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Pausanias of Antioch: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary

Pausanias of Antioch: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary

ARAM, 23 (2011) 669-691. doi: 10.2143/ARAM.23.0.2959678

PAUSANIAS OF : INTRODUCTION, TRANSLATION, AND COMMENTARY

Dr. BENJAMIN GARSTAD (Grant MacEwan University, Canada)

Pausanias of Antioch is, even amongst fragmentary Greek authors, a minor and obscure figure. His fragments are few and often slender, and for the most part found in two sixth-century works, the Ethnika of Stephanos of and the Chronicle of John Malalas.1 Perhaps most scholarly attention has been paid to him with a view to distinguishing him from the much more famous Pausanias the Periegete (fl. c. AD 150), the author of the Periegesis or Descrip- tion of . The remains of Pausanias of Antioch are not, however, entirely insignificant, since as the fragments of a – most likely – first century AD work on the foundation of Antioch they offer us insight into the ktistic literature, the writing on city foundations, of the later Hellenistic and early Imperial periods. This was the literature which provided with an outline for the Aeneid and the city chroniclers of late antiquity with sources. No prose ktisis survives intact and very few survive at all; this makes the insights we can glean from the fragments of Pausanias particularly valuable, especially in the study of the works influenced by ktistic literature.

INTRODUCTION

Several ancient authors went under the name Pausanias, but Fragment 1 confirms that the Pausanias who dealt with the foundations of Antioch and other eastern cities was himself from Antioch (although not every citation of ‘Pausanias’ in Stephanos of Byzantium belongs to him), especially since it has been demonstrated that the ‘Pausanias of Damascus’ in T 1 is actually another author. FF 2 and 4 give us reason to identify Stephanos’ Pausanias, who wrote on the foundation of eastern cities, with the Pausanias cited by Malalas. He was indeed Pausanias of Antioch.

1 See P. Chuvin, “Les foundations syriennes de Séleucos Nicator dans la Chronique de Jean Malalas” in Géographie historique au Proche-orient (Syrie, Phénicie, Arabie, grecques, romaines, byzantines), ed. P.-L. Gatier, et al. (Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1988) 99-110; E. Frézouls, “La fondation des villes chez Malalas” in Mélanges Pierre Lévêque 8: Religion, anthropologie et société, ed. M.-M. Mactoux & E. Geny (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1994) 217-34.

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Pausanias’ date, however, remains uncertain. Foerster conjectured that Pau- sanias was the source for Libanius’ statement that Antioch had been destroyed by earthquakes three times in the past (Or. 11.228 [347]), and that the earth- quakes mentioned by Malalas were also taken from Pausanias, and so dated Pausanias some time after the last-mentioned earthquake in AD 115.2 Domninos and Pausanias are cited in Malalas for the first earthquake to strike Antioch in 148 BC (8.24; F 10B), but Pausanias is only added from the Slavonic text. Malalas mentions two more earthquakes, in AD 37 and 115 (10.18, 11.8, 9), but cites no authorities. Foerster excluded Domninos as a source for Libanius because he thought him to be a Nestorian. But Foerster’s conjecture assumes: 1) that Libanius’ source for the three earthquakes must be one which might be known to modern scholars, 2) that Domninos was Malalas’ source for all three earthquakes, and that Pausanias was in turn Domninos’ source, even though they are only cited for one, and 3) that Domninos can be positively identified as a Nestorian or Christian Patriarch of Antioch, which is highly dubious.3 Foerster’s date for Pausanias of sometime after 115 deserves a hearing, but is far from conclusive. The fragments (11A, 11) suggest that the last event known to have been discussed by Pausanias was either the death of Sosibios (possibly in the reign of , 31 BC – AD 14, but perhaps afterward), or the establishment of the at Antioch (AD 43/4). In F 11 Pausanias is not specifi- cally cited as a source for the information provided on the games, but rather for the information on Sosibios. Presumably Pausanias ceases to be cited after this point in Malalas’ Chronicle because his work on Antioch did not treat later events. A – perhaps early – first-century AD date therefore seems plausible. An earlier date (rather than the fourth-century one suggested by Jacoby4) might be corroborated by the essentially unchristian nature of the fragments. Diller states that Pausanias was one of Malalas’ immediate sources,5 but this seems very unlikely. Domninos was probably the intermediary through whom Malalas knew the material of Pausanias.6 There is an unsettling coincidence not only in the names, but also in the inter- ests of Pausanias of Antioch and his better-preserved namesake, Pausanias the Periegete. Both seem to have written primarily on monuments and antiquities.

2 R. Foerster, ‘De Libanio, Pausania, Templo Appolonis Delphico’ in Album gratulatorium in honorem Henrici van Herwerden propter septuagenariam aetatem munere professoris, quod per XXXVIII annos gessit, se abdicantis (Utrecht: Kemink & fil., 1902) 45-54. 3 E. Jeffreys, “Malalas’ sources” in Studies in John Malalas, ed. E. Jeffreys (Sydney: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, 1990) 178, 187. 4 FGrH 3C2, 938. P. Janiszewski, The Missing Link: Greek pagan historiography in the sec- ond half of the third century and in the fourth century AD (Warsaw, 2006) 187, favours a second or third century date for Pausanias. 5 A. Diller, “The Authors Named Pausanias” TAPA 86 (1955), 276. 6 Jeffreys (1990) 189.

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Pausanias the Periegete himself tells us he was from Asia Minor,7 but only later witnesses inform us that Pausanias of Antioch was from Antioch. It is tempting to suggest that Pausanias the Periegete had garnered such a reputa- tion that ‘Pausanias’ became a byword for a periegete or writer of guidebooks, and so the name was assumed by or assigned to Pausanias of Antioch. There is, however, no indication that Pausanias the Periegete was read before Stephanos of Byzantium, let alone that he became famous.8 Nor does it appear that Pausanias the Periegete would allow himself to be distracted from his chosen subject of Greece or required a commission enough to write on the region of Antioch. The relationship of the two authors remains a problem. Pausanias of Antioch, then, was Antiochene, and probably wrote in the first century AD His subject was his home city, its foundation, legendary history, monuments, and remarkable events, though he seems to have written on other Seleucid foundations, especially in the region of Antioch. His approach to myth was rationalizing, but he included the miraculous or supernatural in his accounts of historical events. For ease of reference I have not varied from the numbering of the testimo- nium and fragments in Jacoby, FGrH 854, except in the case of a number of new fragments I have identified. New fragments are marked with a capital letter following the appropriate number.

TRANSLATION AND COMMENTARY

Testimonium 1 CONSTANT. PORPH. De Them. I p. 17: The district called ‘Armeniac’ does not have a fixed or authoritative name, nor is its designation an old one … I think it reasonable to say that it received such a name in the reign of the emperor Heraclius and later times. For the geographer does not mention a name of this sort … nor does Menippos, who wrote down the distances of the whole inhabited earth, nor indeed Scylax of nor Pausanias of Damascus nor any other of the writers of history.

T 1 Diller has shown that despite previous opinion to the contrary (based solely on a shared name), Pausanias of Damascus is not to be identified with Pausanias the author of the ktisis of Antioch. Rather, Pausanias of Damascus is most likely the author of the third, unattributed periplus of the Mediterranean with the Sea in codex D of the Minor Geographers, previously ascribed

7 C. Habicht, Pausanias’ Guide to (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985) 13-5. 8 Habicht (1985) 1-2.

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to Ps.-Scymnus. This testimonium, therefore, has no bearing on the fragments which follow.9

Fragment 1 STEPH. BYZ. s. v. D¬rov: Doros: a city of Phoenicia … the ethnic form is Dorites … but Pausanias, in the book on the foundation of his home city, calls them Dorieis, writing this way: “Tyrians, Ascalonitans, Dorieis, Rhaphaneotans”.

FF 1, 5-8 That found the ethnic forms of various cities in the Levant in Pausanias’ work does not necessarily indicate that Pau- sanias dealt with the foundation of each of these cities, especially as some of them, like Gaza and Botrys, were ancient foundations which preceded even the Persian hegemony in the region, let alone that of the Seleucids. Pausanias might have mentioned the natives of these cities as visitors to or inhabitants of the cosmopolitan of Antioch and its environs.

F 2 STEPH. BYZ. s. v. Seleukóbjlov: Seleucobelos: a city of , near *** A citizen is called a ‘Seleucobelites’ or ‘Seleucobelaios’. It is named after Seleucos and Belus; so says Pausanias in the Concerning Antioch.

F 2 Pausanias may well have discussed the foundation of Seleucobelos, since it was on the plain of Amyke or Amuk (on the Orontes, some thirty miles south of Antioch), mentioned in F 10 (6), and its name indicates that it was founded or refounded by one of the Seleucids. It might also be another example of the propaganda effort to associate the Seleucid house with (here under his syncretistic ‘Babylonian epithet’ of Belos) which is evident in the more substantial fragments of Pausanias. ‘Belos’, the Greek translation of the Semitic bel or ba’al (‘lord’), the name given to a number of legendary Near Eastern figures by the , and the epithet of Zeus, especially as he was worshipped at Babylon,10 would probably have been most readily recognizable to the Greek subjects of the Seleucids, but may have had some resonance with the natives as well.

F 3a TZETZ. Chil. 7.167: As Pausanias writes in The Foundation of Antioch, / Antioch was founded by Seleucos Nicator, / according to some after the name of his father Antiochos, / but according to Lucian after the name of his son Antiochos, / whom they called Soter … Seleucos founded this city of Antioch, and seventy and four other cities. / Those who ignorantly say that Antio- chos founded the city / Attaios and Perittas as well as Anaxicrates / refute and

9 Diller (1955) 276-9. 10 B. Garstad, “Belus in the Sacred History of Euhemerus” Classical Philology 99 (2004) 253.

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demonstrate what is obvious to those who speak foolishly, / and with them is Asclepiodoros who happens to be a member of the household, / these Seleucus then made witnesses [or overseers] of his foundations.

3b SCHOL. TZETZ. Chil. (Cramer An. Ox. III p. 369, 20): I Tzetzes say “according to some”, not Pausanias.

F 3 On the basis of the following fragment it is clear that Tzetzes did not depend entirely on Malalas for his knowledge of Pausanias, but the informa- tion in this fragment (i.e., that Pausanias stated that Seleucos named Antioch for his father, and founded seventy-five cities) might have been taken from Malalas; F 10 (11). Tzetzes own comment (F 3b) indicates that Pausanias did not offer any authorities for stating that Antioch was named after Seleucos’ father, rather Tzetzes himself knew this was the opinion of several writers.11 There is nothing to suggest that the authors Tzetzes cites as witnesses or super- visors of Seleucos’ foundations were mentioned by Pausanias. This is, in fact, unlikely, as Tzetzes says they disagree with Pausanias.

F 4 TZETZ. Exeg. Iliad. p. 138, 14: The story of is known to all, but Pausanias the historian, in the Concerning the Foundation of Antioch writes more expansively: Cyparissos was an Egyptian in the bloom of youth, and when he fell and drowned in a well, because of the violent death of the young man, they named the cypress (cyparissos), which was not yet named ‘cypress’, after the name of the youth, just as the rest of the trees [were named] after the names of others.

F 4 The cypress grove at the sanctuary Seleucos founded for at Daphne was famous in antiquity; see Philostr., VA 1.16; Libanius, Or. 11.94- 99; Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 5.19.4-11.12 Pausanias seems to have balanced the miraculous events with which he peppered his historical accounts with a bland rationalization of the unbelievable aspects of myth. According to the common version of the story Cyparissos was a young hunter who accidentally killed his pet stag, and the gods out of pity for his grief turned him into a tree. Stern collects Greek stories in which the hero is killed in a well,13 and the existence of this commonplace suggests that Pausanias’ fuller story of Cyparissos might have been similar to the “violent erotic contexts” noted by Stern. It is quite plausible that Pausanias also rationalized the myth of Daphne, another story of metamorphosis.

11 G. Ballaira, “Su Tzetzes “Hist.” 118 (Chil. VII 163-176 Leone)” Giornale italiano di filo- logia 31 (1979) 117. 12 G. Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961) 83-4. 13 J. Stern, “, Fragment 3” Eranos 85 (1987) 35-9, esp. 36 n. 8.

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F 5 STEPH. BYZ. s. v. Bótruv: Botrys: a city of Phoenicia. A citizen is a Botryenos, as Pausanias says – contrary to expectation.

F 5 In the case of Gaza (F 7) Stephanus tells us what ethnic he expected when he found an unusual form in Pausanias. Here he does not say what was the expected ethnic form of Botrys, but it may have been Botrytai (Botrútai), by analogy with Aigys (A˝guv): Aigytai (AîgÕtai). Pausanias seems to favour –enos (-jnóv) as an ethnic ending.

F 6 STEPH. BYZ. s. v. Gábba: Gabba: a city of Syria, of which the ethnic form is ‘Gabbenos’, as Pausanias says.

F 7 STEPH. BYZ. s. v. Gáha: Gaza: a city of Phoenicia … A citizen is a Gazaios. They are also called Gazenoi, unexpectedly, as Pausanias [has it].

F 8 STEPH. BYZ. s. v. Mariammía: Mariammia: a city of Phoenicia. The citizens are Mariammitai, as Pausanias [has it] in his eighteenth book.

F 8 The more common name of this city is Mariame (PW XIV, 2: 1745). The text is uncertain at this point (ên ktjaut’). Where Jacoby reads a phrase (ên v) to be translated ‘as Pausanias in his eighteenth’, Meineke, the editor of the Ethnika, prefers (ên ktísei aût±v) ‘as Pausanias in the ktisis of it [i.e. Mariammia]’.14 On the basis of Meineke’s reading, Janiszewski assumes that Pausanias wrote another separate work on the foundation of Mariame.15 Con- sidering the abbreviated and muddled citations in our text of Stephanos (which Janiszewski himself notes), this suggestion seems highly improbable.

F 9A MALALAS Chron. 2, pp. 28-9 (Thurn 20-22; ii.6)16: In the aforemen- tioned times of Picos-Zeus there appeared in the lands of the West a man of the tribe of Japheth, in the country of the Argives, by the name of Inachos. He was the first to rule as king in that country, and he founded a city there named after the moon (for he worshipped the moon), which he called Iopolis. For the Argives up to the present time say in mystic manner Io is the secret name of the moon. He also founded a temple in the city to the moon, and set up a bronze memorial pillar to her, on which he wrote: ‘Io Blessed Bringer of Light’. This Inachos took a wife by the name of . By her he had three children, Casos

14 Stephani Byzantii Ethnicorum quae supersunt, ed. A. Meineke (Berlin, 1849) 433. 15 Janiszewski (note 3) 188. 16 Jacoby’s citations for the passages from Malalas have been supplemented with references to the most recent edition of Malalas’ chronicle, that of J. Thurn, Ioannis Malalae Chronographia (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000).

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and Belos and a daughter whom he named Io after the name of the moon; for the maiden was of surpassing beauty. Then Picos, also called Zeus, the king of the western regions, heard about Inachos, that he had a beautiful virgin daughter, and paid court to her and seized Io, [killing Argus,] and he seduced her. After he made her pregnant, he had by her a daughter, whom he called Libya. But Io bore what happened to her grievously, and she did not want to live with Picos-Zeus. She evaded him and everyone else and abandoned her daughter. Since she was ashamed before her father, she fled and sailed down to . And Io went to the land of Egypt and lived there. After a time she learned that , the son of Picos-Zeus, ruled Egypt, and because she was afraid of this Hermes she fled from there to Syria, to Mount Silpios, to the place where some time later Seleucos Nicator the Macedonian founded a city, and called it after the name of his son Antioch the Great. Io went off to Syria and died there, as the most wise Theophilos has written, while others have put out that she died in Egypt. Inachos, her father, sent her brothers and relatives and Triptolemos and some Argives with them to search for her. They sought her everywhere, but they did not find her. The Argive Iopolitans came to know that Io had died in Syria, so they went and stayed there for a brief while, knocking on every house in that place, and saying, ‘Let the soul of Io be saved’. Receiving a revelation in a vision they saw a heifer, which said to them in a human voice, ‘Here I am, Io’. When they awoke they stayed wondering at the heifer of the vision. They reck- oned that Io lay in this mountain, established a temple to her, and settled there on Mount Silpios, founding a city for themselves, which they called Iopolis. These people have been called Ionitans by the Syrians up to the present day. So since that time when the Argives came looking for Io, the Syrian Antiochenes perform a memorial, knocking at this time every year on the houses of the Greeks, up to the present. These Argives remained there in Syria because when they left the country of the Argives they were commanded by King Inachos, the father of Io, ‘If you do not bring my daughter Io, do not return to the country of the Argives’. So these Ionitans founded there a temple of Cronos on Mount Silpios.

F 9A Pausanias is not cited in this passage, but it is included as a probable fragment because the references to Iopolis and the Ionitans in the established fragments of Pausanias would be incomprehensible without some narrative of the original foundation in what would become the Seleucis (the region of Antioch). This narrative is, moreover, consistent with the ktistic nature of Pausanias work, and with the other fragments on the legendary history of the region of Antioch. Libanius in his Oration in Praise of Antioch (Or. 11.44-52) tells a similar story of Io and the Argive settlement in the vicinity of Antioch, including the details of searchers assiduously knocking on doors and the injunction of Inachos to return with Io or not at all, so the account in Malalas reflects an established

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tradition, rather than sixth-century speculation and composition. Although in Libanius, Triptolemos is the leader of the expedition, the Argive settlement is called Ione, and the settlers build a temple to Zeus, not Cronos.17. In Malalas, however, the story has been interpolated with material from the Bible (Inachos is said to be of the tribe of Japheth, Noah’s son), and from the ‘Picus-Zeus narrative’ (the story is set in the time of Picos-Zeus, he rapes Io, Hermes is king of Egypt; see below, F 10 [2]), perhaps by the same hand, Malalas or one of his sources, and so it is unclear what can safely be attributed to Pausanias. The assertion that Seleucos named Antioch after his son is clearly an emendation by Malalas or his immediate source, because it contradicts the claim explicitly attributed to Pausanias that the city was named after his father, but agrees with Malalas’ opinion on the matter (FF 3b, 10[11]). Nevertheless, some distinct and original features of this narrative seem to be discernable. 1) Inachos founds a city in the Argolid. No city in the region was, as far as we know, identified as Iopolis, and so presumably this is Argos itself, but Malalas does not specify, in which case Iopolis would be an alternate or secret name of Argos. Traditionally, Inachos, the son of Ocean and Tethys, was the first of the line of Argive kings, and Argos, his great-grandson, was the eponymous founder of the city of Argos. 2) Io was the secret name of the moon. The identification of Io with the moon probably stems from the initial identification of Io with Isis (e.g. Hdt., 2.41.2), who was also supposed to have had a cow form (see Diod., 1.11.4), and especially as the consort of , was a moon-goddess.18 Pausanias’ claim that ‘Io’ is a distinctively Argive word for the moon has some corroboration; Herodian (Kath. Pros. 12, i.347, Lentz 30 ff.) asserts that Io is the moon in the Argive dialect. 3) Some of the Argives who searched for Io settled on Mount Silpios and called their city Iopolis. Perhaps this legend developed to explain a pre-Macedonian Greek settlement in the area.19 Considering the overtly religious role played by the Ionitans in the legends found in Malalas, and their reputation for sanctity, it is also possible that these stories were intended to give an illustrious pedigree to the priests of Antioch. The establishment of the temple of Cronos at the end of the passage is

17 On Libanius’ Oration in Praise of Antioch, see G. Downey, ‘Libanius’ Oration in Praise of Antioch (Oration XI), Translated with Introduction and Commentary’, Proceedings of the Amer- ican Philosophical Society 103 (1959) 652-86. C. Saliou, ‘Les foundations d’Antioche dans l’Antiochikos (Oratio XI) de Libanios’, Aram 11/12 (1999/2000) 357-88, provides an extremely detailed analysis of the mythological details shared by Libanius and Malalas. 18 A. Cook, Zeus: A Study in Ancient Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1914) vol. I, 454-7; A. Lloyd, , Book II (Leiden: Brill, 1975-88) vol. 2, 184; Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (Zürich: , 1981-) vol. V, pt. 1, 664-9 (represen- tation of Io as a cow, or as a horned woman), 670 (identification of Io with Isis), 781-2 (Isis-Io); R. Merkelbach, Isis regina – Zeus Sarapis: Die griechisch-ägyptische Religion nach den Quellen dargestellt (Stuttgart & Leipzig: Teubner, 1995) 68-70. 19 On the distinct possibility of such a settlement, see Downey (1961) 51-3.

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probably a reiteration of the foundation of Iopolis with further details, rather than a variant account of the same event. It is also noteworthy that in this account Io is not turned into a cow, and appears as a heifer only in a dream. This is consistent with the rationalization of the metamorphosis of Cyparissos attributed to Pausanias (F 4), and so sup- ports the connection of this narrative to Pausanias.

F 9 MALALAS Chron. 2, p. 37, 17 (Thurn 27-28; ii.13); cf. CHRON. PASCH. p. 72, 11: And this , after reigning over the Persian land for many years, understood that Ionitans from Argos lived in the Syrian country, and he went to Syria to see them, to Mount Silpios as to see his own relatives, who did homage and received him with all honour. The Argive Iopolitans recog- nized him, and knew that he came from the race of the Argives, and they delight- edly greeted him with song. A storm came up and the river which lies beside the city of the Ionitans, called the Dracon, but now the Orontes, greatly over- flowed, and he implored the Ionitans to pray. In the midst of their praying and performing mystical rites a ball of fire and lightning descended out of the heaven, and this made the storm to stop and the streams of the river to be restrained. Perseus was amazed at what had happened, and immediately kindled a fire from that fire, and he kept it guarded with him. He took this fire with him to the Persian lands, to his own palace, and instructed them to honour that fire, which he told them he had seen descending out of the heaven. The up to the present hold this very fire in honour as divine. Perseus founded a temple for the Ionitans, which he named [the temple] of deathless fire. Likewise he founded a temple of fire in Persia, appointing at that time to serve in this place pious men, whom he called magi. Pausanias, the most wise chronographer, wrote these things.

F 9 Pausanias seems to have subscribed to a version of the Greek theory which made Perseus the eponymous founder of the Persian nation (in Hdt., 7.61, 150, Perses, the son of Perseus, is the progenitor of the Persians). As the founder of the people, Perseus is also responsible for the origin of their reli- gion, just as Aeneas conveyed the Lares and Penates from to Latium. Pausanias may have had some knowledge of Persian religion, since the ancient Iranians considered fire to be the intermediary between heaven and earth,20 and the sacred fires of Persian temples are, according to Zoroastrian tradition, supposed to have been originally ignited by the miraculous means of a fire coming down from heaven. At any rate, Pausanias’ account seems to be unique

20 W. Malandra, An Introduction to Ancient Iranian Religion: Readings from the Avesta and Achaemenid Inscriptions (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983) 159-61.

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among Greek and reports of Persian fire-worship.21 This account of the origins of Persian religion may owe something to Seleucid propaganda from before the rise of the Parthians and the loss of the Seleucids’ Iranian territories. Inasmuch as it traces some of the most important aspect of Persian religion (the veneration of fire and the clerical order of the magi) back to a Greek hero and to the region of the Seleucid capital, it might have been intended to foster unity and loyalty amongst the disparate subjects of the . The ‘ball of fire and lightning’ (lit. ‘ball of fire of lightning’) might be taken, like the eagle so active in the later Seleucid foundations, for an attribute of Zeus, the protector of the Seleucid house; see F 10 (1). The Orontes is also said to have been called the Dracon at first in F 10 (4). According to Strabo (16.2.7), the Orontes was originally called the because this is where Typhon, in the form of a dragon (dracon), was struck by a bolt of lightning. The manifestation of Typhon as a dragon seems to explain the original name of the Orontes which Pausanias favoured.

F 9B MALALAS Chron. 5, pp. 140-42 (Thurn 109-11; v.37): in the company of those with him went down to Syria, and when he disembarked from the ship, he asked, ‘Where is Mount Melantios and the temple of ?’. When he found out, he went into the temple, and having made a sacrifice he remained there performing a rite of incubation. Orestes was delivered of his very severe illness, left his madness there, and withdrew from the temple. He immersed himself in the streams of the two rivers called the Melantia by the Syrians because they flow down from Mount Melantios, and he was cleansed. And this Orestes crossed the River Typhon, now called the Orontes, and went to Mount Silpios to do homage to the Ionitans. And the Argive Ionitans who lived in Syria, when they had heard that Orestes was delivered of his illness, went out to him, since he came from their country and he was of kingly blood. And when they met him they recognized those with him from the temple of Hestia and asked them, ‘Who is this?’. They said to them, ‘It is Orestes and we bring him to you’. At once the Ionitans welcomed him, and asked him, ‘Orestes, where did you set aside your madness?’. But Orestes, still fearing the passion of his sickness, did not turn around and indicate to them the temple or the mountain where he was delivered of his illness, rather lifting his right hand above the crown of his head, with the finger of his hand he indicated to them the mountain and the temple, and said to them, ‘On that mountain at the temple of the goddess Hestia I laid aside my grievous madness’. Straightaway the Ion- itans made a bronze memorial of Orestes in that pose in which he indicated to them. It was set up on a great column as an eternal record and an honour to the

21 A. de Jong, Traditions of the Magi: Zoroastrianism in Greek and (Leiden: Brill, 1997) 343-50.

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country and to the temple of Hestia. [Thus the Ionitans] made known to those who came afterward where Orestes set aside his raving madness. This bronze memorial stands to the present day, and the Ionitans gave Mount Melantios the additional name of Amanos (‘Free-of-Madness’). Orestes did homage to the Ionitans and went down to the sea at the place until recently called Palaiopolis, now . He found ships there, and sailed away with Iphigeneia and Pylades to Greece. He joined his sister Electra in marriage to Pylades, and held the country of the Mycenaeans until his death. When the Syrians noticed the pose of the memorial of Orestes, and under- stood from the Ionitans the reason, they were angry and called him a runaway, because despite such a great good which had befallen him in their country and his escaping from such a danger, he did not turn, give heed, praise the divine powers and give them thanks, and point out to the Ionitans the temple of Hestia, rather he ran away from reason, and instead of thanksgiving he turned his back and with the finger of his hand indicated the temple and the mountain where he was delivered of his wild madness and was saved. This memorial of Orestes is called the runaway by the Antiochenes up to the present; for this statue is a little way in front of the city. These things the wise Domninos has written.

F 9B This account is ascribed to Domninos, but this Domninos, probably one of Malalas’ immediate sources, seems to have borrowed material from Pausanias in other instances.22 The ‘Argive Ionitans’ figure prominently in this passage as well, and it is largely concerned with a monument which survives in the neighbourhood of Antioch ‘to the present day’. Both of these points sug- gest that the narrative of Orestes’ healing and the statue built by the Ionitans should be attributed to Pausanias. There is also an earlier name for the Orontes as in FF 9 and 10 (4), although here it is Typhon, as in Strabo (16.2.7), rather than Dracon, as in the other fragments of Pausanias. The ultimate purpose of the story is to provide a Greek etymology for Mount Amanos, which rose across the Orontes north of Antioch, just as the legend of Amyke, attributed to Pausanias F 10 (6), offers an explanation of the Amuk plain. ‘Not crazy’, the meaning a Greek would presume for amanos (the word does not actually exist in Greek) probably suggested Orestes, famously mad and healed of his madness, as the hero of this aetiology, and the location of Orestes’ healing here. The details of the legend seem to have been determined by the posture of the statue, rather than the other way around. Pausanias could be responsible for the whole of the narrative in Malalas which makes Orestes and Iphigeneia active in the Levant (5.30-37), but Malalas’ version is interpolated with material from elsewhere (e.g., Iphigeneia’s tyche sacrifice at Scythopolis; see F 10 [4]).

22 Jeffreys (1990) 59, 178-9.

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F 10 MALALAS Chron. 8, p. 198, 23 (Thurn 150-154; viii.11-18): (1) Imme- diately after his victory over Antigonos Poliorcetes, Seleucos Nicator wanted to found a number of different cities, and he began to found the first one on the coast of Syria. When he went down to the sea he saw a small city situated on the mountain, which Syros the son of had founded. On the 23rd of the month of Xanthikos he went to make a sacrifice on Mount Casios to Zeus Casios, and as he was completing the sacrifice and cutting the meat he enquired where he should found a city. And suddenly an eagle snatched a piece from the sacrifice and brought it down to the old city. Seleucos and the bird augurs who were with him chased after the eagle, and he found the piece of meat thrown by the sea below the old city at the trading post called Pieria. He imme- diately marked out the walls, laid the foundations, and called this city Seleucia after his own name. (2) He gave thanks and went up to Iopolis, and after three days he celebrated the festival there of Zeus of the Lightning Bolt in the temple which had been founded by Perseus, the son of Picos and Danae, which is on Mount Silpios, where Iopolis is situated, and he made a sacrifice on the first of the month of Artemesios. (3) Then he went to the city of , which had been founded by Antigonos Poliorcetes – the city of Antigonia is in the midst of another river coming down from the lake, the Archeutha or Japhtha, and is established in safety. He made a sacrifice there to Zeus on the altars Antigonos had set up, and cut the meat, and at the same time he bid Amphion the priest discern by the sign given if he was bound to settle this city of Antigonia and rename it, or he was not bound to settle it, but to found another city in another place. Suddenly a great eagle came down out of the air, caught up some meat from the altar of the fire of burnt-offering, and went off towards Mount Silpios. [Seleucos] and those with him gave chase and found the sacred meat and the eagle sitting above it. When the priest and the bird augurs and Seleucos himself saw the wonder, they said, “We must settle here, and we must not settle in Antigonia, nor should this city have come into being, since the divine powers do not wish this.” (4) Moreover, he determined with them in what place to build the city safely. He was wary of the streams of Mount Silpios and the torrents which came down from it, and so on the plain opposite the hollow of the mountain near the great river Dracon (afterward called the Orontes), where the village of Bottia was, across from Iopolis, there he staked out the foundations of the wall, and through the agency of Amphion the high priest and officiant of the myster- ies he sacrificed a virgin girl by the name of Aimathe in the space between the city and the river on the 22nd of Artemisios, or May, at the first hour of the day, as the sun was rising. He called [the city] after the name of his own son who was called Antiochus Soter. And he straightway established a temple, which he called that of Zeus Bottios. And he swiftly raised the tremendous walls through the agency of Xenarios the architect. He set up a bronze stele in

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the form of a statue of the maiden who had been offered as a sacrifice as the tyche of the city above the river, and at once he made a sacrifice to her as the tyche. (5) And he went away and tore down the whole city of Antigonia to the ground, took away the materials from there by the river, and made a statue of the Tyche of Antigonia, a bronze monument of a woman holding the horn of Amaltheia in front of her. He built a structure with four pillars on a rise there and set this Tyche [on it], and he set up a high altar in front of her. After the death of Seleucus Demetrios, the son of Antigonos Poliorcetes, carried off this monument of the Tyche to Rhosos, the city in Cilicia. This city of Rhosos was founded by Cilix, the son of Agenor. (6) After he leveled Antigonia Seleucos made the Athenians who lived in Antigonia move to the great city of Antioch which he had built. Antigonos allowed them to remain there with his son Demetrios, along with some other men, Macedonians, 5300 men altogether. Seleucos made in Antioch the Great an awesome bronze statue of , on account of the Athenians, since they worshipped her. He also brought down from the acropolis the Cretans whom Casos, the son of Inachos, had permitted to live above [the future site of the city]. They moved to Antioch with the Cyprians. When King Casus married Amyke, also called Kitia, the daughter of Salaminos the king of the Cyprians, these Cyprians came with her and lived on the acropolis. Amyke died and was buried 100 stades from the city; because of this the country is called Amyke. Seleucus also persuaded the Argive Ionitans, and brought them down from Iopo- lis to live in Antioch; he made them citizens because they were holy and noble. (7) Seleucos set up a stone image of the eagle in front of the city. He ordered the Syrian months to be given Macedonian names *** since he found to have lived in this country, for two miles from the city of Antioch there is a place where there are the bodies of human beings petrified because of the vexation of God, whom they call giants to this day. Similarly, a certain Pagras, called in this manner a giant, who lived in this land, was struck by a fiery thunderbolt. Thus it is clear that the people of Antioch of Syria live in the land of the giants. (8) Before the city and across the river he made another image of a horse’s head and a gilded helmet (?) nearby, and on these he wrote, ‘On this Seleucos fled from Antigonos and saved himself, and turning back from there he killed him’. Seleucos also raised a marble memorial of Amphion mak- ing a bird sacrifice with him, within the so-called Roman gates. (9) Seleucos Nicator founded another, maritime city in Syria named Laodiceia after the name of his daughter, where there had previously been a village named Mazabda, and according to custom he made a sacrifice to Zeus. When he enquired where to found the city an eagle came again, and snatched some meat from the sacrifice. While he was pursuing this eagle a huge wild boar broke from a reed bed and crossed his path, and he brought it down with the spear he was carry- ing. He killed the boar, and trailing its remains after him he marked off the

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walls with its blood, and left the eagle. And so he founded the city over the blood of the boar, and sacrificing an innocent girl by the name of Agave he made a bronze memorial to her as the Tyche of this city. (10) Seleucos Nicator founded another city in Syria the Great named after his daughter Apama, when he came upon the village formerly called Pharnake. Seleucos walled the city and named it, calling it Apameia, made a sacrifice, and gave the city the additional name of Pella, because this was the name of the Tyche of the city of Apameia; for Seleucos was from the Macedonian city of Pella. He sacrificed a bull and a billy-goat, and the eagle came back, snatched up a piece from the head of the bull and the billy-goat, and marked around the walls with the blood. (11) Seleucos founded various other cities in other provinces and in the Persian lands, very many of them, and their number is 75, as the wise chron- ographer Pausanias has written, and set out the names of these cities, after his own name and those of his children, as seemed good to him. The wise Pau- sanias also explained that Seleucos named Antioch the Great after the name of his father, since his father was also called Antiochos. But no one founds a city and gives it the name of a dead man (for this is nonsense), rather he names it after someone who is still alive and well; he named this city after the name of his own son, as has been said before. This most wise Pausanias has written many other things in a poetic manner.

F 10 This, the most substantial fragment of Pausanias, deals with the founda- tion of the four cities of what Strabo (16.2.4) calls the Tetrapolis of the region of Seleucis. We do not know whether or not this represents a summary of the greater part of his work. This would satisfy the expectations of a work on the foundation of Antioch, if Stephanus and Tzetzes knew the author’s original title. F 9, however, suggests a greater chronological scope, including the antiqui- ties of the area well before Seleucos’ foundation, and the mention of Seleuco- belos (F 2) and the reference to seventy-five foundations indicate the possibil- ity that the work dealt with all of the Seleucid foundations. Two later writers, Malalas and Libanius (Or. 5, 11), are our two major surviving sources for the foundation of Antioch, and so it can be difficult to check the accuracy of the statements attributed to Pausanias. (1) , the seaport of Antioch, was the first of Seleucos’ foun- dations, perhaps, as Downey suggests, because Seleucos at first intended this to be his capital.23 The present text of Malalas does not mention a city founded by Syros, but if Pausanias did record such a foundation it would serve, like the account of Iopolis, to give a storied past, both Greek and mythical, to a Hel-

23 Downey (1961) 56-62.

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lenistic city. The eagle, who appears repeatedly to direct the foundations of Seleucos, was associated with Zeus, whom the Seleucids took, along with Apollo, as their patron.24 According to Appian (Syr. 58) Zeus manifested his presence at the foundation of Seleucia not with the presence of an eagle, but by an of lightning.25 The image of an eagle snatching meat from the sacrifi- cial fire seems to be an old one, found, if West’s reconstruction is correct, as early as Archilochos (Epode 1, frs. 179, 180).26 But far from a propitious omen, the poet’s eagle brings an ember back with the meat, and his fledglings are burnt to death, nest and all. The intervention of the Seleucid eagle has a paral- lel in the account of Alexander’s discovery of the image of Serapis at the site of in the Alexander Romance (1.33), in which an eagle flies off with entrails from one altar to another.27 The testimony of Libanius (see below) and a certain amount of numismatic evidence, especially from the time of , which corroborates the stories of eagles at Seleucid foundations and suggests that they were not an invention isolated to Pausanias.28 (2) The temple of ‘Zeus of the Ligtning Bolt’ (Zeus Keraunios) at Iopolis is probably to be associated with the ‘ball of fire and lightning’ (sfa⁄ra puròv keraunoÕ) which ignited the first sacred fire of the Persians, and the temple of ‘deathless fire’ which Perseus founded for the Ionitans (F 9). If so it rein- forces the religious syncretism suggested by Pausanias’ account of the origin of the Persian fire cult. The identification of Perseus as the son of Picos does not belong to Pausanias,29 and has been interpolated here by Malalas or one of his sources. The syncretistic and euhemerizing account of the gods which has ‘Picos, who is also Zeus’ (identified because, in the Italian tradition, both are sons of Cronos/Saturn) at its centre can probably be dated to the later fourth century.30 (3) Antigonia was, as described here, in a secure position, on a defensible plateau with rivers on two sides (hence the phrase ‘in the midst of the river’) and a lake in its rear. This legend justified the abandonment of the enviable site of Antigonia: a decision that was probably made in the interests of Seleucos’ prestige. See Diod., 20.47.5-6.31

24 Downey (1961) 68 n. 63. 25 R. Hadley, ‘Royal Propaganda of Seleucus I and ’, JHS 94 (1974) 59. 26 M. West, Iambi et Elegi Graeci, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1989-92) vol. I, 69; M. West, Greek Lyric Poetry (Oxford, 1993) 2. 27 Saliou (note 16) 373-4, 376 n. 117. 28 Chuvin (1988) 101; G. Marasco, “Giovanni Malala e la tradizione ellenistica” Museum Helveticum 54 (1997) 37. 29 Pace W. Halliday, “Picus-who-is-also-Zeus” Classical Review 36 (1922) 112 n. 2. 30 B. Garstad, “The Excerpta Latina Barbari and the ‘Picus-Zeus narrative’” Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik 34 (2002) 259-313. 31 Downey (1961) 60-1.

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(4) Downey mentions the torrents coming down from Mt. Silpios in the winter months as one of the disadvantages of the site of Antioch.32 The water was channeled in order to prevent flooding. Bottia, according to Libanius (Or. 11. 72-7, 88, 250), was founded by , and named after the Bottiaei of Thrace. Chuvin connects the fact that Antioch was founded “as the sun was rising” with Seleucos’ initiation of his city building project by a sacrifice to Zeus Casios, who was a solar deity.33 Pausanias probably recorded the precise date and time of Antioch’s founda- tion, and that the priest Amphion performed some sacrificial rite at the time,34 but Pausanias did not say that Antioch was inaugurated with a virgin sacrifice. Those who would argue he did must also make him responsible for all of the other consistent stories of ‘tyche sacrifice’ in Malalas, which continue up to the reign of Constantine. This account of the tyche sacrifice at Antioch, and the one below connected with the foundation of Laodiceia (9), actually belong to a series of narratives from the later fourth century which made the tychai of various cities the victims of virgin sacrifice and prominent pagan heroes and kings practitioners of human sacrifice, which has been interpolated here by Malalas or his source.35 The accounts of the foundation of the temple of Zeus Bottiaeos, the building of the walls under Xenarios, and perhaps the erection of a statue of the civic tyche (though not that it represented the sacrificed girl) are, however, probably the work of Pausanias. (5) Diodorus (20.47.5-6) and Strabo (16.2.4) both support Pausanias’ account of Seleucos dismantling Antigonia and moving her settlers to Antioch. Seleucos, however, may have plundered Antigonia for building materials, but he appar- ently did not destroy the city utterly, or disperse her entire population. Dio Cassius (40.29.2) attests that Antigonia still existed in 51 BC.36 Although Amaltheia, the daughter of Haimonios, was traditionally associated with the ‘horn of plenty’ (Apollod., 2.7.5) which was often held by images of Tyche, the accounts of tychai in Malalas regularly note that the tyche of a city had a female name distinct from that of the city itself (usually the name of the girl supposedly sacrificed to become the civic tyche). The phrase ‘of a woman holding the horn of Amaltheia in front of her’ might be translated ‘of Amaltheia

32 Downey (1961) 63-4. 33 Chuvin (1988) 103. 34 Marasco (1997) 41-2, suggests that the role of Amphion in the foundation of Antioch is a late and artificial inclusion in the legend, based on the historical participation in the foundation of of the hierophant and astrologer Praetextatus and the Neoplatonic philosopher Sopatros as a priest. 35 B. Garstad, “The Tyche sacrifices in John Malalas: Virgin sacrifice and fourth-century polemical history” Illinois Classical Studies 30 (2005) 83-136. 36 Downey (1961) 60 & n. 28.

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holding a horn in front of her’, in which case the tyche of Antigonia would be assumed to be named Amaltheia, and might serve to explain why the cornucopia accompanying tyche images was called ‘the horn of Amaltheia’. (6) New Macedonian foundations were often peopled by the displaced popu- lations of surrounding cities. This move must have been less disturbing than others, since the Athenian and Macedonian settlers of Antigonia had not been long resident in that city. The figure of 5300 presumably indicates the number of Athenian and Macedonian adult males who came from Antigonia to Antioch. They may have been the core of the planned population of the city. Downey notes the consistency with Plato’s ideal population of 5040 (Laws 737 E, 740 D-E) and the standard size of several Seleucid foundations.37 The legend- ary origins attributed to the Cretan, Cyprian, and Ionitan or Argive elements of the population, who certainly could have been resident in the area before the Macedonian conquest, must have contributed to the Hellenic antiquity of the city of Antioch. Libanius (Or. 11.91) also mentions veterans of Seleucos’ army, and Josephus (Ap. 2.39, AJ 12.119, BJ 7.43, 110) Jews, among the founding members of the population. The legend of Amyke was apparently a Greek invention intended to explain the name of the Amuk plain through which the Orontes flowed. It is actually a Semitic word meaning ‘hollow’ or ‘depth’. (7) The sculpture of an eagle was probably originally intended as a dedication to Zeus, but is here obviously associated with the eagle who directed Seleucos’ foundations. That the Syrian months were renamed after the Macedonian months is not a logical consequence of the former presence of giants in the territory of Antioch, and so Jacoby and Thurn, the latest editor of Malalas, are probably correct in suggesting a lacuna or a transposition of this sentence (it does seem to have been uncomfortably inserted into a passage discussing the monuments of Antioch). There were a number of reports of giants having been in the vicinity of Antioch. Strabo (16.2.7) says that Typhon, a monster of gigantic stature, was struck by a lightning bolt at the Orontes. Philostratos (Her. 8.5) reports that a corpse thirty cubits long was found in the bank of the Orontes. According to Pausanias the Periegete (8.29.3-4), when one of the Roman emperors diverted the Orontes a coffin eleven cubits long was found in the dried bed of the old river course, and a proportionately large body inside. Pausanias tells this story because the body was human in all its parts, and so proves that giants are human in form, not anguipedal; Philostratos (Her. 8.8) also makes this same point. Pausanias of Antioch might be making the same point when he says that the petrified ‘bodies of human beings’ are found two miles from the city. Saying they are

37 Downey (1961) 81-2.

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human bodies may, however, be intended to indicate that they were humans in stature, and what made them ‘giants’ was that they defied God and were con- sequently punished. This might also be the point of saying that ‘they call’ them giants, and that Pagras was called a giant ‘in this manner’. In the Septuagint (Gen. 10.9) Nimrod (Nebrod) is genealogically a man, but ‘he began to be a giant (gigas) on the earth’ (if he ‘begins’ to be a giant, what makes him a giant is his conduct, not his stature), and ‘was a giant hunter before the Lord’. Nimrod was traditionally involved in the building of the Tower of Babel and other acts of defiance against God. He was naturally associated with the giants of Greek myth, the enemies of the supreme god. It is unclear whether this passage is another example of Pausanias’ rationalization of myth, or a Christian interpo- lation in a text which largely depends on Pausanias. Pagrae was a town about twenty miles north of Antioch at the foot of the Pagric mountains (part of the Amanus range), and Pagras seems to have been an eponymous founder in a legend explaining the name of the town. (8) Moffatt suggests that the horse’s head and helmet might have been the fragments of a no longer intact sculpture.38 Pausanias certainly assumed them to have been set up as he knew them. The inscription, if it actually existed, could have been a later addition to explain the fragments in accord with Pausanias’ account of their origin. Moffatt also notes that the coincidence of the names of the priest and the son of Antiope, a statue of whom Tiberius set up outside of the temple of Dionysos along with one of his brother Zethos (Malalas, 10.10). It is possible that these are two different explanations of the same group of statues, but one would expect a bird sacrifice to be a fairly dis- tinctive activity. (9) The foundation of Laodiceia is, like Seleucos’ other foundations, directed by an eagle. Marking off the walls of the city with the blood of an animal may reflect some foundation ritual involving the blood of a sacrificial victim, but I can find no other examples. Chuvin sees affinities in the story of the wild boar with the foundation legends of .39 As in (4) above the account of virgin sacrifice does not belong to Pausanias, but has been interpolated into his account. (10) Pausanias probably explained Pella as the alternate name of Apameia with reference to Seleucos’ hometown. Pella as the name of Apameia’s civic tyche represents a variant explanation and is probably included by Malalas from the same source as that for the virgin sacrifices in (4) and (9). This source may have contained an account of the sacrifice of a maiden named Pella at the

38 A. Moffatt, “A Record of Public Buildings and Monuments” in Jeffreys (1990) 104. 39 Chuvin (1988) 103, 106.

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foundation of Apameia which is imperfectly reproduced here. The eagle reap- pears to sanction this foundation as well. (11) Pausanias ascribed seventy-five city foundations to Seleucos, but it is not clear whether or not he described each of them in any kind of detail. Malalas may be quite vociferous in contradicting Pausanias’ statement that Antioch was named after Antiochos the father of Seleucos, rather than his son, but the sources disagree on this matter. Downey collects the evidence and weighs in on the of Pausanias.40 Perhaps Malalas referred to Pausanias’ ‘poetic’ manner, despite the rationalizing tendencies evident in FF 4 and 9A, because he regularly included such miraculous incidents as the intervention of the eagle in founda- tion narratives.

F 10A MALALAS Chron. 8, pp. 207-8 (Thurn 157; viii.24): At that time Antioch the Great suffered from the wrath of God [i.e., an earthquake], the first of her disasters,41 in the eighth year of his [Antiochos, the grandson of Grypos] reign, in the time of the Macedonians, 152 years after the foundation of the wall was first laid by Seleucos Nicator, at the 10th hour of the day, on the 21st of the month of Peritios or February. The whole was renovated, as Domninos42 the chronographer has written, and Pausanias likewise.43 [Antioch] suffered 122 years after the completion of the walls and the whole city; and it was made better.

F 10A The attribution of this fragment to Pausanias was not made before because the citation of Pausanias is only preserved in the Slavonic text, which was not used by the editor of the text consulted by Jacoby. The concern with the foundation of Antioch (here, dating events from that point) and the physical remains still evident in the vicinity (the walls) is consistent with the passages for which Pausanias is cited by all of the texts. Malalas’ Seleucid chronology is horribly confused. Dating from the founda- tion of Antioch (300 BC) this earthquake should have occurred in 148 BC, but dating by regnal years it seems to occurred in 130 BC, the ninth year of Antio- chus VII Sidetes. It is not clear who ‘Antiochus, the grandson of Grypos’ is supposed to be. Downey doubts that Antiochus would have set out on an impor- tant eastern expedition the summer after such a major disaster struck his capital.44 Rather, he suggests that an earlier earthquake in 148 BC has been conflated with

40 Downey (1961) 581-2. 41 This phrase (tò pr¬ton aût±v páqov) is added by Thurn from the Slavonic text. 42 Thurn bases this reading (Domn⁄nov) on the Slavonic text, the Greek, followed by Jacoby, has Domnos (Dómnov). 43 This phrase (kaì Pausaníav Üsaútwv) is also added by Thurn from the Slavonic text. 44 Downey (1961) 126 n. 32.

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the Antiochus VII’s disastrous Parthian campaign of 130 BC, both of which incidents must have been attended by catastrophic loss of life.45

F 11A MALALAS Chron. 9.20 p. 224, 22 ff (Thurn 170-171; ix.20): In those times there was an Antiochene senator, Sosibios, who went with Augustus to . And when he died, he left his income to his home city so that every five years for thirty days in the fourth month [approx. January] a festival could be held there of contests in recitation, choral and theatrical performances, athletics, and a horse race.

F 11A The following fragment suggests that Pausanias discussed Sosibios (perhaps more than the Olympic games), and so it seems reasonable that this mention of Sosibios, with the additional information that he accompanied Augustus to Rome, also be ascribed to him. Sosibios is unknown except from Malalas. Augustus visited Antioch in 31/30 and 20 BC; Sosibios might have gone with him to Rome after either of these visits. The date of his death is not known.

F 11 MALALAS Chron. 10, p. 248, 5 (Thurn 188; x.27): In the reign of Claudius the landowners and citizens of Antioch sent a memorandum, asking that it might be granted to them by his sacred commission to buy the Olympics from the Pisaians of the land of Greece with their yearly revenues and the money left by Sosibios, a man of senatorial rank and their fellow citizen. The Emperor Claudius allowed them to buy the Olympics in the 92nd year according to the reckoning of Antiochenes of Syria. The Antiochenes did this because they were annoyed at the governors of their city on account of the above- mentioned revenues left to their city by Sosibios. The wise chronographer Pau- sanias explained about this Sosibios: when he died a certain Sosibios according to his will left the great city of the Antiochenes a yearly revenue of fifteen gold talents, which has already been recorded above under the times of Augustus Octavian. These revenues were bequeathed so that every five years for thirty days in the month of Hyperberetaios or October a varied spectacle of theatri- cal, choral, tragic, and athletic contests, horse races, and gladiatorial combats could be held for his fellow citizens.

F 11 Sosibios’ bequest suffered from the peculation and neglect of the com- missioners charged with its administration. Claudius granted the petition of the Antiochenes in AD 43/4. Malalas suggests that the Antiochenes bought the exclusive right to celebrate the Olympic games (i.e., that they were no longer

45 G. Downey, “Seleucid Chronology in Malalas” American Journal of 42 (1938) 106-20; Downey (1961) 120-1, 125-6; Jeffreys (1990) 136-8, 155.

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celebrated in Pisa), but as the Olympics continued to be held at Pisa until the end of the fourth century, it seems clear that what the Antiochenes actually purchased was the right to hold an Olympic festival in imitation of that Pisa.46 It is unclear whether Pausanias concerned himself with the foundation of the Olympic games at Antioch, or with Sosibios alone; note that here Pausanias is cited for information on Sosibios, not the Olympics.

F 12 MALALAS Chron. 8, p. 197, 9 (Thurn 149; viii.8): So the 13 Mace- donian reigned over the whole of the Egyptian land from Lagos to Cleopatra the daughter of Dionysos for 300 years, until in the 15th year of the reign of Augustus , also called Octavian, the August, Imper- ator, he defeated Antony and this Cleopatra in a naval battle in the land of Epirus47 at the site of Leukate, killed them, and conquered all Egypt, as Euse- bius Pamphili and Pausanias the chronographer have written.

F 12 A calculation of the total years of a dynasty seems more consistent with what we know of the chronographic work of Eusebius of Caesarea, and the reference to Pausanias as an authority may be a cosmetic addition by Malalas, not reflecting the actual content of his work. Pausanias may have included brief descriptions of each of the successor dynasties (one for the Seleucids would certainly seem appropriate), but it is not clear how these might have been worked into the overall scheme of what seems to have been an essentially ktistic work. The confused transliteration and translation of the title Augustus (Augoustos, Sebastos) is almost certainly the fault of Malalas, not Pausanias. The use of the title , however, probably belongs to Malalas’ source, as he uses the usual Greek term, Basileus, of the .

F 13 STEPH. BYZ. s. v. Láeia: Laeia: a city of Caria; according to Hecat- aios in Asia. A citizen is a ‘Laites’, as Pausanias says in his 5th book.

F 13 This fragment, scholars now agree, belongs to Pausanias the Periegete.48

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BALLAIRA, Guglielmo. “Su Tzetzes “Hist.” 118 (Chil. VII 163-176 Leone).” Giornale italiano di filologia 31 (1979) 116-8.

46 A. Schenk von Stauffenberg, Die römische Kaisergeschichte bei Malalas, griech. Text der Bücher IX-XII und Untersuchungen (Stuttgart: Kolhammer, 1931) 412-43; Downey (1961) 168, 197. 47 Thurn’s reading based on the Slavonic text: Kleopátran ên t±ç ˆJpeírwç xÉrai, instead of Jacoby’s: Kleopátran ên t±ç êpì xÉrai. 48 Diller (1955) 275 n. 35.

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