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Reclaiming Titanic
Students in Mercy Mission RECLAIMING to Africa TITANIC Career in Crisis? Queen’s people at the heart of Belfast’s rebirth How we support our graduates Innovation in our DNA Queen’s is changing society for the better PLUS: UNIVERSITY NEWS, MY TIME AT QUEEN’S, CLASS NOTES, SPORT 2 The Graduate 2011 Welcome To The Graduate Welcome to the Education Centre, which aims to reinvigorate our 2011 edition of The economy by offering exceptional programmes. The Graduate Magazine. Riddel Hall Founders’ Club, set up by the Development and Alumni Relations Office, connects companies from It is important to keep across Northern Ireland who together have pledged you, our Alumni, over £1m in support of the project. You can read more informed about what about this on page 44. is going on at Queen’s. We are proud of our I would also like to welcome this year’s graduates to exceptional University our family of over 100,000 alumni. The Development and we hope you share and Alumni Relations Office is your link to Queen’s and this pride! we want to make this network beneficial for you. For example, new graduates who are uncertain about their It has been an exciting future career path should turn to page 14 and read year. Our world-class Belfast Telegraph journalist John Laverty’s article on the research has gained support available from the Queen’s University Careers significant media Employability and Skills Service. coverage. In our Innovation feature, starting on page 19, you can read about a scientific breakthrough Along with all your favourite regular columns such as in the treatment of Cystic Fibrosis that will make a Class Notes, My time at Queen’s and our Book Review huge difference to the quality of life for CF sufferers page, we hope that The Graduate lives up to the high globally. -
NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2014/105/745
NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2014/105/745 Creation Date(s): 3 August 1984 Extent and medium: 11 pages Creator(s): Department of the Taoiseach Access Conditions: Open Copyright: National Archives, Ireland. May only be reproduced with the written permission of the Director of the National Archives. • Mer.tinr.:;r·lpf't1nr; bctv~ecnbetv.'ecn thethe Govc:rnmc11t.Govc: rnmCt lt. a.ncla.nd thethe> /\JJ1&nci::flJ J 1unc~ JJ'[JI[jrtyrty' u.~eu~U~eu~; ;tt J) 9c11 98 1 1 Prt:sc11tPrescnt onon thethe GovernmentGovcrnment sideside were:were: TheThe TaoiseachTaoiseach Dr.Dr. GarretGarret FitzGerald,FitzGerald, T.D.,T.D., TheThe Tanaiste,Tanaiste, Mr.Mr. DickDick Spring,Spring, T.D.T.D. TheThe MinisterMinister forfor ForeignForeign Affairs,Affairs, Mr.Mr. PeterPeter BarryBarry T.D.,T.D., accompaniedaccompanied byby Mr.Mr. WalterWaIter KirwanKirwan DepartmentDepartment ofof thethe TaoiseachTaoiseac}l andand MessrsMessrs Lillis,Lilli8, BurkeBurke andand 00 Ccallaigh,Ceallaigh, DepartmentDepartment ofof ForeignForeign •• Affairs.Affairs. TheThe AllianceAlliance PartyParty DelegationDelegation consistedconsisted of:of: TheThe PartyParty Leader,Leader, M~.M~. OliverOliver NapierNapier Mr.Mr. DavidDavid Cook, DeputyDeputy LeaderLeader Mr.Mr . John Cushnahan, Chief Whip,vlhip, Mr. Seamus Close, The Party Chairman, Mrs. Jane Copeland and Party Secretary, Mrs. Susan Edgar. , The meeting started at 12.30 and concluded at 4.00. The substantive discussions took place over the lunch table without adjourning to the Conference Room. The Taoiseach opened the discussions by saying that the situation in Northern Ireland has changed significantly and that 40% of thethe nationalist vote now goes toto Sinn Fein. There , . is withinwithin thethe nationalistnationalist community an element which could swingswing eithereither toto thethe SDLPSDLP oror SinnSinn Fein.Fein. -
Irish Labour Party Contents.Indd
10. LABOUR AND THE MEDIA: THE PROMISE OF SOCIALISM, NEGATIVE CAMPAIGNING AND THE IRISH TIMES KEVIN RAFTER On 28 May 1969 – six days into that year’s general election campaign – Sir Frederick Sayers from Camlagh, Greystones in County Wicklow, wrote to The Irish Times. The correspondence, printed on the ‘Letters to the Editor’ page, was headed ‘Irish Labour’s Intellectuals’.1 Sir Frederick was concerned about the newspaper’s recent editorial direction and what he saw as a trend in favour of ‘any form of Government which is not F.F.’ The Wicklow voter wanted in particular to warn ‘the plain people of Ireland’ about the Labour Party’s ‘extreme socialism’ and ‘utopian doctrines’. Sir Frederick’s letter continued: ‘I regard those extreme socialists as people who want a job themselves in parliament in order that they may spend other people’s money, extracted from all grades in society, on people who, for the most part, do not want such help, but now find that they are better off sitting idle and, probably spending national assistance in the locals.’ 2 The 1969 contest was predicted as Labour’s breakthrough election. The party was not only running more candidates than it had done previously but it had also succeeded in recruiting several high-profile individuals including Conor Cruise O’Brien, David Thornley and Justin Keating. Many were well-known television figures, although the main political parties were still adapting to the new medium: the 1969 contest was only the second Dáil election since the arrival of a national television service. Newspapers remained the most influential news medium – possibly, however, the last time they held this position. -
Race, Ethnic Minorities and the Culture of the Liberal Democrats
Race, Ethnic Minorities and the Culture of the Liberal Democrats Introduction In September 2016 I was invited by Baroness Brinton, as President of the Liberal Democrats, and on behalf of the Party Leader, Tim Farron MP, and the Federal Executive (now the Federal Board), to undertake an independent inquiry into process and culture within the Liberal Democrats, focusing specifically on race and ethnicity. I was not asked to address particular individual complaints or cases, nor the problems of race and ethnicity in the country as a whole, but as part of the party’s commitment to build and safeguard a fair, free and open society I was commissioned to focus on those barriers or issues faced by Black and Minority Ethnic (BaME)1 members and supporters and the Liberal Democrat Party itself. The Federal Executive provided the following questions to be addressed as part of the review process, but also made clear that I was free to explore other relevant questions. 1. Are there barriers to participation for BAME members? If so, what and where are they? 2. Do barriers differ in different parts of the party? 3. How effective are existing mechanisms/procedures in addressing the issue? 4. Does the Party do enough to engage with BAME voters and ensure accessibility for potential BAME members? 5. What further steps should, or could, be taken by the Party to address the issues identified in this review? I accepted the invitation and stood down as the Party’s Spokesman on Northern Ireland. While Party Headquarters undertook to provide responses to any questions I had, and to help with arranging contacts, meetings or information, it seemed to me best, within the limitations of a pro bono inquiry and my other commitments, to undertake meetings away from Party Headquarters and with as little direct involvement as possible by the party staff, in order to give a degree of independence to the work. -
Irish Responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan
Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919-1932 Author(s) Phelan, Mark Publication Date 2013-01-07 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/3401 Downloaded 2021-09-27T09:47:44Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh Department of History School of Humanities National University of Ireland, Galway December 2012 ABSTRACT This project assesses the impact of the first fascist power, its ethos and propaganda, on key constituencies of opinion in the Irish Free State. Accordingly, it explores the attitudes, views and concerns expressed by members of religious organisations; prominent journalists and academics; government officials/supporters and other members of the political class in Ireland, including republican and labour activists. By contextualising the Irish response to Fascist Italy within the wider patterns of cultural, political and ecclesiastical life in the Free State, the project provides original insights into the configuration of ideology and social forces in post-independence Ireland. Structurally, the thesis begins with a two-chapter account of conflicting confessional responses to Italian Fascism, followed by an analysis of diplomatic intercourse between Ireland and Italy. Next, the thesis examines some controversial policies pursued by Cumann na nGaedheal, and assesses their links to similar Fascist initiatives. The penultimate chapter focuses upon the remarkably ambiguous attitude to Mussolini’s Italy demonstrated by early Fianna Fáil, whilst the final section recounts the intensely hostile response of the Irish labour movement, both to the Italian regime, and indeed to Mussolini’s Irish apologists. -
Transformative Illegality: How Condoms 'Became Legal' in Ireland
Feminist Legal Studies (2018) 26:261–284 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10691-018-9392-1 Transformative Illegality: How Condoms ‘Became Legal’ in Ireland, 1991–1993 Máiréad Enright1 · Emilie Cloatre2 Published online: 20 November 2018 © The Author(s) 2018 Abstract This paper examines Irish campaigns for condom access in the early 1990s. Against the backdrop of the AIDS crisis, activists campaigned against a law which would not allow condoms to be sold from ordinary commercial spaces or vending machines, and restricted sale to young people. Advancing a conception of ‘transformative ille- gality’, we show that illegal action was fundamental to the eventual legalisation of commercial condom sale. However, rather than foregrounding illegal condom sale as a mode of spectacular direct action, we show that tactics of illegal sale in the 1990s built on 20 years of everyday illegal sale within the Irish family planning movement. Everyday illegal sale was a long-term world-making practice, which gradually trans- formed condoms’ legal meanings, eventually enabling new forms of provocative and irreverent protest. Condoms ‘became legal’ when the state recognised modes of con- dom sale, gradually built up over many years and publicised in direct action and in the courts. Keywords Activism · Condoms · Contraceptives · Family planning · Illegality · Ireland · Law · Social movements The Case of the Virgin Condom On Saturday January 6, 1990, Detective-Sergeant John McKeown of Pearse Street Garda (police) Station entered the Virgin Megastore record shop on Aston Quay, near Temple Bar, in Dublin together with a female colleague. They watched as a young woman sold condoms to a young man from a black, semi-circular counter on * Emilie Cloatre [email protected] Máiréad Enright [email protected] 1 Birmingham Law School, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK 2 Kent Law School, University of Kent, Canterbury, UK Vol.:(0123456789)1 3 262 M. -
DCU Business School
DCU Business School RESEARCH PAPER SERIES PAPER NO. 31 November 1997 ‘Ulster Like Israel Can Only Lose Once’: Ulster Unionism, Security and Citizenship, 1972-97 Mr. John Doyle DCU Business School ISSN 1393-290X ‘ULSTER LIKE ISRAEL CAN ONLY LOSE ONCE’: ULSTER UNIONISM, SECURITY AND CITIZENSHIP, 1972-97. 1 ‘R EBELS HAVE NO RIGHTS ’ INTRODUCTION The idea that unionist political elites perceive themselves as representing a community which is ‘under siege’ and that their ideology reflects this position is regularly repeated in the literature. 2 Unionists are not uncomfortable with this description. Dorothy Dunlop, for example, is certainly not the only unionist politician to have defended herself against accusations of having a siege mentality by countering that ‘we are indeed under siege in Ulster.’ 3 A Belfast Telegraph editorial in 1989 talks of a unionist community ‘which feels under siege, both politically and from terrorism.’ 4 Cedric Wilson UKUP member of the Northern Ireland Forum said ‘with regard to Mr. Mallon’s comments about Unionist’s being in trenches, I can think of no better place to be ... when people are coming at you with guns and bombs, the best place to be is in a trench. I make no apology for being in a trench’ 5. Yet despite this widespread use of the metaphor there have been few analyses of the specifics of unionism’s position on security, perhaps because the answers appear self-evident and the impact of unionists’ views on security on the prospects for a political settlement are not appreciated. 6 This paper examines how the position of unionist political elites on security affects and reflects their broader views on citizenship. -
NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2004/21/476 Title
TSCH/3: Central registry records Department of the Taoiseach NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2004/21/476 Title: Report of a meeting between an Irish government delegation and a delegation from the Alliance Party, held in Dublin on 13 September 1973, mainly discussing proposed power-sharing in Northern Ireland and the proposed Council of Ireland. Creation Date(s): [13 September, 1973] Level of description: Item Extent and medium: 11 pages Creator(s): Department of the Taoiseach Access Conditions: Open Copyright: National Archives, Ireland. May only be reproduced with the written permission of the Director of the National Archives. © National Archives, Ireland · SECRET 1. The following wel'e present at a meeting v/hich took place in Government Buildings, Dublin, from 3.40 p.m. to 5.30 p.m. on the 13th September, 1973: TSCH/3: Central registry records Department of the Taoiseach Mr. Robert Cooper I Joint Political Chairmen, Alliance Thrty Mr. Oliver Napier Mr. John Ferguson ) Assembly Member Belfast Korth. Lord Dunle8.th ) Assembly Member Down North Liam Cosgrave, T.D. ,) Taoiseach James Tully, T.D., ) Minister for Local Government. Patrick Do~egan,T.n,) Minister for Defence. Mr. Dan O'Sullivan ) Secretary to the Government • Mr. D. NaIly . ) Assistant Secretary, Department of the . Taoise£lcn. Mr. C. V. 1;\:'hela11 ) Assistant Secreta ry, Department of Foreign Affail's. Mr. J. Swift ) . Counsellor, Department of Foreign Aff'J.ir-:: 2. '11hc Taoisc3ch welcomed the deputation from the AIJ.i9.nce P8rty to Dublin and cOIlgratulated the!!"! 011 tl1€iz' Sl}.CCSS3 in the _l'~ssembly elections. He mentioned that the Government ','IGS ~'1xioas to ha v<::: ·as many contacts as possible in Northern Ireland; he stated in this connection a certain confusion seemed to have arisen I'egal'ding the terms on Vlhich they were then presen~..;. -
0 the Tories' Social Care Scandal
0 The Tories’ social care scandal - Claire Tyler & Margaret Lally 0 Government ‘worse than incompetence’ - Paul Clein 0 Time for universal basic income - Paul Hindley Issue 401 - June 2020 £ 4 Issue 401 June 2020 SUBSCRIBE! CONTENTS Liberator magazine is published six/seven times per year. Commentary .......................................................................3 Subscribe for only £25 (£30 overseas) per year. Radical Bulletin ...................................................................4..7 You can subscribe or renew online using PayPal at THE PEOPLE THEY FORGOT .........................................8..9 our website: www.liberator.org.uk It was too little, too late when the Government tried to protect care homes from Covid-19, leading to a scandal of needless deaths, Or send a cheque (UK banks only), payable to say Claire Tyler and Margaret Lally “Liberator Publications”, together with your name and full postal address, to: BLOOD ON THEIR HANDS ...........................................10..11 The Tory Government’s response to the pandemic has been marked by Liberator Publications something even worse than incompetence, says Paul Clein Flat 1, 24 Alexandra Grove London N4 2LF OWNERSHIP FOR ALL ...................................................12..13 England An old Liberal idea of universal ownership can be matched with a newer one of universal basic income for a post-pandemic world, THE LIBERATOR says Paul Hindley COLLECTIVE THERE GOES THE HIGH STREET ................................14..15 Jonathan Calder, Richard -
Five Days in Labour Party History by Brendan
SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS IN LABOUR PARTY HISTORY Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 By Brendan Halligan 1 SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS OF LABOUR PARTY HISTORY By Brendan Halligan Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 1. The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 2. The Day Labour almost came to Power: Tuesday, 16 August 1927 3. Why Labout Put DeValera in Power: 9 March 1932 4. Giving the Kiss of Life to Fine Gael: Wednesday, 18 February 1948 5. The Day the Party Died: Sunday, 13th December 1970 2 No. 1 The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 William O’Brien Fifteen hundred delegates jammed the Mansion House. It was a congress unprecedented in the history of the Labour Movement in Ireland. Or, in the mind of one Labour leader, in the history of the Labour movement in any country in Europe. The euphoria was forgivable. The Special Conference of the Irish Labour Party and Trade Union Congress (to give it its full name) was truly impressive, both in terms of its size and the vehemence with which it opposed the conscription a British government was about to impose on Ireland. But it was nothing compared to what happened four days later. Responding to the resolution passed by the Conference, Irish workers brought the economic life of the country to a standstill. It was the first General Strike in Ireland. Its success was total, except for Belfast. Nothing moved. Factories and shops were closed. No newspapers were printed. Even the pubs were shut. -
The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During the Troubles
From Sunningdale to Good Friday: The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During The Troubles Cynthia Rudd McKaughan Faculty Advisor: Dr. Susan Thorne History March 27, 2018 This project was submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate Liberal Studies Program in the Graduate School of Duke University. Copyright by Cynthia Rudd McKaughan 2018 Abstract The British government made three official attempts to end the conflict in Northern Ireland, known as The Troubles: the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Drawing on media coverage and the actual text of each agreement, as well as the considerable body of scholarly research on each individual process, this project identifies the issues confronting the British government in all three instances: which organizations in Northern Ireland to include at the negotiating table, what role the British government would play in Northern Ireland in the treaty’s aftermath, what security measures to take to stop the violence while ensuring human rights, how to address the political challenges posed by paramilitary organizations, and whether or not to include other nations in negotiating the peace, as well as in Northern Ireland’s affairs once the Troubles ended. The Good Friday Agreement succeeded where its predecessors failed primarily because of the decision to include representatives of paramilitary groups despite their history of complicity in violence. All sides finally agreed to participate in a political power-sharing arrangement that militants on both sides long viewed as a betrayal to the cause for which they willingly killed and died. -
2001-; Joshua B
The Irish Labour History Society College, Dublin, 1979- ; Francis Devine, SIPTU College, 1998- ; David Fitzpat- rick, Trinity College, Dublin, 2001-; Joshua B. Freeman, Queen’s College, City Honorary Presidents - Mary Clancy, 2004-; Catriona Crowe, 2013-; Fergus A. University of New York, 2001-; John Horne, Trinity College, Dublin, 1982-; D’Arcy, 1994-; Joseph Deasy, 2001-2012; Barry Desmond, 2013-; Francis Joseph Lee, University College, Cork, 1979-; Dónal Nevin, Dublin, 1979- ; Cor- Devine, 2004-; Ken Hannigan, 1994-; Dónal Nevin, 1989-2012; Theresa Mori- mac Ó Gráda, University College, Dublin, 2001-; Bryan Palmer, Queen’s Uni- arty, 2008 -; Emmet O’Connor, 2005-; Gréagóir Ó Dúill, 2001-; Norah O’Neill, versity, Kingston, Canada, 2000-; Henry Patterson, University Of Ulster, 2001-; 1992-2001 Bryan Palmer, Trent University, Canada, 2007- ; Bob Purdie, Ruskin College, Oxford, 1982- ; Dorothy Thompson, Worcester, 1982-; Marcel van der Linden, Presidents - Francis Devine, 1988-1992, 1999-2000; Jack McGinley, 2001-2004; International Institute For Social History, Amsterdam, 2001-; Margaret Ward, Hugh Geraghty, 2005-2007; Brendan Byrne, 2007-2013; Jack McGinley, 2013- Bath Spa University, 1982-2000. Vice Presidents - Joseph Deasy, 1999-2000; Francis Devine, 2001-2004; Hugh Geraghty, 2004-2005; Niamh Puirséil, 2005-2008; Catriona Crowe, 2009-2013; Fionnuala Richardson, 2013- An Index to Saothar, Secretaries - Charles Callan, 1987-2000; Fionnuala Richardson, 2001-2010; Journal of the Irish Labour History Society Kevin Murphy, 2011- & Assistant Secretaries - Hugh Geraghty, 1998-2004; Séamus Moriarty, 2014-; Theresa Moriarty, 2006-2007; Séan Redmond, 2004-2005; Fionnuala Richardson, Other ILHS Publications, 2001-2016 2011-2012; Denise Rogers, 1995-2007; Eddie Soye, 2008- Treasurers - Jack McGinley, 1996-2001; Charles Callan, 2001-2002; Brendan In September, 2000, with the support of MSF (Manufacturing, Science, Finance – Byrne, 2003-2007; Ed.