A Comparison of Sawt Al-Arab ("Voice of the Arabs") and A1 Jazeera News Channel
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Acknowledgments 1 Background
NOTES Acknowledgments 1. Science and Science Policy in the Arab World , published by Centre for Arab Unity Studies 1979 and Croom Helm, 1980; and The Arab World and the Challenges of Science and Technology: Progress without Change , published by Centre for Arab Unity Studies, 1999. 1 Background 1. These numbers, as we shall see, are approximate. 2. “10 Emerging Technologies 2009,” Technology Review 102, 2 (April 2009), 37–54. 3. For a report on the ongoing debate in Germany on this issue, see Carter Dougherty, “Debate in Germany: Research or Manufacturing,” New York Times , August 12, 2009. 4. See Alvin and Heidi Toffler, Revolutionary Wealth (Currency Doubleday, 2006), 94. 5. Ibid., part 6, 146ff. 6. Gavin Weightman, The Industrial Revolutionaries: The Making of the Modern World (Grove Press, 2007). 7. It is speculated that the steam engine may have been invented earlier by Pharaonic priests and that knowledge of this invention was available to Hero of Alexandria at about 10 to 60 CE 8. It seems that cats became domesticated around 1450 BC and were used at that time to protect granaries in Egypt. See, for an interesting account of the cat in Egypt, Jaromir Malek, The Cat in Ancient Egypt (London: The British Museum Press, 2006), 54–55, Revised Edition. 9. Research concerning the conversion to steam shipping was already well under way. See Christine Macleod, Jeremy Stein, Jennifer Tann, and James Andrew, “Making Waves: The Royal Navy’s Management of Invention and Innovation in Steam Shipping, 1815–1832,” History and Technology , 16 (2000), 307–333. 10. Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (Allen Lane, 2007). -
Song, State, Sawa Music and Political Radio Between the US and Syria
Song, State, Sawa Music and Political Radio between the US and Syria Beau Bothwell Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 Beau Bothwell All rights reserved ABSTRACT Song, State, Sawa: Music and Political Radio between the US and Syria Beau Bothwell This dissertation is a study of popular music and state-controlled radio broadcasting in the Arabic-speaking world, focusing on Syria and the Syrian radioscape, and a set of American stations named Radio Sawa. I examine American and Syrian politically directed broadcasts as multi-faceted objects around which broadcasters and listeners often differ not only in goals, operating assumptions, and political beliefs, but also in how they fundamentally conceptualize the practice of listening to the radio. Beginning with the history of international broadcasting in the Middle East, I analyze the institutional theories under which music is employed as a tool of American and Syrian policy, the imagined youths to whom the musical messages are addressed, and the actual sonic content tasked with political persuasion. At the reception side of the broadcaster-listener interaction, this dissertation addresses the auditory practices, histories of radio, and theories of music through which listeners in the sonic environment of Damascus, Syria create locally relevant meaning out of music and radio. Drawing on theories of listening and communication developed in historical musicology and ethnomusicology, science and technology studies, and recent transnational ethnographic and media studies, as well as on theories of listening developed in the Arabic public discourse about popular music, my dissertation outlines the intersection of the hypothetical listeners defined by the US and Syrian governments in their efforts to use music for political ends, and the actual people who turn on the radio to hear the music. -
“The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited in Knowledge He Sought Years Idol Masses
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY on A us strateGIC vision in A CHANGING WORLD “The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited SAMUEL TADROS The sorrow of Egypt is made of entirely different material: the steady decline of its public life, the inability of an autocratic regime and of the middle class from which this regime issues to rid the country of its dependence on foreign handouts, to transmit to the vast underclass the skills needed for the economic competition of nations; to take the country beyond its endless alternations between glory and self-pity. (Fouad Ajami, “The Sorrows of Egypt”) In his authoritative 1995 essay “The Sorrows of Egypt,”1 Fouad Ajami, with the knowledge and experience of someone who had known Egypt intimately, and the spirit and pen of a poet who had come to love the place, attempted to delve deeply into what ailed the ancient land. The essay moved masterfully from the political to the social and Islamism and the International Order International the and Islamism from the religious to the economic, weaving an exquisite tapestry of a land of sorrows. This was not the first time that Ajami had approached Egypt. The country his generation had grown up knowing was the Egypt of promise and excitement, where Gamal Abdel Nasser’s towering presence and deep voice had captivated millions of Arabic speakers. Ajami had been one of those young men. He had made the pilgrimage to Damascus, watching and cheering as Nasser made his triumphant entry into the city in 1958, crowned as the idol of the Arabs by adoring masses. -
Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference After the 25Th of January Revolution)
UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO INTERNACIONAL PÚBLICO Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES TESIS DOCTORAL Egyptian foreign policy (special reference after The 25th of January Revolution) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTORA PRESENTADA POR Rania Ahmed Hemaid DIRECTOR Najib Abu-Warda Madrid, 2018 © Rania Ahmed Hemaid, 2017 UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Políticas Y Socioligía Departamento de Derecho Internacional Público y Relaciones Internacionales Doctoral Program Political Sciences PHD dissertation Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference after The 25th of January Revolution) POLÍTICA EXTERIOR EGIPCIA (ESPECIAL REFERENCIA DESPUÉS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN DEL 25 DE ENERO) Elaborated by Rania Ahmed Hemaid Under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations in the Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid Madrid, 2017 Ph.D. Dissertation Presented to the Complutense University of Madrid for obtaining the doctoral degree in Political Science by Ms. Rania Ahmed Hemaid, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid. University: Complutense University of Madrid. Department: International Public Law and International Relations (International Studies). Program: Doctorate in Political Science. Director: Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda. Academic Year: 2017 Madrid, 2017 DEDICATION Dedication To my dearest parents may god rest their souls in peace and to my only family my sister whom without her support and love I would not have conducted this piece of work ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda for the continuous support of my Ph.D. -
The End of Pan-Arabism Author(S): Fouad Ajami Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol
The End of Pan-Arabism Author(s): Fouad Ajami Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Winter, 1978), pp. 355-373 Published by: Council on Foreign Relations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20040119 Accessed: 27-02-2018 10:36 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Foreign Affairs This content downloaded from 194.27.73.173 on Tue, 27 Feb 2018 10:36:56 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms FouadAjami 1^ THE END OF PAN-ARABISM olitical ideas make their own realities. Often in defiance of logic, they hold men and are in turn held by them, creating a world in their own image, only to play themselves out in the end, shackled by routine problems not foreseen by those who spun the myth, or living past their prime and ceasing to move people sufficiently. Or, political ideas turn to ashes and leave behind them a trail of errors, suffering and devastation. An idea that has dominated the political consciousness of mod ern Arabs is nearing its end, if it is not already a thing of the past. -
Cairo: a Memoir
Cairo: A Memoir A Former Le Monde Correspondent Reflects back on nasser’s Time By Éric Rouleau aised in France from early childhood and educated in the republic’s public schools, including the Alliance Israelite Universelle, my father naturally R supported the country’s concept of “laïcité,” (secularism), the complete inte- gration of Jewish citizens into their homeland, and was therefore opposed to all forms of Jewish nationalism. Although he was an atheist, or perhaps a deist—I never knew precisely—he nonetheless remained committed to the traditions of Judaism. He cel- ebrated all the major holidays—Passover, Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur—despite allowing generous portions of liturgical prayers to be skipped. He didn’t object, except to taunt me playfully, when during my teenage identity crisis I decided to take evening courses at a synagogue to study the sacred texts like the Talmud as the precursor to a rabbinical career. Then I lost my faith. Nor did he object to my decision to join Hashomer Hatzair (literally, “The Young Guard”), the Zionist youth movement with Marxist influences. I suspect that like me, my father was ignorant of nearly everything about Zionism and Marxism, two ideologies completely absent from his intellectual universe. I left the movement a year later, disap- pointed by its attempt to reconcile Jewish nationalism with international Marxism. Every five years, my father would save up enough money for us to take vacations in Lebanon where to our delight, the abundance of water, the exuberance of its flora, and the bounty of its orchards contrasted with arid and dry Egypt. -
Part of Imperial Communications: British-Governed Radio in the Middle East, 1934–1949
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Religious Studies: Faculty Scholarship Religious Studies 2013 Part of Imperial Communications: British-Governed Radio in the Middle East, 1934–1949 Andrea L. Stanton University of Denver, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/religious_studies_faculty Part of the Islamic World and Near East History Commons Recommended Citation Stanton, A. L. (2013). Part of imperial communications: British-governed radio in the Middle East, 1934-1949. Media History, 19(4), 421-435. https://doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2013.847141 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Religious Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Religious Studies: Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. Part of Imperial Communications: British-Governed Radio in the Middle East, 1934–1949 Comments This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Media History on Oct. 15, 2013, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/13688804.2013.847141. Publication Statement Copyright held by the author or publisher. User is responsible for all copyright compliance. This article is available at Digital Commons @ DU: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/religious_studies_faculty/10 This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Media History on Oct. 15, 2013, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/13688804.2013.847141. “Part of Imperial Communications”: British-Governed Radio in the Middle East, 1934-49 Abstract From 1934 to 1941, three British-governed radio stations were established in the Middle East: Egyptian State Broadcasting (ESB) in Cairo (1934), the Palestine Broadcasting Service (PBS) in Jerusalem (1936), and the Near East Broadcasting Service (NEBS) in Jaffa (1941). -
Egyptian Nationalism in the 20Th Century, As Seen Through the History
論文英文要旨 Egyptian nationalism in the 20th century, as seen through the 論文題目 history of Arabic literature 氏名 Kantaro Taira This dissertation aims to clarify the characteristics of Egyptian nationalism in the 20th century. Until now, research on this topic has interpreted Egyptian nationalism during that time period as emphasizing Egyptian identity and distinguishing its history and culture from those of Arabs who originated in the Arabian Peninsula. However, such a perspective cannot explain why Standard Arabic (fuṣḥā), not the Egyptian native language but an ethnic language rooted in the Arabian Peninsula, became the Egyptian national language. Furthermore, this perspective is contradicted by the fact that the history of Arabic literature (including the jāhilīya period) in the Arabian Peninsula has been taught in public education as the history of the national linguistic culture. To address this insufficiency in previous research on Egyptian nationalism, this dissertation focuses on the history of Arabic literature as taught and described in Egypt and analyzes the country’s nationalism as embodied in terms of national cultural history. From a linguistic point of view, chapter one surveys the ideological features of Pan-Islamism, Arab nationalism, and territorial nationalism, arguing that it was possible for each of these three nationalisms to embrace the same literary history as a cultural history for the nation, even though their visions of an Egyptian community differed. Chapters two and three then analyze textbooks on the history of Arabic literature that were used for national language education in public schools. Chapter two examines the 1929 textbook, issued at a time when the uniqueness of Egyptian culture and history was highlighted; chapter three deals with the 1960 textbook, introduced in schools during the era when efforts toward Arab unification influenced national policymaking. -
Turanism, an Aspect of Turkish Nationalism 23 Did, Turkic Ethnicism in Contrast to the Theocratic Interracialism of the Community of the Faithful Jümmetj
T U R A N I S M AN ASPECT OF TURKISH NATIONALISM In the last two decades of the nineteenth century, as is generally known, the Ottoman Empire drifted away from the British orbit and came increasingly under the influence of Germany. It was the time when the British Foreign Office, after half a century of adhering to the principle of the integrity of the Ottoman Empire as a barrier to Russian expansionism, began to tolerate, or even support, the nationalist movement of the Balkan peoples and their claims against Turkey. At the beginning of Gladstone’s administration, in 1880, Montenegro, thanks to British as well as to Rus sian favor, acquired an outlet at Dulcigno (Ulcinj);1 a year later Abd-ul- Hamid II was compelled to cede Thessaly to Greece;2 on several occasions thereafter London registered an interest in behalf of the Cretans and the Armenians and reminded the sultan of his obligation to introduce reforms according to Articles 23 and 61 of the Berlin Treaty.3 No less important in Turkish eyes were Great Britain’s attempts to carve off Ottoman territories or to establish a foothold in the periphery of the declining empire. The retention of Cyprus by the British and the occupation of Egypt, the former in tune with Greek aspirations,4 5the latter in overt opposition to Egyptian nationalism,6 were equally severe blows to 1. See William L. Langer, European Alliances and Alignments, 1871 -1890 (New York, 1939), pp. 203-206. 2. Ibid., p. 209. William Miller, The Ottoman Empire and Its Successors (Cambridge University Press, 1936), pp. -
Mabry / the Levantine Review Volume 2 Number 1 (Spring 2013)
Mabry / The Levantine Review Volume 2 Number 1 (Spring 2013) ARAB DI-NATIONALISM Tristan Mabry* Abstract This paper presents a new conception of “Arab nationalism,” which conventionally means pan-Arab nationalism and defines an Arab as an Arabic speaker. Yet the term “Arabic” is elusive, as is the generic “Arabic speaker.” Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), derived from the Koran, is the official language of Arab League states, but is nobody’s mother tongue, or spoken language for that matter. Arabic vernaculars are deemed low status and are distinct from MSA. The division of “High” and “Low” languages between formal and informal spheres is called diglossia (“divided tongues”). This renders an ethnolinguistic situation in Arab states with unique social and political consequences. Arab-defined citizens are born into unique ethnolinguistic communities that are not state-supported, and are indoctrinated instead with a pan-Arab “national” identity shared by many states. I call this phenomenon Arab dinationalism. Without school or book, the making of a nation is in modern times inconceivable. George Antonius, The Arab Awakening, 1938 The literature on Arab nationalism, however defined, is very broad, very deep, and very muddy. Much of it is dedicated to the singular problem of defining “Arab” and consequently “Arab nationalism.” Some of this work developed from the study of nationalism and some of this work developed from the study of Arabs, yet the two tracks do not frequently converge. Terminology is a principal reason why much of the research on Arab nationalism is muddled. What are the precise distinctions separating Arab nationalism, pan-Arab nationalism (qawmiyya), and Arab patriotism (wataniyya)? In the context of specific countries, what is the difference, for example, between Egyptian nationalism and Egyptian patriotism? Or Egyptian nationalism and pan-Arab nationalism? From the perspective of nations and nationalism scholarship, Ernest Gellner offers the most influential answer to this set of questions. -
Arab Nationalism from a Historical Perspective: a Gradual Demise?
| 11 Yalova Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi Arab Nationalism from a Historical Perspective: A Gradual Demise? İsmail KURUN1 Abstract Arab nationalism emerged as a secular ideology in the early 20th century in the Ottoman Empire. During the First World War, it proved influential enough to motivate an Arab rebellion against the Ottomans and, following the war, several Arab states were founded. Its popularity rose in the interwar period, and many Arab mandates became independent after the Second World War. Its popularity peaked at the hands of Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1958 when Syria and Egypt united to form the United Arab Republic. After the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Arab nationalism began losing its appeal and declined dramatically during the 1970s and 1980s. At the turn of the 21st century, Arab nationalism became an almost irrelevant ideology in the Middle East. This study examines the birth, the dramatic rise, and the sudden decline of Arab nationalism from a historical perspective and concludes that Arab nationalism today, as an ideology, is on the brink of demise. Keywords: political history;Arab nationalism; pan-Arabism; Islam Tarihsel Perspektiften Arap Milliyetçiliği: Tedrici Bir Ölüm Mü? Özet Arap milliyetçiliği 20. yüzyılın başlarında Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda seküler bir ideoloji olarak ortaya çıktı. Birinci Dünya Savaşı sırasında Osmanlılara karşı bir Arap ayaklanmasını motive edecek kadar etkili oldu ve savaştan sonra birkaç Arap devleti kuruldu. Arap milliyetçiliğinin popülaritesi iki savaş arası dönemde yükseldi ve birçok Arap devleti İkinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra bağımsız hale geldiler. 1958’de Suriye ve Mısır, Birleşik Arap Cumhuriyeti’ni kurmak için birleştiklerinde Arap milliyetçiliğinin popülaritesi zirve yaptı. -
Pdf, (Consulted in June 2020)
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XXVI-1 | 2021 The BBC and Public Service Broadcasting in the Twentieth Century BBC Arabic (1938-1995): Soft Power or Reithian Practice Abroad? Le Service arabe de la BBC, 1938-1995 : Soft Power ou pratique reithienne à l’étranger ? Houcine Msaddek Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/7056 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.7056 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Houcine Msaddek, “BBC Arabic (1938-1995): Soft Power or Reithian Practice Abroad?”, Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XXVI-1 | 2021, Online since 05 December 2020, connection on 05 January 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/7056 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/ rfcb.7056 This text was automatically generated on 5 January 2021. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. BBC Arabic (1938-1995): Soft Power or Reithian Practice Abroad? 1 BBC Arabic (1938-1995): Soft Power or Reithian Practice Abroad? Le Service arabe de la BBC, 1938-1995 : Soft Power ou pratique reithienne à l’étranger ? Houcine Msaddek I dedicate this work in memory of my father who was a devoted listener of BBC Arabic in the nineteen-sixties and throughout the seventies. Introduction 1 BBC Arabic is both the largest and oldest of the British Broadcasting Corporation’s non- English language services. Launched in January 1938 in an almost direct response to Mussolini’s increasingly provocative anti-British Arabic language broadcasts aired from Bari, the Arabic Service of the BBC has constantly cultivated the loyalty of millions of listeners in the Middle East and North Africa ever since.