ONLY LOSE ONCE’: ULSTER UNIONISM, SECURITY AND CITIZENSHIP, 1972-97. 1 ‘R EBELS HAVE NO RIGHTS ’ INTRODUCTION The idea that unionist political elites perceive themselves as representing a community which is ‘under siege’ and that their ideology reflects this position is regularly repeated in the literature. 2 Unionists are not uncomfortable with this description. Dorothy Dunlop, for example, is certainly not the only unionist politician to have defended herself against accusations of having a siege mentality by countering that ‘we are indeed under siege in Ulster.’ 3 A Belfast Telegraph editorial in 1989 talks of a unionist community ‘which feels under siege, both politically and from terrorism.’ 4 Cedric Wilson UKUP member of the Northern Ireland Forum said ‘with regard to Mr. Mallon’s comments about Unionist’s being in trenches, I can think of no better place to be ... when people are coming at you with guns and bombs, the best place to be is in a trench. I make no apology for being in a trench’ 5. Yet despite this widespread use of the metaphor there have been few analyses of the specifics of unionism’s position on security, perhaps because the answers appear self-evident and the impact of unionists’ views on security on the prospects for a political settlement are not appreciated. 6 This paper examines how the position of unionist political elites on security affects and reflects their broader views on citizenship. -
0 the Tories' Social Care Scandal
0 The Tories’ social care scandal - Claire Tyler & Margaret Lally 0 Government ‘worse than incompetence’ - Paul Clein 0 Time for universal basic income - Paul Hindley Issue 401 - June 2020 £ 4 Issue 401 June 2020 SUBSCRIBE! CONTENTS Liberator magazine is published six/seven times per year. Commentary .......................................................................3 Subscribe for only £25 (£30 overseas) per year. Radical Bulletin ...................................................................4..7 You can subscribe or renew online using PayPal at THE PEOPLE THEY FORGOT .........................................8..9 our website: www.liberator.org.uk It was too little, too late when the Government tried to protect care homes from Covid-19, leading to a scandal of needless deaths, Or send a cheque (UK banks only), payable to say Claire Tyler and Margaret Lally “Liberator Publications”, together with your name and full postal address, to: BLOOD ON THEIR HANDS ...........................................10..11 The Tory Government’s response to the pandemic has been marked by Liberator Publications something even worse than incompetence, says Paul Clein Flat 1, 24 Alexandra Grove London N4 2LF OWNERSHIP FOR ALL ...................................................12..13 England An old Liberal idea of universal ownership can be matched with a newer one of universal basic income for a post-pandemic world, THE LIBERATOR says Paul Hindley COLLECTIVE THERE GOES THE HIGH STREET ................................14..15 Jonathan Calder, Richard -
The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During the Troubles
From Sunningdale to Good Friday: The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During The Troubles Cynthia Rudd McKaughan Faculty Advisor: Dr. Susan Thorne History March 27, 2018 This project was submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate Liberal Studies Program in the Graduate School of Duke University. Copyright by Cynthia Rudd McKaughan 2018 Abstract The British government made three official attempts to end the conflict in Northern Ireland, known as The Troubles: the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Drawing on media coverage and the actual text of each agreement, as well as the considerable body of scholarly research on each individual process, this project identifies the issues confronting the British government in all three instances: which organizations in Northern Ireland to include at the negotiating table, what role the British government would play in Northern Ireland in the treaty’s aftermath, what security measures to take to stop the violence while ensuring human rights, how to address the political challenges posed by paramilitary organizations, and whether or not to include other nations in negotiating the peace, as well as in Northern Ireland’s affairs once the Troubles ended. The Good Friday Agreement succeeded where its predecessors failed primarily because of the decision to include representatives of paramilitary groups despite their history of complicity in violence. All sides finally agreed to participate in a political power-sharing arrangement that militants on both sides long viewed as a betrayal to the cause for which they willingly killed and died. -
The Politics of Northern Ireland
The Politics of Unionism in Northern Ireland Dominic Bryan The British Isles • Settlers - Plantations in 16th- and 17th-century Ireland • 18th Century: Loyalty, Protestantism and Orangeism • Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland • Act of Union 1800: the idea of a United Kingdom • The landed class and industrial class and a working class • The empire, the bible and the crown • The Irish Unionist Party • The Orange Order • Identity: Britishness – Irishness – Ulster Origins of Unionism • Also the Official Unionist Party or simply the Unionist Party • Derived from the Irish Unionist Party in 19th Century • Foundation – the Ulster Unionist Council of 1905 • Key role of the Orange Order • The role of the gentry and upper-class • Edward Carson, James Craig and the UVF • 1921 – Northern Ireland • Prime Ministers: Craig, Andrews, Brooke, O’Neil and Chichester-Clarke and Faulkner. • Northern Ireland – a study in political control • Ian Paisley and Civil Rights Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • 1972: The end of Stormont • 1973: splits over the Sunningdale Agreement • Faulkner v Harry West • 1974: Vanguard and the United Ulster Unionist Council • Leader James Molyneaux 1979-1995 • Anglo Irish Agreement • 1995 – 2005 David Trimble and the Belfast Agreement • Division and Defeat. • Leadership of Sir Reg Empey and Mike Nesbitt • Leadership of Robin Swan Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • Ian Paisley – life and times • 1966 -1971 The Protestant Unionist Party • More Unionist, more Protestant and more working class • Growth in popularity in 1980’s and 1990’s • Staunch opposition to the 1998 Agreement – No talking to terrorists! • Took there seats in Government • 2007: Largest Party in Assembly • First Minister • Peter Robinson and Arlene Foster. -
PETER HENNESSEY CONTENTS EVENTS Chair’S Letter 3 September 7Th – 21St Liberal Democrats Autumn the Thin Wisps of Tomorrow’ Peter Hennessey 4 Conference,Birmingham
2011 no.2 £3.00 (free to members) PETER HENNESSEY CONTENTS EVENTS Chair’s Letter 3 September 7th – 21st Liberal Democrats Autumn The Thin Wisps of Tomorrow’ Peter Hennessey 4 Conference,Birmingham. Sunday 18th Where do we go from here? /Social Liberal Turkey after the 2011 Election – a snapshot 8 Forum with Will Hutton, Jackie Ashley and Julian Huppert 20.00-21.15 Hall 5 ICC Statement by the Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, on the Dáil Motion on Sunday 18th “The Israeli Peace Initiative: Can it succeed?” the report of the Commission of Investigation into the Catholic Liberal Democrat Friends of Israel. Diocese of Cloyne, in Dáil Éireann, 20th July 2011 10 20.00-21.15 pm, Jurys Inn Hotel, Room 101. Monday 19th "Who benefits from the arms trade ?" Liberal Alea iacta est 11 Democrats for Peace and Security. Nick Harvey (Minister for the Armed Forces) & Oliver Napier 12 Anne Feltham (Campaign Against the Arms Trade). 20.00 to 21.15 Jury's Inn Room 103. Cuba – a Gross miscarriage of Justice 14 Monday 19th Palestine: in the shadow of the Arab Uprising – Tory MEP backs independent Somaliland what role should Britain play?MAP, the New Statesman and Liberal Democrat Friends of David Brandon Griffiths. 15 Palestine. Mehdi Hasan (New Statesman), Steve James (MAP), Sir Menzies Campbell, Simon Alliance gains in Assembly and Council elections 16 Hughes, John McHugo (LDFP). 18.15 – 19.30 pm Novotel Hotel, Burne-Jones room. Personal Memories of Elizabeth Sidney 17 Tuesday 20th The Arab Awakening - how best should the The Community of Democracies international community should respond to it? LIBG/LDEG. -
CANDIDATES NORTHERN IRELAND 1959-1970 ALLIANCE PARTY Of
Page | 1 LIBERAL CANDIDATES in NORTHERN IRELAND 1959-1970 (WESTMINSTER PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS ONLY) PREFACE The Liberal Party contested no parliamentary elections in Northern Ireland in the inter-war years nor over the period 1945-55. In 1956 the Ulster Liberal Association, later re-named the Ulster Liberal Party, was founded. A limited number of constituencies were contested for both Westminster and the Stormont Parliament from 1959. Of the nine candidates listed, three fought elections in constituencies in mainland Britain also, one of whom stood in two regions and another in three. Shortly after the Westminster General Election of 1970, the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland was founded which absorbed most, but not all, of the membership of the former ULP. A formal relationship existed for over three decades between the Liberal Democratic Party and the APNI when it was termed ‘our sister party.’ This understanding subsequently lapsed. The first APNI MP elected to the House of Commons, M/s Naomi Long, for Belfast East in 2010, did not take the Lib Dem whip and moreover sat on the opposition benches during the Coalition government 2010-2015. Indeed she expressed disagreement with key policies which appeared in the Liberal Democratic Party Manifesto at the 2010 General Election. After much thought it was decided to include APNI candidates in a separate section of the Index. Should the two parties decide to associate more closely or not, it is unlikely that they will oppose each other in future Westminster elections. Clearly the APNI has continued to receive electoral support from many voters who might well have opted for the Liberal Democrats in elections after 1970, had the party stood candidates, and will continue to do so in future Westminster elections. -
Irish Language Andself- Determination the 'Rights'
27 MAY 1997 May/June 1997 Connolly Association: campaigning for a united and independent Ireland The 'rights' way Irish language Peter Berresfbrd forward for andself- Tory Sound Ellis: the sinking peace In Ireland determination Jiiishb&fin, of HMSWasp Page 7 Connolly Column: Page 6 Page 12 .jpsR ' . * • "i7?'.' | he dramatic landslide victory of as the potential pitfalls, are many. °EACE PROCESS respond to the new Labour govern- Moves on all of these key areas, Tony Blair and the Labour The electoral success of Sinn Fein ment in the coming months, will be along with a much hoped-for renewal Party has changed the political in West Belfast and Mid Ulster con- their response to Orange Order of the IRA ceasefire, and an end to all landscape of Britain and opened firmed beyond any doubt the party's marches in full, was indeed welcome. attempts to orchestrate a repeat of the forms of political and sectarian up a new opportunity for reviv- claim to have a mandate to speak on However, it is essential that the new the previous showdowns at violence, are essential for creating the ing the Irish peace process. behalf of a significant part of the commission is given powers immedi- Drumcree. It is essential that they do right conditions for progress. 1Labour's 179 seat majority in the nationalist population in die North. ately to ban and reroute contentious not allow some of the worst examples Labour has both an opportunity House of Commons ensures that the Their success increases both the marches where local agreements are of un mist triumphalism to win out and the ability to act decisively over British government is no longer at the need and desirability of their indu- not reached. -
Creditors' Voluntary Winding-Up
THE BELFAST GAZETTE FRIDAY 5 FEBRUARY 1999 99 Members' Voluntary Winding-up Resolution for Winding-up THE COMPANIES (NORTHERN IRELAND) ORDER 1986 Extraordinary Resolution of EXLINGUA INTERNATIONAL LIMITED Receivership At an Extraordinary General Meeting of the Members of the above- named company duly convened and held at 1/9 Castle Arcade, Belfast, Appointment of Administrative Receivers on Monday, 25th day of January, 1999, the following Extraordinary Resolution was duly passed: AUTOMATIC TEMPERATURE CONTROLS LIMITED (a) That the Company be wound up as a Members' Voluntary Winding- Registered Number: NI 12117 up; Trading Name: Automatic Temperature Controls Limited. (b) Sir Oliver Napier, Solicitor and Licensed Insolvency Practitioner Nature of Business: Design and installation of electronic control systems of 1/9 Castle Arcade, Belfast be the Liquidator. and switchgear. Trade Classification: 27. Date of Appointment of Administrative Receivers: 2nd February, 1999. Name of Person Appointing the Administrative Receivers: Ulster Bank Limited, Ulster Bank Markets Limited. Final Meetings Joint Administrative Receivers: Thomas M. Keenan and Roger Powdrill. In the matter of IVEAGH TECHNOLOGY DEVELOPMENTS LTD Office Holder Numbers: GBNI 012 and 4529. and in the matter of Addresses: Deloitte & Touche, 19 Bedford Street, Belfast BT2 7EJ. THE INSOLVENCY (NORTHERN IRELAND) ORDER 1989 Deloitte & Touche, 39 George Street, Edinburgh, EH2 2HZ. Notice is hereby given, pursuant to section 80 of the Insolvency (Northern Ireland) Order 1989, that a general meeting of the members of the above-named company will be held at 10.30 am on 3rd March, 1999, at KPMG, St. James' Square, Manchester, for the purposes of MACKIE ENVIRONMENTAL LIMITED receiving an account showing the manner in which the winding up has Registered Number: NI 27542 been conducted and the property of the company disposed of, and of Trading Name: Mackie Environmental Limited. -
Matthews, N. (2015). the Selection of Party Leaders in Northern Ireland
Matthews, N. (2015). The selection of party leaders in Northern Ireland. Parliamentary affairs, 69(4), 901–927. https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsv058 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.1093/pa/gsv058 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the author accepted manuscript (AAM). The final published version (version of record) is available online via OUP at https://academic.oup.com/pa/article/69/4/901/2468894. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ The Selection of Party Leaders in Northern Ireland This article provides an analysis of the leadership selection methods adopted by Northern Ireland’s five main parties. Drawing on data from interviews with party elites and internal party documents, it sheds light on an important element of intra-party organisation in the region and constitutes a rare case- study of leadership selection in a consociational democracy. By accounting for instances of organisational reform this article also reveals the extent to which Northern Ireland’s parties align with the wider comparative trend of leadership ‘democratisation’. In terms of ‘who’ selects party leaders, the analysis finds a substantial degree of organisational heterogeneity and a reasonably high rate of democratisation. Northern Ireland’s parties also prove rather exceptional in their universal adoption of short fixed terms for party leaders and, in the case of three of the parties, their preference for high candidacy thresholds.