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(Ed.), Scribal Practices and the Social Construction of Knowledge in Antiquity, Late Antiquity and Medieval Islam, ISBN 978-90-429-3314-9 This pdf is a digital offprint of your contribution in M. Wissa (ed.), Scribal Practices and the Social Construction of Knowledge in Antiquity, Late Antiquity and Medieval Islam, ISBN 978-90-429-3314-9 The copyright on this publication belongs to Peeters Publishers. As author you are licensed to make printed copies of the pdf or to send the unaltered pdf file to up to 50 relations. You may not publish this pdf on the World Wide Web – including websites such as academia.edu and open-access repositories – until three years after publication. Please ensure that anyone receiving an offprint from you observes these rules as well. If you wish to publish your article immediately on open- access sites, please contact the publisher with regard to the payment of the article processing fee. For queries about offprints, copyright and republication of your article, please contact the publisher via [email protected] ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIA ANALECTA ————— 266 ————— SCRIBAL PRACTICES AND THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF KNOWLEDGE in Antiquity, Late Antiquity and Medieval Islam edited by MYRIAM WISSA foreword by SEBASTIAN BROCK préface by PASCAL VERNUS PEETERS LEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT 2017 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTORS . VII LIST OF IllUSTRATIONS . XIII Sebastian P. BROcK Foreword . XV Pascal VERNUS Préface . XVII AcKNOWlEDGEMENTS . XXI Myriam WISSA Introduction . 1 SECTION ONE DECONSTRUCTING “SCRIBE”, EXPLORING SCRIBAL LORE AND SCRIPT: THE SOCIO-POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF THE ANCIENT EGYPTIAN, CUNEIFORM, SYRIAC, JUDEO-ARABIC AND ARABIC SCRIBAL PRACTICES Stephen QUIRKE Writing practices, people and materials in Egypt to the first millen- nium BC . 19 Mark WEEDEN The construction of meaning on the cuneiform periphery . 33 Sebastian P. BROcK Scribal tradition and the transmission of Syriac literature in Late Antiquity and Early Islam . 61 Geoffrey KHAN Arabic documents from the early Islamic period . 69 Esther-Miriam WAGNER Scribal practice in the Jewish community of Medieval Egypt . 91 Elizabeth URBAN Scribes as scapegoats: language, identity, and power in Jahshiyārī’s Book of Viziers and Scribes . 111 VI Contents SECTION TWO THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF WRITING, TRANSCODING AND TRANSMITTING KNOWLEDGE IN JUDEO-CHRISTIAN, MANDEAN, COPTIC, SYRIAC, LATIN-ARABIC, ARABIC AND ETHIOPIC TRADITIONS Timothy H. LIM The Rabbinic concept of Holy Scriptures as sacred objects . 127 Charles G. HÄBERl The Aramaic incantation texts as witnesses to the Mandaic Scrip- tures . 143 Myriam WISSA Social construction of knowledge or intra-communal concerns? Coptic letters from Sasanian Egypt . 161 Juan Pedro MONFERRER-SAlA Transmitting texts from Latin into Arabic. A Christian culture at risk in the heart of the Islamic rule in al-Andalus . 177 Mathieu TIllIER Scribal practices among Muslims and Christians: A comparison between the judicial letters of Qurra b. Sharīk and Ḥenanishoʿ (1st century AH) . 197 Alessandro BAUSI The earlier Ethiopic textual heritage . 215 CONCLUSION Myriam WISSA Mapping scribal practices: telling another story . 239 Indices Name index . 243 Subject index . 249 THE ARAMAIC INCANTATION TEXTS AS WITNESSES TO THE MANDAIC SCRIPTURES1 Charles G. HÄBERL Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey The Aramaic incantation texts from late antique Mesopotamia have been invoked as sources for the dialects of Late Aramaic, as well as sources on the religions of Late Antiquity, but outside of the small cabal of scholars who work on these texts, they are seldom viewed as a legitimate source of information about either. Often, they are deprecated as “defective” vernacular texts drawing upon a myr- iad of “hybrid” or heterodox folk religious traditions, rather than the normative orthodox religions from which they putatively derive. In addressing them, we presuppose a set of dyads: the material within them has been categorized as “religious” or “magical” on the one hand, and “literary” or “oral” on the other. These abstract categories, thus conceived, are then reified and sealed off from one another. By consigning these texts to one or another arm of these dyads, we perpetuate this highly problematic categorization. In my view, much could be obtained by setting aside the question of categorization and examining the ways in which these texts appear to be in dialog with one another. In part, the hesitance to regard these texts as anything other than “magical” (and certainly not “religious”) is likely motivated by the numerous prohibitions contained within scriptures, such as the Hebrew Bible, against ritual practices that we would consider “magical”, such as Deuteronomy 18:10–12. Yet when an incantation quotes a passage from the Hebrew Bible, does it cease to be a “religious” text and suddenly become “magical”? Certainly not. As I will dem- onstrate, the Mandaic incantations likewise reference or even quote entire pas- sages from the Mandaean scriptures. In doing so, I hope to affirm the value of the incantations as important wit- nesses for the textual history of the Mandaean scriptures prior to their final redaction in the years following the advent of Islam, which is to say long before any of the surviving manuscripts of these scriptures were copied. In addition, I will demonstrate how the incantations provide vital information about how these passages were understood by their contemporaries, and in what contexts they came to be used, information that is otherwise almost entirely lacking for the period in question. 1 I’d like to thank James N. Ford (Bar-Ilan) and Matthew Morgenstern (Tel Aviv) for their careful attention to an earlier draft of this chapter. Any errors of omission, commission, deduction, induction, transliteration, transcription, and/or translation that remain are naturally my sole responsibility. 144 C.G. HÄBERL HISTORY OF THE QUESTION Much has been made of the fact that no known copies of the Mandaean scriptures antedate the 16th century, the oldest being the Bodleian Library’s MS Mar- shall 691, copied in 1529,2 and that occasional references to Islam and the prophet Muhammad within them provide a terminuspostquem for their final redaction of sometime during the 7th century. For example, in 1926 Svend Pallis argued that any points of similarity between the Jewish and the Mandaean scriptures were not acquired directly but rather through contact with Islam.3 In a similar vein, in 1930 Hans Lietzmann argued that Mandaeism is largely a product of the post-Islamic era and that its present form owes most to Christianity, the Mandaean baptism being derived from the East Syrian Christian liturgy.4 More recently, the theory of Islamic influence upon Mandaean traditions has been revived in a modified form by Edmondo Lupieri, who argues that while that the tradition of John the Baptist as a predecessor to Jesus was present in Mandaeism “right from the beginning”, his consolidation as a prophet is a post-Islamic development.5 Likewise, Jennifer Hart contends that the Mandaean literary depic- tion of figures like Miriai and Iuhana owes less to the Virgin Mary and John the Baptist of Christianity, and more to their Qur’ānic counterparts, Maryam bint ʻImrān and Yaḥyā ibn Zakarīya.6 Nevertheless, a large body of evidence attests to the antiquity of Mandaean traditions. While the manuscripts themselves are late, the antiquity of the texts contained therein is demonstrated by considerable data which cannot be dis- counted. The unique Mandaic script, for example, appears to be derived from the Parthian chancery script, which suggests that it must have been adopted no later than the end of the second century, providing us with a terminusantequem for the emergence of a specifically Mandaean literary tradition.7 The manuscript colophons further suggest that the oldest portions of the Mandaean scriptures were being copied already at the beginning of the third.8 Additionally, multiple 2 J.J. BUCKLEY, TheGreatStemofSouls:ReconstructingMandaeanHistory, Piscataway, NJ, 2010, 197. 3 S.A.F.D. PALLIS, Mandaeanstudies:acomparativeenquiryintoMandaeismandMandaean writingsandBabylonianandPersianreligions,JudaismandGnosticismwithlinguisticand bibliographicalnotesandreferences, Revised Edition, London, 1926. 4 H. LIETZMANN, EinBeitragzurMandäerfrage, in SitzungsberichtederHeidelbergerAkade- miederWissenschaften, Philosophisch-HistorischeKlasse, 1930, p. 596–608. 5 E. LUPIERI, TheMandaeans:TheLastGnostics, Translated by Charles Hindley, Grand Rapids, MI, 2002. 6 J. HART, TheMandaeans,aPeopleoftheBook?AnExaminationoftheInfluenceofIslam ontheDevelopmentofMandaeanLiterature, Unpublished PhD thesis, Department of Religious Studies, Indiana University, 2010. 7 C.G. HÄBERL, IranianScriptsforAramaicLanguages:TheOriginoftheMandaicScript, in BulletinoftheAmericanSchoolsofOrientalResearch 341 (2006), p. 53–62. 8 BUCKLEY, GreatStem, p. 172–173. THE ARAMAIC INCANTATION TEXTS 145 parallel traditions or Nebenüberlieferungen indicate that these same texts were sometimes adopted and circulated by the adherents of neighboring religious traditions prior to the advent of Islam. Torgny Säve-Söderberg summarizes the Nebenüberlieferungen that were known to him at the time, including a formula from the death mass of the Valentinians, reported by the Christian heresiographer Irenaeus in the second century, and the Manichaean legend of Adam, related by the eighth century scholar Theodore bar Kōnay and the tenth century scholar Muḥammad ibn Isḥāq al-Nadīm, which parallels that of Adam in the “left hand” volume of the GreatTreasure.9 The former also quotes another portion of the “right hand” volume of the same
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