Look Inside a Line in the Sand

Home , 1830s, Anna Gardner, Cyrus Peirce, George Bradburn, Nantucket Independent

A Line in the Sand Book design and production: Joseph Thomas, Jay Avila, Heather Haggerty

Cataloging-in-Publication Data

White, Barbara Ann. A line in the sand : the battle to integrate Nantucket public schools 1825-1847 / by Barbara Ann White. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-932027-40-5 (pbk.) 1. African American--Massachusetts--Nantucket Island--History. 2. Public schools-- Integration--United States--Massachusetts. 3. Abolition--Antislavery--19th century civil rights. I. Title. A Line in the Sand The Battle to Integrate Nantucket Public Schools 1825–1847

Barbara Ann White

Spinner Publications, Inc. New Bedford, Massachusetts “Schools of Nantucket,” illustrated by E. F. Whitman, 1900. These seven schools—Madaket, Tuckernuck, South, Coffin, Polpis, Siasconset, and the High School—were all functioning in the early 19th century, though the Coffin, Polpis, and high school were originally in other buildings. — Nantucket Historical Association

iv Contents

Donors vi Foreword ...... vii Preface viii Chapter I Free Public Schools ...... 1 Chapter II The Rise of the Abolitionists ...... 27 Chapter III An Island Divided 43 Chapter IV Winds of Change 61 Chapter V Resolution 85 Appendix ...... 108 Index ...... 114 Bibliography ...... 116 About the Author 118

v Donors

any individuals and organizations have contributed generously to this project. Primary financial support was provided by the Osceola Foundation, Inc., Tupancy- Harris Foundation of 1986, the Museum of African-American History, Georgia Ann Snell,M and the family of Mark and Barbara White. Additional financial support was received from the following: Doreen E. Almy Robert & Valerie Hall Elizabeth Oldham Adele P. Ames Mary Jane Halliday & Phyllis Perelman Alan Atwood Larry Miller Pamela Perun Mark & Emily Avery Robin L. Harvey Nathaniel & Marilyn B. Barrett Robert & Evelyn Hausslein Melissa Philbrick James Barros Robert & Nina Hellman Augusto C. Ramos Maureen V. Beck Elizabeth Hillger Joseph Ramos Cynthia Blackshaw Liz Holland Beverly A. Rich Helene L. R. Blair Nancy Holmes Takako G. Salvi Susan Boardman Margo Howes Morton & Reva Schlesinger Karen Borchert Charles & Jean Hughes Helen P. Seager Richard M. Bretschneider Eleanor Jones Nancy J. Sevrens Angeleen Campra Miriam Jones Tomas Smalorious Barbara Capizzo George & Linda Kelly Barbara & David Spitler Benjamin Champoux & Timothy J. Lepore Isabel Carter Stewart Carolyn Durand Christoph & Harris & Esta Lee Stone Barbara Condon Pamela Lohmann Rick & Lyn Storer Paul Connors Sharon Lorenzo Catherine Flanagan Stover Alfred Crosby & Julie Mason Stover Engineering Frances Karttunen Ann Barnes Maury Associates, Inc. Margaret Davison Jack & Susan McFarland Lamont D. Thomas Deborah Dooley Pamela A. Mieth Lisa & David Todd Paul, Theresa & Marcel Droz Jane Miller Leigh M. Topham Jean Duarte Sandy Mitchell Betsy Tyler Ann Marie Dyer Nellie & Georgie Morley Nancy E. Tyrer Barbara Elder Elizabeth A. Morris Lee H. Van Ness Matt Fee David A. Murphy Michael & Barbara Varbalow Karin Gockel Nantucket Bank Dorothy Vollans Carla Gomes Nantucket Press Linda Zola Foreword

arbara White does justice to an important part of Nantucket’s most challenging and enlightening history. She goes well beyond what is available about black Nantucketers in our history books to write this powerful story of the equal education Bmovement. By providing an overview of the struggles to establish public schools for white children, she places the equal education movement for black students in bold relief. reveals Nantucket as a microcosm of this nation’s conflicted A Line in the Sand campaign to end slavery and to provide education in schools open to all children. In so doing, the author details the opposition of powerful people to any semblance of equality—an enlightening journey that helps the reader understand how important newspaper owners, school committee elections, and anti-slavery societies were to the advancement of this movement. Barbara White delineates a difficult history where the not-so-subtle distinction between anti-slavery and abolition are explored. She documents the independent spirit of blacks as they gain their freedom by degrees through their social and economic accomplishments as well as through their organized resistance. She describes the black community’s legal cases on behalf of their daughters; and reveals the natural progression of the activism of the Nantucket black community that forms the first anti-slavery organization, the African Society and the first public school of any kind on Nantucket. These hard-won victories are made ever better by Barbara White’s new scholarship and the images of portraits and primary source documents. She painstakingly details whites and blacks individually and collectively, across a color divide, working towards integrated schools. Ultimately, the reader learns about a painful movement, yet one of uplift, triumph, and justice. The Museum of African American History is so very grateful to her, one of the original “Friends of the African Meeting House,” for the many years of ground- breaking and innovative teaching, researching, writing, and now editing and encourages her continued dedicated work. Write On! Beverly A. Morgan-Welch, Executive Director Museum of African American History

vii Preface

he attempt at integration of the public schools on Nantucket Island stirred up an eight-year controversy during the 1840s. The uproar included a boycott of the school system, petitions to the Massachusetts State House, long and bitter debates at Tthe annual town meetings, and episodes of violence. An important result of the battle to admit blacks to the schools on the island was the passage of the first law in the United States to guarantee equal education, regardless of race. This case study about the struggle to integrate the island’s school system fore- shadows the struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. The arguments of the 19th century reverberate and repeat themselves throughout American history. Racism was, and continues to be, rationalized by pseudo-science, false intentions, scare tactics, and the use of districting lines—all with the intent of keeping black children out of white schools. Eunice Ross, the young black woman who first applied for admission to the high school on Nantucket, and those who worked for so long to achieve integration, thought that the time was imminent when segregation would be abolished forever. The 1843 School Committee optimistically predicted that one day such ideas would be “swept away into the great sea of bygone follies.” However, the “folly” of racism is an ever- present specter, and Eunice Ross was a victim of it. After years of neglect, the historic African Meeting House on Nantucket was purchased in 1989 by the Museum of African American History in Boston. With funding from the Massachusetts Historical Commission and the help of interested persons on Nantucket and elsewhere, the building has been restored. Thus, the town records will not stand alone as a “memorial of the truth” (as they were referred to in an anonymous letter of the 1840s); rather, the African Meeting House stands as a memorial commemo- rating the children who studied there, the teachers who taught there, and the leaders in the community whose endeavors eventually ended school segregation on the island. It is my hope that this publication will serve also as a memorial to the blacks and whites who fought against racism and inferior education. Of the many heroes in this book, first and foremost are the students themselves, especially Eunice Ross and Phebe Ann Boston, who diligently studied in order to qualify to attend the upper-level schools. The heroes include teachers such as Frederick Baylies, Jacob Perry, Priscilla Thompson, Eliza Bailey, Cyrus Peirce, and, Anna Gardner. Other heroes are the abolitionists who

viiiviii were unwilling to settle for less than full integration and were willing to stand up for their beliefs. Fortunately, there were many such abolitionists—black and white, male and female. This book originally grew out of my research as a candidate for a Master of Arts degree in Afro-American Studies at Boston University in 1978. Since my thesis was published in that year, I have uncovered so much more material concerning the integration controversy that an updated and expanded edition was indicated. Retired now from over 30 years of teaching in the public schools on Nantucket, I continue to research Nantucket history and hope to publish more of my findings about the abolitionists and reformers of Nantucket in the 19th century.

I would like to thank the following people who offered help and encouragement in the production of the first edition of this manuscript: Dr. Adelaide M. Cromwell, former Director of Afro-American Studies at Boston University; Dr. Joseph Boskin, retired Professor of History at Boston University and my advisor; Floyd Barbour, former Associate Professor of Afro-American Studies at Boston University; Madeline Perry, former Town Clerk of Nantucket; and Doreen Almy, my mother and typist. For this third, expanded edition, I would like to thank the friends and colleagues who encouraged me to republish and who participated in the fund-raising. First and foremost, I am grateful for the friendship and help of Frances Ruley Karttunen, a dili- gent researcher who headed the fund-raising efforts and whose encouragement keeps me going. Fran painstakingly helped in the many phases of the process to get this into print. I am also grateful for the friendship, research help and editing of Elizabeth Oldham, Research Associate at the Nantucket Historical Association. Thanks to Jean Duarte, Helen Seager, and Catherine Flanagan Stover who also worked tirelessly on the fund-raising; and thanks to Marie Henke at the Nantucket Historical Association’s Research Library, who answered questions and helped me to find material. I want to thank the Nantucket Historical Association for their assistance and guid- ance with all of my research over the past few years. I would also like to thank the Nantucket Atheneum for their assistance. Thank you to the artistic ability of David Lazarus for illustrating the cover and also many thanks to Joseph Thomas, Jay Avila and Heather Haggerty at Spinner Publications, who made this endeavor possible. Thank you to the many donors who made this book a reality. Finally, thank you to Mark White, my husband, who tirelessly helped with the funding, research, editing, and production of this edition.

Chapter I

Free Public Schools

The Coffin School, circa 1860s. A gift of Sir Isaac Coffin in 1827, the school operated on the Lancasterian model. — Nantucket Historical Association

1 he Commonwealth of Massachusetts to obtain private education and who were not passed its first public school law in 1789, attending any school. The committee declared requiring all towns to provide free, public ele- that the creation of public schools for these Tmentary and grammar schools.1 However, the children would improve their manners and island of Nantucket, 30 miles at sea, ignored morals and thus have a “beneficial influence” the law. Private schools had been established on Nantucket youth. for those who could afford them, and there Besides the rudiments of basic education, was little concern or interest in the creation the committee stressed the importance of of town-supported schools for those who teaching the virtues of piety, justice, truth, could not. benevolence, and frugality-virtues they said It was not until almost 30 years later, in were the “basis upon which the Republican 1818, that the Nantucket School Committee Constitution is Structured.” The committee was created and given a budget of $1,000. The was especially concerned about the children seven-member committee’s job was to inves- of the very poor, “who are destitute of the tigate whether there was a need for public means of the useful instruction and who schools on the island. On May 7, the com- without the benefit of publick Schools Can mittee reported that there were, indeed, some Never Share the advantages arising from lit- 300 children ages three to 14 who were unable erary Improvement.” 2

Proposal to start public schools on Nantucket, 1818, signed by Joseph Chase, Oliver C. Bartlett, William Coffin, James Gurney, Seth Swift, Josiah Hussey and Silvanus Russell Jr.

Nantucket Historical Association

2 The Struggle to Establish Public Schools It was not until the newspaper took up The committee recommended that the the cause that public opinion began to shift. town procure properties so that four schools, Samuel Haynes Jenks moved to Nantucket each serving 50 children under the direction and became editor of Nantucket’s only of a schoolmistress, and a fifth headed by a newspaper, the in 1822, one year after schoolmaster for the more advanced students, it began publication. Inquirer, The columns of this could be established. They recommended “off-islander” became a forum in support of seeking teachers of “good moral character.” public education. The town did not follow up on the rec- It took considerable agitation, led mainly ommendations of the committee, however, by Jenks and his brother-in-law, Cyrus significantly its support for public Peirce, who had been teaching privately for education thecutting following year. The School a number of years, before the issue gained Committee itself was reduced from seven to enough support to reestablish public schools five members, and the school budget was cut on Nantucket. The school question came to in half! The committee reported that it had the floor of the annual town meeting in 1825.7 organized two schools for boys during the A committee appointed the previous year year, each accommodating about 90 scholars once again reported that there was a great and placed another 100 students, “principally need for public education on the island. One boys” in privately supported schools. of the men on the committee was Nathaniel The bulk of the money that had been Barney, a man who became a tireless aboli- appropriated went to the Fragment Society, tionist and supporter of integrated public a Quaker charitable group that had provided schools over the next two decades. some education for the poor since 1814. The The committee stressed the importance school accommodated only 50 pupils, though, of education to the community. It stopped and the school year was limited to the warm short of recommending a truly public school months because the building was not heated. system, though, presuming that parents who The committee reported the willingness of could afford a private education for their the Fragment Society to expand its support children would continue to do so, rather for indigent children to two schools, so that than embarrass themselves by looking to female students could also be accommodated.3 town-supported schools. A budget of $1,500 This situation continued to deteriorate was approved to aid the poor in the educa- with ever-weakening town support for public tion of their children, but, once again, the education. In 1821, for example, the Town frugal Nantucket Yankees spent only about Report stated that the education of only 125 half of the sum. Some progress was made, children was supported by town funds.4 The however, as five public schools were estab- number fell to 116 the following year.5 And, in lished with 180 pupils in attendance,8 and 1824, the School Committee was cut to just some students were placed in private schools three members.6 at town expense.

3 One of the schools established was for worried that educated young men might turn black children. away from whaling to become “full-grown physicians and lawyers.” Jenks said it was One of the said female schools is composed of an absurd argument since the basic public colored children, whose advancement in education education he proposed could not bring about has afforded satisfaction to the 9committee when such a result.10 Inthey 1826, have visitedthe town the school voted … to . maintain the Jenks complained that the town was in status quo, but proponents of public educa- violation of state law, and in July 1826 a case tion kept up the pressure to create a genuine was brought before the Supreme Judicial public school system. Jenks pointed out in an Court on Nantucket. The town was accused editorial that many Quakers were opposed to of neglecting “the procuring and supporting” public education, as they had provided good of a school for students who had attained private schools for their own children. He grammar school qualifications. The jury also alleged that Quakers feared the influ- found the town guilty of negligence. A letter ence of non-Quaker children on their own to the editor reported the town’s indictment children. Furthermore, he criticized their with glee and the hope that obstructions to unwillingness to have their taxes support “actual Free Schools” would be removed.11 the education of others. However, he did not Things did begin to change in single out the Quakers in their opposition Nantucket, but this would not be the last to public schools. He also blamed leaders time that the town was forced to change of the whaling industry, who, he claimed, because of legal pressure at the state level

Portion of a broadside in favor of establishing public schools on Nantucket, 1818.

Nantucket Historical Association

4 and threats of legal repercussions. The fol- Legislature on June 8. Beginning with an lowing year the state legislature put teeth endowment of $2,500 a year, Coffin’s donation in its 1789 law by fixing penalties for towns was said to be the largest gift ever devoted to in violation. Nantucket reacted at its next a public purpose in the Commonwealth by a annual town meeting by finally setting up a private individual.12 proper school system with adequate funding. The Coffin School was one of a The School Committee was also increased new breed of schools operating in the to 12 members; Jenks was elected to it and Lancasterian, or monitorial model. would be a member off and on for the next Lancasterian schools rejected rote memo- two decades. rization in favor of a hands-on approach Thus, by 1827, public schools were perma- to learning involving the senses. Moral nently established on the island, almost 40 discipline became a major objective of the years after the law mandating them had been classroom, as it was thought that good citi- passed. In addition to a proper public school zens could be molded in order to reform system, 1827 saw the establishment of another society. The schools also promoted a rich influential school on Nantucket-the Coffin curriculum that included the arts. School, funded by Admiral Sir Isaac Coffin In addition, Lancasterian schools were of England. Created for descendants of “graded” by achievement levels, and as the Coffin family, the Coffin School was students progressed, they were trained and incorporated by an act of the Massachusetts expected to teach their fellow students.

The Polpis School, circa 1882, was a typical one-room school. This building was erected after the original school burned in 1881.

Nantucket Historical Association

5 The Coffin School had a great influence Partly responsible for the growing interest on the local public schools; its administra- in public education was the “Nantucket tors, teachers, and trustees served both the County Association of the Promotion of Coffin School and the local public schools. Education and the Improvement of Schools.” Jenks enrolled his own children in the Commonly called the Education Society, its Coffin School.13 Thus “graded” schools came membership comprised staunch advocates of to Nantucket. The old model of the one- public education, many of them abolitionists room schoolhouse was replaced. who would later be involved in the integra- Schoolrooms of the era were remarkably tion controversy. The secretary of the group similar in design. They usually included was Cyrus Peirce, who would soon be on the built-in desks around three walls, with other side of the integration issue than his benches on which the older children faced brother-in-law, Jenks. either their desks or the center of the room. In the middle of the room were benches for A Community of Learned Societies the younger children, generally close to the Nantucket was a community whose pros- stove or fireplace. The teacher’s desk, on perity was based on the whaling industry, a low platform, was positioned in front of and the wealthy merchants who made up the the fourth wall or in the center, depending backbone of the society were well educated. on the location of the stove.15 Lancasterian The isolation of the island prevented them schoolrooms also included as many visual from attending lectures at universities and aids, such as maps and pictures, as the lyceums, so local societies and clubs of all school could afford. sorts were organized to fill the void. Some Despite the success in 1827 of setting up were strictly charitable organizations, such as a public school system, for the first three the Quaker Fragment Society; some were all levels of schools-introductory, primary, and male and some were all female. Many orga- grammar-Nantucket continued to violate nizations were formed to satisfy intellectual state law, which mandated that towns also curiosity, such as the Philosophical Institute, fund high schools. It took 11 more years of and some, such as the several temperance steady pressure and agitation before it estab- societies, were organized to champion lished a public high school. Much of that reform. People were often members of mul- pressure came from Jenks and his newspaper. tiple societies. In 1838 the School Committee recommended The island women were an independent establishing a high school, and money was lot, many of them carrying on businesses appropriated for it. The high school opened and caring for their families while their its doors in April of that year under the lead- men were at sea, often for months and even ership of Cyrus Peirce, Jenks’ brother-in-law, years at a time. In addition, the Quaker who gave up a lucrative private school posi- faith provided more gender equality than tion in order to take on the task. other denominations of the time, accepting

6 island in 1840 with boxes of stuffed birds to illustrate his lecture.17 Transcendentalist author Ralph Waldo Emerson spoke there in 1844.18 Although the Atheneum’s board of trustees was not dominated by the abolitionists, several were on its governing board, inculding Nathaniel Barney and Cyrus Peirce. The Education Society was organized to advance the teaching profession. It sent delegates to off-island conventions to stay The original Atheneum building, built as the First Universalist abreast of current teaching practices. At one Church in 1825 and destroyed in the Great Fire of 1846, is where of their first meetings, they were addressed Frederick Douglass gave his first address on Nantucket. — Nantucket Historical Association by Horace Mann, head of the first state board of education; it was Mann who tapped women ministers and encouraging women Cyrus Peirce to take charge of the first to speak at their meetings. teacher-training college in the United States, Learned societies were founded to pro- which opened in Lexington, Massachusetts mote dissemination of knowledge, very often in 1839.19 A frequent lecturer, Mann ven- in the sciences. One such society was the tured to the island for the annual meetings Nantucket Philosophical Institute, organized of the society from 1840 through 1845.20 in 1826. The society sponsored many lectures, Many Nantucket educators such as Peirce, often by its own members, one of whom was Augustus Morse and Anna Gardner, all well William Mitchell, an accomplished amateur known abolitionists, embraced Mann’s ideas astronomer whose daughter, Maria Mitchell, of nonsectarian education. became the first woman astronomer in the Another club designed to promote intel- United States.15 The society’s membership lectual activity was the Nantucket Debating included the town’s leading intellectuals, Society, organized in 1833. It was “composed many of whom-including William of young gentlemen who desire to spend Mitchell-were abolitionists. Not surpris- their evenings in acquiring good and useful ingly, women were invited to the society’s knowledge.”21 It eventually allowed women to lectures early in its history; one lecture providing the “novel spectacle of a deliberative Inquirer, December 24, 1836 assembly consisting of about half females.”16 The Atheneum Library, now Nantucket’s public library, was also founded to stimulate intellectual discussion. A stream of leading thinkers passed through its portals. For example, John James Audubon visited the Nantucket Atheneum

7 More blacks appear in subsequent wills, opposition to the purchasing and keeping of and it is probable that their presence on the slaves.31 The town boasted an active group island dates at least to the late 1600s. Unlike of abolitionists as far back as 1716, when a the more fortunate Africa, most blacks inher- monthly meeting of Quakers recorded that it ited nothing from their owners, appearing “is not agreeable to Truth for Friends to pur- in the wills only as transferable property. chase slaves.”32 Nantucketer Elihu Coleman’s For example, in 1718 Stephen Hussey left “a tract against slavery in 1729 was the second Negro woman named Sarah” to his wife and such article written by an American, sons; one of his sons was also bequeathed a and it went through several national edi- “negro boy named Mark” and his daughter tions. Despite the antislavery treatises, was left a “negro girl, Dorothy.” Such Nantucketers, including Quakers, continued bequests were not uncommon. to own slaves.33 Some wills did emancipate blacks, and In 1772, however, a locally famous the free black population gradually grew, lawsuit impacted slave ownership on especially after the Quakers adopted an Nantucket. Prince Boston, a slave belonging increasingly abolitionist stance and members to William Swain, had been signed aboard were encouraged to manumit their slaves. a whale ship belonging to a successful Nantucket’s monthly meeting became among whaling entrepreneur, William Rotch. the very first in the world to declare their Upon the voyage’s return, the captain paid

Detail from the 1834 Town of Nantucket map by William Coffin shows the New Guinea neighborhood, lower left, and the African Church.

Nantucket Historical Association

10 Prince Boston’s share of the profits directly important, did not completely end the own- to him. The Swain family claimed his ership of slaves on Nantucket, contrary to wages by right of its ownership of Boston what the reported erroneously in and sued for the money in court, but the 1822. Two Inquirer years after the manumission of jury declared in 1773 that Boston was, Prince Boston, Benjamin Coffin still owned indeed, entitled to the wages. According three slaves.36 to the , in a column written 50 years By 1820, Nantucket had about 274 black later, JohnInquirer Swain, William’s heir, appealed residents out of a population of 7,266, the case to the Supreme Court in Boston. although determining the exact number is William Rotch, a Quaker elder, “thought difficult. By 1840, 576 Nantucketers were it advisable” to retain John Adams as legal recorded as “nonwhite.” This number included counsel for Prince Boston.34 At that point, what was left of the native Wampanoag popu- according to the newspaper, Swain decided lation, who had intermarried with the black to drop his appeal, “discouraged by the community, and blacks who had come as fugi- feelings of the people.”35 This case, however tives from slavery.

Slaves listed in the Nantucket estate of Samuel Barker, 1740. Note Title page of Elihu Coleman’s treatise that gingerbread has the same value as “Negro Child Boston.”

Nantucket Historical Association Nantucket Town Records

11 One such fugitive was Arthur Cooper, a that Folger dismiss the crowd, which had runaway slave from Virginia who arrived on grown as the New Guinea community came the island with his wife, Mary, in 1820. They out in force, and assist in apprehending the became influential members of Nantucket’s Coopers. Folger refused and stepped aside black community. Arthur Cooper was a while others took up the argument. founding member of the Zion Methodist Meanwhile, some white Nantucket men Episcopal (AMEZ) Church, commonly went into the Coopers’ house and exchanged referred to as Zion’s Church, when it was orga- clothes with Arthur Cooper. With the coast nized in 1832. clear, the Coopers quietly left through the In 1822, several lawmen arrived on rear door with their children, including an Nantucket with slave catcher Camillus infant son. They were hidden by various Griffiths, who had been hired by Cooper’s people for weeks. One house they stayed in ex-owner, David Ricketts of Virginia, to was that of Oliver Cromwell Gardner, father claim the Cooper family. Their presence of Anna Gardner, who became a leading was no secret on the island, and the agent abolitionist, a teacher at the African School appeared at the Cooper house before sun- and a Freedmen’s Bureau teacher in the South rise one morning to find a crowd of blacks during and after Reconstruction. Anna later waiting for them. One of them, the cow described the incident in one of her books: tender George Washington, alerted William Mitchell, a prominent white citizen and abo- Arthur Cooper, 1789–1853 litionist, who sent Washington to wake other town fathers, including Francis G. Macy; his son, Thomas Mackerel Macy; and his son-in- law, Oliver Cromwell Gardner. These men successfully delayed the slave catchers, demanding to see the arrest warrant that the slave hunters had left at their boarding house. The Nantucketers inquired as to the authenticity of the documents, and Alfred Folger, an island magistrate who appeared on the scene, demanded more proof. Magistrate Folger warned the slave catchers that he would arrest anyone who tried to take the Coopers away, saying that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts did not recognize slavery. Griffiths correctly pointed out to Folger that the federal law concerning fugitive slaves superseded state law and demanded Nantucket Historical Association

12 ssociation ssociation ssociation ssociation A A A A

istorical istorical istorical H H H H

Nantucket istorical Nantucket Nantucket Nantucket

Adm. Sir Isaac Coffin, 1759–1839 Samuel H. Jenks Sr., 1789–1863 Harriet Coffin Peirce, 1794–1884 Cyrus Peirce, 1790–1860

“The right of the colored man is denied, While the altercation was proceeding … my father not only in our meeting houses and vestries, and my uncle [Thomas] slipped round to the back and public lecture rooms, but his privi- window and adroitly assisted the trembling fugitives lege is wrested from him even in…public to make their escape from it. Disguised in father’s schools.”38 coat and uncle Thomas’ broad-brimmed Quaker With few exceptions, Nantucket’s hat, Arthur Cooper had nearly reached our back churches were segregated, although from door before the wrangle was so far over for the time to time events at the white churches officers to enter the house, when behold! The house were open to blacks. Also, there is evidence was empty! The fugitives had flown! I recollect that of a few black Quakers, and the Methodist I stood (I was then six years old) upon our back- Chapel hosted antislavery lectures, inviting stairs, when a man, black as midnight, with lips so other denominations, probably including paled with fright that they were as white as snow, black Nantucketers, to attend.39 Camp meet- came up the back steps, and stood in the doorway. ings and revivalism flourished in the 1830s, The striking contrast of white lips and black and preachers who came to Nantucket spoke face was shocking. Such a sight was too indelibly to both black and white audiences.40 Some impressed upon the mind of a child ever to be for- Nantucketers attended off-island camp meet- gotten. He and his family were concealed for weeks ings together, regardless of race.41 in our attic and cellar. I remember that it was with The discrimination and segregation that fear and trembling that any of the children37 dared to existed on public transportation in New Despiteput their heads the outprotection of the cellar given door. to the England included the steamboat that ran Coopers in 1822, the abolitionists never between the island and New Bedford. A com- constituted a majority of the island popula- plaint concerning the treatment of a black tion, and even if they had, it is unlikely that family by the captain of the resulted blacks would have been totally integrated in a lawsuit-E. F. Mundrucu Telegraph vs. Edward H. into Nantucket life. In 1841, a letter to the Baker. Mundrucu claimed that, although editor described Nantucket’s segregation: he had paid Captain Baker the full fare for

13 used as a church. This is the first reference to the African School, and it notified the public about an impending examination of the pupils of the school… …under the direction of their teacher, the Reverend Frederick Baylies. Such ladies and gentlemen as may honour Mr. Baylies with their

attendance56 will be provided with comfortable Itseats. is difficult to date the building of the Meeting House because there are two separate records in the Registry of Deeds for the purchase of the land from Jeffrey & Martha Summons. In one, on February 14, 1826, the Registry recorded that Jeffery Summons, coloured man [was paid] ten dollars and fifty cents by the Trustees of the school found on Nantucket aforesaid for the coloured people provided they shall erect and build Captain Absalom F. Boston, 1785–1855 a schoolhouse therein and keep the same in good – Nantucket Historical Association and ample repair at a place called57 Newtown and Thea school second to be kept entry in it lists forever. the trustees as Peter Street Baptist Church. The referred and Absalom F. Boston, Michael DeLuce and for the first time to an “African Inquirer Church” on Charles Godfrey.58 In early 1826, the School January 3, 1825, stating that a building “for Committee also mentioned the African School the purpose of accommodating the colored in its report for 1825, adding to the evidence population, will be consecrated as a house that the building was erected before 1825. of worship at two o’clock.” It reported that The next account of the building did not the preacher, Mr. Lake, would give a sermon, appear until the end of 1826, when a public to be followed by a collection to help with notice was submitted to the paper by Absalom “expenses of completing the house.”55 F. Boston concerning a discourse against Thus, the African Meeting House was slavery to be delivered by the Reverend Jacob probably under construction as early as 1824. Perry of the African Church. It stated that at On April 11, 1825, a classified advertisement in the end of the lecture a collection would be the newspaper referred to the African School taken up for the purchase of a pulpit, indi- specifically, proving that the building was cating that the building was completed and used for a school almost as early as it was needed only the finishing touches.59

18 sympathetic to the activities of the New In a letter to the editor two weeks later Guinea community than was his predecessor. an anonymous writer voiced concern that He wrote: Perry’s salary was so small that he was about to be “forced to leave this island.”72 It is not The school is at present, and has been for some clear when Perry left the island, but it was time past, under the instruction of Mr. Perry, certainly by 1834, when he was living in New an intelligent and worthy man of colour, who Bedford as president of the Union Society also officiates as minister to the coloured people and pastor of the African Christian Church of this town. The present number of scholars in there. In New Bedford, he was active in the the African School in this town, is 47; of whom black abolitionist movement and attended the 34 write, 30 read in the Testament, 2 in Spelling fourth Colored People’s Convention.73 books and 5 in the alphabet-their writing would In March 1834, a notice appeared in the Interior of the African Meeting House do credit to scholars whose opportunities would advertising for a female teacher for have been greater than those children have had, theInquirer African School, and within a week it was and their reading, spelling, exercises in arith- reported that Eliza Bailey was appointed.74 metic etc., etc., were very creditable both to their Miss Bailey, a young white woman, taught at Theinstructor article and encouragedthemselves. local philan- the school for two years when epilepsy made thropists to support the African School. It it impossible for her to continue. She died in expressed the belief that education was the 1841 at age 29, and her headstone in Prospect best way for blacks to achieve equality and Hill Cemetery identifies her as “formerly a that it was “the surest passport to honour and happiness” as well as the “best guarantee Restored interior of the African Meeting House, 2009. of our civil and religious liberties.” Praise went to Perry for the deportment of his students. “We have seldom enjoyed an enter- tainment more pleasing and rational.” This was certainly high praise for the school; it is, furthermore, the detailed picture of the pupils, the curriculum,only the teachers, and the quality of instruction during the more than two decades of the school’s operation. Editor Thornton also commented that a respectable number of “high standing” ladies and gentlemen had attended the school’s examination, but noted with disapproval that not a single member of the 12-member School Committee was to be seen.71 Barbara. A White photograph

21 teacher of the African School.” A tribute to had been praised in a letter to the editor.”77 her in the newspaper said that she would be It was her parents, Hannah Macy and Oliver remembered as “a very efficient teacher” and Cromwell Gardner, who had sheltered the praised her as an “amiable and exemplary Cooper family in 1822, when Anna was only young lady of superior mental endowments.” six years old. It further stated that in the last nine years Anna was already a member and officer of her life she was subject to “epileptic fits of the Anti-Slavery Society when she took increasing in frequency and violence,” which the position at the African School. In addi- deprived her of her teaching career.75 tion, she was a pupil of Cyrus Peirce and one Anna Gardner was the next teacher of of the new breed of professional teachers. record at the African School.76 She had had During the Civil War, Gardner was among previous teaching experience, having been the the first teachers to venture to the South schoolmistress of a “juvenile school” in 1831. to teach the freedmen and one of the last For the “performance of her scholars, she to leave after the disappointing years of

The 1838 School Committee Report lists the $125 salary of the teacher at the African School (who may have been Anna Gardner).

Nantucket Town Records

22 useum M

ssociation ssociation ssociation A A A

haling W

istorical istorical istorical H H H

New edford Nantucket Nantucket Nantucket

Eliza Barney, 1802–1889 Nathaniel Barney, 1792–1869 Maria Mitchell, 1818–1889 William Rotch Sr., 1754–1828

Reconstruction. She spent over a dozen years teaching and establishing various schools in rank and Station, in which Colour shall no longer the South. Her particular contribution was be considered a mark of ignorance; a cause80 for legal in setting up classrooms to teach freedmen Thus,exceptions, the or committee an excuse for of oppression. 1838 was sympa- to be teachers. After Reconstruction, she thetic to the education of the black children returned to Nantucket where she resumed on the island and was pleased with Gardner’s teaching and was active in various causes, work. Undoubtedly, one of the pupils who especially that of universal suffrage.78 was shown off to the committee that year Anna Gardner taught in Nantucket’s was 15-year-old Eunice Ross, a star pupil African School for four years, and it was who was reaching the limits of the education during her tenure that the integration contro- that the African School had to offer. Ross versy began. For her devotion, her pupils gave was the daughter of James Ross, one of the her a gold locket, which she considered one few Nantucket blacks who had been born in of her treasures.79 She would seem to figure Africa. It was also the year that the School in the School Committee Report of 1838. Committee proposed to finally institute a public high school, so both Anna Gardner The African School presented to your committee and some on the School Committee had their appearances peculiarly gratifying. We have wit- eyes on the young black woman who might nessed in this School, proofs of talent little in qualify to attend it. accordance with opinions entertained by some, Anna Gardner stopped teaching around that the coloured people are inferior in intellect this time. Her duties as secretary of the to the white. The community for whose benefit Anti-Slavery Society were becoming more this School was Established, is in the opinion of demanding as the local chapter became more your Committee peculiarly fortunate in having a active and more connected to the parent orga- teacher for their children able, zealous and faithful, nization in Boston. Besides, she must have one who knowing their wants, and feeling for been at odds with the School Committee’s their Situation, is eminently qualified to assist in decision to construct a separate school on elevating a race hitherto looked down upon, to a

23 York Street specifically for the accommodation of black students, and did not want to be party to that decision by continuing to teach in segregated conditions. During her tenure as a teacher in New Guinea, the town was first denied classroom space in the African Meeting House. The proprietors of the Meeting House undoubtedly decided to stop renting space to the town in order to support a segregated school. The School Committee then recommended “a suitable school house be erected for this class of scholars” and appropriated $600.81 The following year, the committee reported that it had “erected a building for the accommodation of the children of Colour.”82 In a letter to the editor, a reader wrote “The Town, with honorable liberality, last year built a suitable school house for Anna Gardner, 1816–1901, wearing the locket given to her by the the accommodation of colored children.”83 students at the African School. — Nantucket Historical Association Thus it would have fallen to Anna Gardner to supervise the move of the children and very long, teaching only to the end of one supplies from the Meeting House to a sepa- school year and about a month into the next. rate building on York Street. It is reasonable When he or she left, another advertisement speculation that she resigned in protest over sought “either male or female Teachers”84 for both the building of a segregated school and the school. That teacher did not last either, the denial of admittance of her prize pupil, as four months later yet another advertise- Eunice Ross, to the new high school. Thus, ment called for a teacher at the York Street Gardner’s four-year tenure at the school came School. The advertisement this time, however, to an end, and in early 1840 an advertisement stipulated that only male applicants would in the called for a new teacher. be considered for the job.85 The committee Anna Inquirer Gardner’s resignation took place just had also named the new school the York as the controversy over the segregation issue Street School. Both the school’s name change was heating up. It ushered in a period when and the committee’s reason for hiring a male teachers came and went at the school. As any teacher had everything to do with the contro- teacher can attest, this never bodes well for versy then raging in Nantucket over school students. The person who took on the job integration and Nantucket’s attempt to keep after Anna Gardner’s departure did not last black students out of the white schools.

24 Notes

f 1. The levels o schooling at the time were intro- 33. The first was written by Daniel Pastorius. 62. The Inquirer, January 17, 1853. ductory, primary, grammar, high school. Entry to 34. For more about the Rotch family and abolition- 63. Registry of Deeds, Volume 28, 438. He died in the two upper levels was based on an examina- ism, see Kathryn Grover, The Fugitive’s Gibraltar. 1832, long before the controversy over school in- tion. (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, tegration. For more about Jeffrey Summons and 2. Nantucket Town Records, May 7, 1818. (Original 2001). his family, see Karttunen, 81 spelling and punctuation in quoted materials 35. The Inquirer, February 14, 1822. 64. The Inquirer, April 18, 1829. have been retained throughout.) 36. For a more complete description of slave own- 65. Nantucket Town Records,1827. 3. Nantucket Town Records, May 1819. ership, manumissions, and the composition of 66. The Inquirer, May 2, 1829. 4. Nantucket Town Records, April 1821. Nantucket’s black community, see Karttunen, 67. Priscilla Thompson was Absalom F. Boston’s first 5. Nantucket Town Records, May 1822. The Other Islanders. cousin (the daughter of Peter Boston, youngest 6. Nantucket Town Records, April 1824. 37. Anna Gardner, Harvest Gleanings in Prose and son of Boston and Maria). 7. Nantucket’s town government still is based on an- Verse. (New York: Fowler and Wells, 1881) 68. Nantucket Town Records, School Committee nual town meetings. pp.13–15. Report, April 1826. 8. Nantucket Town Records, April 1825. 38. The Islander, January 30, 1841. 69. The Inquirer, May 2, 1828. 9. Nantucket Town Records, May 4, 1826. 39. The Inquirer, August 3, 1833. 70. Priscilla Thompson was a widow who remarried 10. The Inquirer, May 20, 1826. 40. The Inquirer, June 22, 1836. in 1832 and died of tuberculosis in 1834 at the 11. The Inquirer, October 14, 1826. 41. The Inquirer, July 30, 1836. Notice of a camp age of 32. 12. Margaret Moore Booker, The Admiral’s Academy: meeting in Mashpee to “all sects … without dis- 71. The Inquirer, April 18, 1829. Nantucket Island’s Historic Coffin School, tinction of age or color.” 72. The Inquirer, May 2, 1829. Nantucket: Mill Hill Press, 1998. 42. The Inquirer, October 26, 1833. 73. Grover, 122,133. 13. Jenks’s wife was a Coffin. 43. The Inquirer, February 1, 1834. 74. The Inquirer, March 7, 1834. 14. Carl F. Kaestle, Pillars of the Republic: Common 44. The African Meeting House was purchased by the 75. The Inquirer, April 21, 1841. Schools and American Society, 1780–1860, New African-American Museum of History in Boston 76. The Inquirer, May 11, 1836. York: Hill and Wang, 1983, pp.14–15. in 1989 and has been restored. 77. The Inquirer, April 9, 1831. 15. He often lectured on topics such as meteorology. 45. The Inquirer, July 19, 1829. 78. For more information about Gardner’s teaching 16. The Inquirer, December 9, 1831. Other mem- 46. “Blacks on Nantucket,” Nantucket Historical in the South, see Barbara White’s unpublished bers who were ardent abolitionists were David Association Research Library, Ms 222, Folder 9. manuscript, Anna Gardner: Teacher of Freedmen, Joy, Isaac Austin, Cyrus Peirce, William Mitchell, In the Record of the Nantucket Anti-Slavery 2005, for the James Bradford Ames Fellowship Dr. Charles Winslow, and Nathaniel Barney. Society, Edward J. Pompey is listed as a member at the University of Massachusetts, Boston, and 17. The Inquirer, July 1840. of the board of directors for the otherwise all- at the Nantucket Historical Association Research 18. The Telegraph, December 3, 1844. white Nantucket County Anti-Slavery Society. Library and the Nantucket Atheneum. 19. The Normal School for training teachers opened 47. The Inquirer, July 2, 1834. 79. Philena Carkin. Reminiscences of Philena Carkin, under the direction of Peirce. It eventually be- 48. The Inquirer, September 5, 1834. 1866–1875. University of Virginia Library, came Framingham State University. 49. Other officers were Charles Godfrey, Nathaniel A. Special Collections Department. Accession 20. The Inquirer, August 22, 1840, and October 18, Borden, William Harris, John Barbour, and John Number 11, 123. 1845. W. Banks. 80. Nantucket Town Records,1838. 21. The Inquirer, January 18, 1833. 50. The Inquirer, July 11, 1838. 81. Town Records, School Committee Report, 22. The Inquirer, October 6, 1832. At that time Peirce 51. The Inquirer, July 15, 1838. February 2, 1838. was the proprietor of a private school. 52. The Inquirer, July 15, 1838. There is evidence 82. Town Records, School Committee Report, 23. The Inquirer, November 3, 1832. that “B” was Nathaniel Barney based on letters February 1839. 24. The Inquirer, June 25, 1842. in 1842 concerning the fugitive slave, George 83. The Inquirer, July 13, 1839. 25. The Daily Telegraph, October 6, 1843. Latimer. Nathaniel Barney spoke about having 84. The Inquirer, February 29 and November 25, 1840. 26. Weekly Mirror, October 4, 1845. met Latimer in Boston at a public rally and, later 85. The Inquirer, March 17, 1841. 27. The Inquirer, July 30, 1834. Abolitionists in- that week, a letter signed “B” appeared, which cluded Obed Barney, Edward R. Folger, Dr. claimed the same thing. The first mention of the African School, Charles Winslow, Henry A. Kelley and Edward M. 53. Anna Gardner, Harvest Gleanings in Prose and in the Inquirer, April 11, 1825. Gardner. Verse, New York: Fowler and Wells, 1881, 17. 28. The Islander, December 3, 1842. 54. The Inquirer, August 16, 1821. 29. The Inquirer, April 2, 1830. 55. The Inquirer, January 3, 1825. 30. Frances Ruley Karttunen, The Other Islanders, 56. The Inquirer, April 11, 1825. (New Bedford: Spinner Publications, 2005) 61. 57. Registry of Deeds, Volume 28, 207, 208. 31. Karttunen, 62. 58. Registry of Deeds, Volume 28, 438. 32. James Monaghan, “Anti-Slavery on Nantucket,” 59. The Inquirer, December 9, 1826 Proceedings of the Nantucket Historical 60. The Inquirer, June 21, 1834. Association, 1938, 23. 61. The Inquirer, June 17, 1837. Nantucket Atheneum

Chapter II

The Rise of the Abolitionists

Collection box used by the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. — The Liberator Files

27 itterness and acrimony typified the late was little attempt at objective reporting. The 1830s and 1840s on Nantucket. The two papers attacked each other frequently divisiveness afflicting the United States as it and unreservedly. The for example, Bedged closer to the Civil War was reflected often referred to the Inquirer,as the “I slander” in Nantucket society. The issues of the day and called the Democrats Islander “the party of the bitterly polarized islanders as sides were taken locofocos.” In turn, the attacked the and defended. Whig paper as an instrument Islander of the banks The most divisive issue of all was aboli- and the privileged class. It accused its rival of tion, and it underlay all the others. Where frequently misreporting the news and being a person stood in regard to abolition deter- full of “garbled extracts.”3 mined a person’s stand on a variety of issues, In those days, the local papers covered from capital punishment to the treatment of more national and world news than local the poor. It determined a person’s reading news, as they were the only source of such materials, shopping habits, party affiliation news on the isolated island. Off-island papers and church membership.1 could be delayed for days due to the vagaries of the weather. It was assumed that people The Partisan Press the local news, therefore, much of it was The divisions on the island were reflected onlyknew partially reported. State and national in the highly partisan newspapers of the 1840s. news was often relevant to the abolitionist The oldest island newspaper was the cause as slavery increasingly dominated the founded in 1821.2 It was a Whig political scene. newspaperInquirer, first edited by Samuel H. Jenks. All the Nantucket newspapers publicly An early champion of the public school opposed slavery, frequently publishing articles system, Jenks vigorously opposed school about the cruelty of the slave trade and integration, clashing repeatedly with his opposing the enforcement of the fugitive slave brother-in-law, Cyrus Peirce. Jenks became laws. They also opposed the “gag” rule passed the leading spokesperson for school segrega- in 1839 in the House of Representatives, which tion and served on the School Committee for prevented the discussion of slavery or of several years over the following two decades, petitions related to slavery.4 The papers did wielding his power to keep the races separate. not, however, support the abolitionist cause, Jenks used the pages of his paper to expound his beliefs. Calder’s ad in the Morning Telegraph, July 8, 1844, touts sugar harvested by free laborers. Merchants and exporters aimed to level A new paper, the , founded in the field in trade by eliminating duties and slave labor. March 1840, was a Democratic Islander paper. Edited by Charles C. Hazewell, it was the first rival paper on the island to take on the . Both papers were sounding boards Inquirer for the interests of their political parties, and there Nantucket Atheneum

28 Three of Nantucket’s leading daily newspapers in the early 1840s. — Nantucket Historical Association

although they sometimes supported some of Nantucket blacks to the local grammar the abolitionists’ views. schools and the high school, the local papers Abolitionists demanded immediate eman- were often silent. Months went by without cipation of the slaves, a radical notion not a single editorial comment on the issue, supported by the newspapers, nor did they even when the battle for integration was at endorse abolitionist attacks on organized its height. Most references to the ongoing religion or agree with the tactics of the Anti- struggle to integrate the schools were made in Slavery Society of William Lloyd Garrison. letters to the editors, or in oblique references While only a minority of Nantucketers to the public schools without the mention of joined the abolitionist ranks, they were gener- race. When there were references, the papers ally opposed to the annexation of Texas and generally professed to be neutral on the later opposed to the Mexican War, both of subject. Jenks was the only editor to take a which were seen as ways to extend the terri- stance, always siding with the forces of seg- tory and power of the slave-holding states. regation. During the time of the most heated There was widespread support for the aboli- controversy, however, he was not an editor. tion of the slave trade in the nation’s capital Only on its last days did the , and opposition to the mistreatment of free under Charles Hazewell, side with Islander the aboli- black sailors when they visited Southern tionists. Always a minority paper, it went out ports. This affected Nantucket merchants of business in 1843, several years before the directly as many blacks were employed on issue was resolved. their ships. Several months after the printed Nantucket abolitionist George Bradburn its last issue, the Islander was founded.6 introduced a bill in the Massachusetts leg- Unlike its predecessor, Daily Telegraph however, the , islature aimed at repealing the law against owned by A. R. Robinson and W. Bradford, Telegraph interracial marriage, a policy supported by claimed no party affiliation.7 Its banner both political parties on Nantucket, as well boasted “No Creed but Truth, No Party but as the local press.5 On the issue of admitting Mankind.” Seeking to gain the readership

29 of the all the subscribers of the editorial said that racial equality could never formerIslander, paper were sent their first copy of the be achieved without social amalgamation, for free. Despite its claim of non- including the right to intermarry and “the partisanship,Telegraph the new paper was attacked by amalgamation of education.”9 This may or John Morissey, then editor of the as may not have been a supportive stance. When having Democratic leanings.8 The Inquirer,Democrats the controversy later intensified, however,the were then simplistically viewed as the party paper gave the abolitionists front-page cov- of working men; they were the minority erage.10 The final owner of the paper, Joseph on Nantucket at the time. The Hunt, did support school integration, but his underwent multiple changes of ownership,Telegraph proprietorship lasted less than four months, which accounts for its inconsistency. In and the went out of business in 1844, it declared itself a Whig paper, giving mid-1845. Telegraph11 Nantucket two Whig publications from The was replaced by the which to choose. Representing Nantucket's . It Telegraph was owned and edited by John Nantucket majority party, the Whigs were regarded as Morissey,Mirror who had been in charge of the the party of business interests. for the two previous years.12 Morissey While the did not consistently despisedInquirer E. W. Cobb, then proprietor of the champion integrationTelegraph of the schools, one , blaming him and other influential Inquirer

View of Main Street Square, rebuilt after the Great Fire of 1846, shows the office of theInquirer and Mirror at far right, circa 1870.

Nantucket Historical Association

30 Whigs for squeezing him out of his pre- staunchly defending the School Committee’s vious job, even though he was also a Whig. policy. As Jenks was on that particular However, like the the School Committee, the paper was self- pledged itself to neutralityTelegraph, and Nantucket to staying Mirror serving.14 A series of editorials in the first above party politics. The did several issues were headed, “The True State not take a stand regardingNantucket school integra-Mirror of the ‘Colored Question’” and were in tion, expressing only the hope that “the vexed Jenks’ own defense as School Committee question may ere long be settled.”13 chairman. He attacked the abolitionists as For a short while, Nantucket had three extreme radicals and dangerous “ranters” newspapers, when the , owned and and liars, determined to undermine the edited by Samuel H. Jenks, Warder was published. public school system, which he took credit Jenks made no pretense of objectivity, for establishing. He also blamed the local making his views completely open and clear. Whig party for deserting its ideals because He began the because he thought the of abolitionist extremism.15 other two papers, Warder the and the had conspired toInquirer silence him. He Daily said Contentious Issues thatMirror, he started his own newspaper in what Many subjects were open to argument he felt was self-defense. during this period in American history; one The lasted less than one year and concerned the treatment of the poor, as no was a mouthpiece Warder for school segregation, federal or state programs existed to help

Harrison Gardner’s farm in Quaise, site of the Nantucket poor farm, or asylum, until 1854, when it was moved into town.

Nantucket Historical Association

31 those in poverty. Dealing with the poor was was too far from town for assistance to arrive left to local authorities and to private reli- in time.18 A new building was erected there, gious and charitable organizations. The most but in 1854 the town moved the building and consistent policy in the United States was the poor into town. to jail people for debt. Reformers began to Nantucket’s charitable organizations press for change, however, and the practice assisted the poor in times of economic of jailing debtors was a frequent topic of decline. In 1843, a soup kitchen funded by debate. Abolitionists advocated more humane private donations was established on Orange treatment for the poor and an end to jailing Street.17 Leading abolitionists involved in debtors. the humane treatment of the poor included The poor were moved several miles out David Joy and Isaac Austin. of town in the 1820s when the town estab- With whaling in decline, arguments arose lished a poor farm and asylum at Quaise. about how to improve and expand the island In the 1840s it became the subject of debate economy, leading to a short-lived experiment at the annual town meetings. In 1840, a new in cultivating silk worms. For a while, a silk building was approved to be built in Quaise, factory employed up to 50 women.19 Efforts and abolitionist Thomas Macy was chairman to expand trade by improving harbor access of the project.16 In 1844, ten inmates perished included the controversial “camels” which in a disastrous fire at the poor farm, which operated for several years to carry ships

“Steamer Massachusetts and the Camels” by an unknown artist. The camels were two detachable dry-docks used to lift and float vessels over the sand bar at the mouth of the harbor.

Nantucket Historical Association

32 across the sandbar that blocked entrance to its doors to them in 1838 after 112 of the Nantucket’s harbor during low tide. Atheneum’s subscribers petitioned the board Another hotly debated topic was capital of directors to exclude the abolitionists from punishment. The scheduled 1843 execution their hall.24 This decision resulted in a slew of Isaac Leavitt of Plymouth, convicted of of angry letters in the newspapers arguing murder under the influence of alcohol, created for and against the library’s action. One of controversy throughout the Commonwealth, the arguments favoring the exclusion of the and abolitionists rallied to prevent his abolitionists was that the library had been execution. Nathaniel Barney led several local created for intellectual and scientific pursuits protest meetings and gathered signatures and not for political discussion; another on petitions begging the governor to grant argued that abolition meetings endangered Leavitt clemency. Hiram Dennis made capital the hall. Other, more racist arguments punishment the topic of his last editorial in objected to the very presence of black people the coming out firmly against the at the meetings. For instance, one letter men- practice. Inquirer,20 The pressure to save the man suc- tioned the “repugnance to endure contact ceeded and the governor commuted Leavitt’s with the lower and coloured classes,” making sentence to life imprisonment. one wonder why someone with that attitude would even attend a meeting called to discuss Abolition: The Most Contentious Issue the abolition of slavery.25 The most divisive issue of all, unques- Others wrote criticizing the board of the tionably, was abolition. Several anti-slavery Atheneum for exclusion of the abolitionists. societies existed on the island, the first in One letter writer, “C”, refuted the argument the black community, mentioned as early as that political discussions violated Atheneum 1829.21 It was not until eight years later that policy, saying that this was the measuring a branch of the nationwide Anti-Slavery stick for what was allowed to be discussed Society seems to have been organized on there, all lectures about forms of government Nantucket. In December 1837, a public and the Constitution would have to be moved meeting at the Town Hall was organized elsewhere: “It would excuse a grave essay on by the local Anti-Slavery Society to discuss the science of government.” “C” argued that the right of Congress to abolish slavery in discussion of abolition was, in fact, “literary the District of Columbia.22 A few days later, and scientific” and thus in keeping with the the society issued a public notice, seeking statutes of the library. members: “All who feel an interest in the This was echoed in a letter from “A proceedings or object of this Society are Friend to Free Discussion” who said that invited to attend.”23 he (or she) deeply regretted the decision of The local abolition meetings were the Atheneum to close its door to the abo- considered to be so disruptive that the pri- litionists because of the resulting impact on vately funded library, the Atheneum, closed First Amendment rights. “A Hall erected

33 open only to “gentlemen.” Not only were George Bradburn, for one, opposed women excluded, the group made election- Garrison on the issue of the importance of eering and voting a duty of its members.35 voting, which led to a lengthy battle played The schismatics’ overall strategy was out between the two men on the pages of a failure and their organizations never Bradburn believed Garrison’s attracted many followers. On the contrary, adviceThe Liberator. against voting was wrong. “The the Garrisonian abolitionists gained strength interests of the nation are 100. Half a loaf is after the schism. Black abolitionists in par- better than no bread, the world over.”40 Most ticular remained firmly behind Garrison and Garrisonians refused to vote except in local his followers. elections. But, like Garrison, they respected Nantucket abolitionists weighed in on the opinion of those who continued to vote. this national debate; they reorganized in Garrison never intended his beliefs to June 1839, solidly joining forces with the be taken as creed, and he believed in the radical Garrisonians. The first page of the “fundamental Protestant ideal of the right record book of the Nantucket County Anti- of private judgment.”41 George Bradburn Slavery Society reports that the new society continued to be active in the Garrisonian “shall embrace men and women on terms of movement, despite their disagreement. In perfect equality in accordance with the spirit 1842, Bradburn spoke to more than 4,000 and sentiments of the American Anti-Slavery people alongside Frederick Douglass at an Society.”36 At its first meeting, Thomas Anti-Slavery Society meeting in Boston’s Macy was chosen as president and Anna Faneuil Hall.42 Gardner was elected secretary.37 Later that Nathaniel Barney proudly wrote, “I month, the local society announced it would have not cast a vote for a national or State have a joint meeting with the Women’s Anti- officer since 1824.”43 However, it should be Slavery Society.38 From then on, they joined also noted that he was elected several times forces, and the women abolitionists on the to the School Committee and actively cam- island were often chosen as officers. paigned for local candidates, including his Whether political action was effective in brother Obed, who was elected to represent achieving the goals of the abolitionists was Nantucket in the State House on more than also debated on Nantucket. One of their one occasion. meetings was entirely devoted to debating the As the controversy over local school “political duties of Abolitionists.”39 Locally, segregation heated up, Garrison and other abolitionists frequently ran for office, espe- distinguished abolitionist speakers trav- cially for the Board of Selectmen or for eled to Nantucket to participate in annual School Committee, as the issue of admit- summer conventions against slavery. While ting blacks to the local schools intensified. in town, they commented on local events, Whether it was proper to be involved in state and Nantucket was frequently mentioned in and federal politics was more contentious. . The Liberator

36 stitution stitution ssociation ssociation In In

A A

istorical H H

mithsonian mithsonian S S

allery, allery, G G

Nantucket istorical Nantucket ortrait ortrait P P

National National Rev. George Bradburn 1806–1880 Lucretia Coffin Mott 1793–1880 William L. Garrison, 1805–1879 William Mitchell, 1791–1869

Churches and Slavery She spoke to a gathering of Nantucket’s Although the Nantucket Quakers may black community in 1842, although “all were have been early advocates of the emancipation invited.” It was reported that at the lengthy of slaves, the issue of abolition divided them meeting “more than 100 neatly-clad people of in the 19th century. Members of the Society color were present, and throughout the whole of Friends found themselves in turmoil over meeting they were orderly, quiet, and appar- doctrine and the extent to which Quakers ently deeply attentive.”46 should become involved in secular affairs. Abolitionist activity resulted in disown- Several splinter movements arose, the largest ments by the Nantucket Society of Friends. being the separatists, who followed “the more Leading abolitionists David Joy and the hus- mystical and radical Elias Hicks.”44 band-and-wife team of Eliza and Nathaniel The Hicksites spoke forcefully and pub- Barney were among those disowned years licly against slavery and spurned organized before the abolition movement became radi- religion. The orthodox Friends expelled or calized, as was Peter Macy.47 disowned those who joined the Hicksites. Obed Barney was also among the dis- The most famous of the Hicksite aboli- owned. He wrote that the disowned Hicksites tionists were Lucretia and James Mott of asked for, and were granted, space in a school- Philadelphia. Lucretia Coffin Mott, an house until they could find a new meeting islander by birth, was a frequent visitor and house. He further wrote that approximately speaker on Nantucket. A soft-spoken, prim, 60 Hicksites met at that time: “An awful and demure woman, Mott earned respect solemnity appeared to pervade the meetings.”48 from people who were not abolitionists. After Being disowned was not taken lightly. hearing her speak, one wrote: In Nantucket’s Quaker Book of Objections, it was written, “There were many others in “She acts in concert with societies with whom, as the disorder which was the great Hicksite yet, I have but little sympathy … still I would separation. They were all without exception travel far out of my way,45 at any time, to listen to disowned.”49 It was noted in an 1842 letter to the music of her voice.”

37 the editor that the Quakers on Nantucket “censure their members for associating with those who are not members of their own society, in advocating the anti-slavery cause.”50 I. C. Ray wrote at the end of that year that he was voluntarily leaving the Quakers because of their attitude toward outspoken abolitionists.51 Anna Gardner was disowned in 1839, the year that the local abolitionist society reor- The disowning of Anna Gardner and Samuel Mitchell, from the ganized in alliance with the Garrisonians. Quaker Book of Objections. — Nantucket Historical Association She had just been elected secretary of the Nantucket County Anti-Slavery Society and The same year, a large meeting of aboli- was teaching at the African School.52 Later, her tionist clergy was convened on the island. The mother, Hannah, was also disowned.53 90 ministers resorted to meeting outdoors, Another noted abolitionist who was dis- “in God’s House,” on Mill Hill near New owned was William F. Mitchell, father of the Guinea, where they drafted anti-slavery reso- astronomer Maria Mitchell, who was herself lutions, declaring “slavery of the Devil.” The disowned in 1843. For people of the 1840s, radical clerics proclaimed their independence being disowned was a very serious matter, as from organized religion, saying that it was churches played a dominant role in everyone’s “too rotten, they had better abandon her.”55 social life. Being expelled from the Quakers Of the organized churches, the Unitarian was tantamount to being spiritually con- church was the most outspoken against demned and being blacklisted by your friends slavery. In fact, many disowned Quakers and neighbors. joined the Unitarians. Eventually, the Barneys As the Atheneum had barred abolitionist and Anna Gardner became Unitarians. Other speakers, so did Nantucket churches, par- Unitarian abolitionists included Isaac Austin, ticularly as the Garrisonians’ attacks on Andrew M. Macy and George Bradburn, organized religion became more strident. John originally a Universalist minister. Despite A. Collins, an agent of the Massachusetts having some abolitionist members, however, Anti-Slavery Society, was refused a place to even the Unitarians barred their doors to the lecture in any local church when he visited most outspoken abolitionist speakers. the island in 1842. Two churches never even The Reverend Henry F. Edes was an early answered his request to use their buildings Unitarian minister on Nantucket who became and “from all the others the reply was unhes- identified with abolitionism, however, he left itatingly-NO.” It was noted that he had even for Burlington, Vermont, before the school been refused at a church “having a professed integration controversy became intense.56 abolition minister.54 He was succeeded by the Reverend John S.

38 The Methodist Church (center) among wooden commercial buildings on the north side of Main Street, circa 1845. Made from a daguerreotype, this is the only known photograph of the town before the Great Fire of 1846.

Nantucket Historical Association

39 Abbott.57 Abbott believed that the Garrisonian best hope of the slaves.58 When an abolitionist abolitionists went too far in their attacks on School Committee was eventually elected on organized religion and claimed that “no man Nantucket, it was reported that seven or eight who respects the Institutions of Religion members were Unitarians.59 or of civil society, can ally himself with the The second-most influential church on prominent actors in the Anti-Slavery cause.” Nantucket in support of abolition was the Cyrus Peirce, himself an ordained Unitarian Methodist church. On that same radical minister, attacked Abbott publicly and in School Committee, it was reported that two print. Peirce praised the “thunder-tones of the or three were members of the Methodist Abolitionists” who, he said, represented the Chapel.60

Nantucket’s South Meeting House was built as the Second Congregational Church in 1809 and became the Unitarian Church in 1837. Captain Absalom F. Boston was married in this church in 1814 and Frederick Douglass spoke here in 1885.

Nantucket Historical Association

40 Notes

1. Some stores advertised the sale of “free labor” Historical Association’s Research Library, 222, 49. Quaker Book of Objections, Nantucket Historical products, as abolitionists tried to boycott goods Folder 9. Association’s Research Library, collection 35, made by slaves. One such store was that of T.W. 37. Other officers included Eliza Barney, Peter Folder 9. Calder, grocer. The Morning Telegraph, July 8, Macy, Alexander Robinson, Elizabeth Macy, and 50. The Islander, March 26, 1842. 1844. Andrew M. Macy. Edward J. Pompey was also on 51. The Islander, December 3, 1842. 2. Called the Inquirer and Mirror after 1865 merger. the board of directors. 52. Quaker Book of Objections, Nantucket Historical Still published. 38. The Inquirer, June 26, 1839. Association’s Research Library, Collection 35, 3. The Islander, June 19, 1841. 39. The Inquirer, October 14, 1843. Folder 9. 4. The Inquirer, February 12, 1840. 40. The Inquirer, October 24, 1840. 53. Quaker Book of Objections, Nantucket Historical 5. The Inquirer, January 1841. The law passed. 41. Mayer 242. Association’s Research Library, Collection 35, 6. In 1844, it changed its name to the Morning 42. The Inquirer, February 5, 1842. Folder 9. Telegraph. 43. The Inquirer, December 6, 1843. 54. The Islander, March 22, 1842. 7. In June 1844, Thomas Cross became the sole 44. Mayer 223. 55. The Islander, June 18, 1842. proprietor but he died that year at age 35, and in 45. The Inquirer, July 2, 1842. 56. In 1845, Edes was one of 170 Unitarian ministers June 1845 Joseph Hunt became the o wner. Hunt 46. The Inquirer, July 16, 1842. who met in New York to protest slavery. had briefly been editor of the Inquirer. 47. They were disowned in 1830 and 1831. 57. Abbott served from 1841 to 1844. 8. The Telegraph, November 14, 1843. 48. “Nantucket Friends’ Papers: Disownments 58. The Inquirer, August 12, 1843. 9. The Telegraph, December 19, 1843. leading to Hicksites” Obed Macy et al. 1827– 59. The Wander, February 7, 1846. One of them was 10. The Morning Telegraph, February 28, 1844. 1835, Book 2, page 28. NHA Research Library, Edward R. Folger, a deacon at the church 11. Joseph Hunt signed a petition to the Massachusetts Collection 51, Folder 2.5. 60. The Wander, February 7, 1846. legislature supporting school integration. 12. Morissey’s split with the Inquirer was conten- Annual report of the School Committee in 1841 shows tious and complex and not relevant to this topic. enrollment and budgetary numbers for Nantucket schools. 13. The Weekly Mirror, January 17, 1846. 14. Midway through the year, Jenks sold the paper to fellow segregationist and School Committee colleague, James M. Bunker. 15. The Warder, January 3, 10, 14, 28, 31, 1846. 16. The Islander, March 10, 1840. 17. The Inquirer, February 11, 1843. 18. The Morning Telegraph, February 23, 1844. 19. The Inquirer, July 17, 1840. 20. The Inquirer, August 16, 1843. 21. The Inquirer, July 18, 1829. 22. The Inquirer, December 2, 1837. 23. The Inquirer, December 16, 1837. 24. The Inquirer, February 17, 1838. 25. The Inquirer, February 17, 1838. 26. The Inquirer, January 31, 1838. 27. The Islander, January 16, 1841. 28. Barney Family Papers, Nantucket Historical Association Research Library, 54, Folder 3. It is in these papers that Nathaniel Barney admitted that he was the author of the letter to the editor. 29. The Inquirer, May 7, 1842. 30. The Inquirer, December 3, 1843. 31. Henry Mayer, All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998), 307. 32. Mayer 258. 33. Mayer 263. 34. Mayer 265. 35. Mayer 267. 36. Record of the Nantucket County Anti-Slavery Society, “Blacks on Nantucket.” Nantucket Nantucket Historical Association

41 42 Chapter III

An Island Divided

Hepsibeth Hussey’s private school at the corner of Fair and Charter Streets in the 1880s. The school building was later moved to Quince Street. — Nantucket Historical Association

43 antucket’s community was awash with well-known abolitionists such as Andrew M. controversy as Eunice Ross prepared Macy and Obed Barney. to take her examination. The Atheneum had The first indication that Eunice Ross’s Nclosed its doors to blacks and to abolition- application was either pending or planned ists, and some churches had also barred their was the appearance of a public notice in the doors to abolitionist speakers. A segregated newspaper on May 4, 1839, concerning a dis- school for black children had been built on cussion by the Nantucket Education Society. York Street.1 Off-island, the abolitionist The question for discussion that week was movement had suffered a divisive schism that whether “the present public provision for had local repercussions. The newpapers were popular Education be enlarged as to furnish full of partisan politics. All that was needed what is commonly called “liberal education” was a catalyst to bring the issues together. So, to all qualified applicants.2 It is not hard when Eunice Ross passed the examination to to read between the lines that this was to enter the high school, she provided the spark be a discussion about whether Eunice Ross that inflamed island politics for years. should be admitted to the high school as one of those “qualified applicants.” For No Other Reason But Color No further specific references to the For eight years, 1840–47, the issue explosive question appeared during the fol- of school integration would dominate lowing year, but forces on both sides of the Nantucket’s annual town meetings. The bit- issue were consolidating their power bases. terness of the debate can be discerned by The Anti-Slavery Society met frequently careful reading of the hundreds of motions and kept questions about slavery and race made by the advocates of school integration in the public eye. The Boston newspaper, and those who opposed it. Acrimonious bat- and the on Nantucket tles took place on the floor of the meetings exchangedThe Liberator, ugly correspondence. Inquirer The and argument over a single motion could came out against the Garrisonian aboli- Inquirer extend for several days of debate. tionists, favoring the more conservative The issue had been simmering just below abolitionists who had abandoned the Anti- the surface for some time. An indication of Slavery Association because of the inclusion the coming controversy was the interest in of women delegates.3 The called running for local political offices. In early Garrison’s wing the “old woman’s Inquirer party.” 1839, 30 candidates ran for the five positions The first opposition paper on Nantucket, on the Nantucket Board of Selectmen! One the , appeared in March. The two of the candidates was the wealthiest member papers Islander immediately clashed and called each of the New Guinea community, Captain other names. Absalom F. Boston, who garnered only one It was at a June town meeting, however, vote. Eighteen people ran for the 13-member that the issue of Eunice Ross and her suc- School Committee, including some cessful examination came into the open,

44 when the first formal move was made toward been found “amply qualified,” yet the town integration of Nantucket’s schools. At that had denied her admission when it voted momentous meeting, Edward M. Gardner down Edward M. Gardner’s motion.5 moved to “see if the Town will instruct the Shortly after the failed bid for integra- School Committee to permit coloured chil- tion on the floor of the June town meeting, dren to enter all or any public schools of this a house in the New Guinea neighborhood Town.”4 His motion was voted down, despite was attacked and “partially demolished arguments put forth by abolitionists such as by a number of persons unknown.”6 Also John H. Shaw and Isaac Austin. unknown is whether that violence was in any Seventeen-year-old Eunice Ross had way connected to the racial hostility that was outgrown the curriculum of the ungraded growing in Nantucket. York Street School. She was the youngest Despite this initial defeat, those who of African-born James Ross’s children, with wanted the schools open to all students, three older sisters and an older brother. regardless of race, were not about to give up With 17 other students, she had qualified for the fight. admission to the high school that year, but, unique among them, she was turned down. Attitudes Harden Five years later, she submitted a petition to As 1841 began, it quickly became clear the state legislature describing the town’s that the issue of Eunice Ross and her suc- refusal to admit her. In the petition, she said cessful examination was not going away. that she had taken the examination and had Early in the year, Nathaniel Barney, writing

Town Meeting records show the first motion to integrate schools was made by Edward M. Gardner on June 3, 1840. It was “negatived.” A similar motion by John H. Shaw was also turned down.

Nantucket Town Records

45 was the first of dozens of letters about school integration to be published in the local papers during the next few years. Also in the first month of the year, the executives of the Nantucket Women’s Anti- Slavery Society reported that black women were barred from their meetings at the North Congregational Church. Harriet Peirce, wife of Cyrus, and Eliza Barney wrote that the church had put “impossible” conditions upon their organization. The abolitionists tried to compromise with the church by offering to split the room in half so as to reserve space for those who did not wish to sit “near a colored person,” but their compromise was refused, so, they decided not to meet in that church any longer: “We can make no compromise; as our object is to improve and elevate the colored man and not to lend our aid in his opposition.”9 Broadside from the 1840’s warning voters that the abolitionists The election for the next year’s School aimed to ruin the school system. This was probably published by Committee was crowded with candidates. Samuel H. Jenks. — Nantucket Historical Association Behind-the-scenes preparations had been made to stack the committee with abolition- as “Thy Friend,” attacked the School ists. They were accused of producing a block Committee: “Does your school committee- of 13 names ahead of the annual town meeting who should be men of intelligence and moral “to constitute a School Committee for the worth-do they, in their school regulations, year ensuing.” The group “printed tickets” recognize no oppression?” One unnamed called “Liberty Hall tickets,” which were member of the committee was singled out “freely circulated” throughout town before- as an “exception to the general rule. He hand. The ethics of their “ploy” were debated sees where the right is, and he is faithful in for weeks afterward. Two of the so-called pleading for that right.”7 “Liberty Hall boys” were criticized by one Barney was optimistic, however, that forces letter writer for campaigning in New Guinea of change on Nantucket were emerging and “with especial reference to ‘abolitionism.’”10 strengthening. “I do not mean to say there are Samuel H. Jenks was especially outraged by not men and women, and the number is daily the “alleged confraternity” that made up the increasing, who are true to humanity.”8 This School Committee ticket, even though he was

46 C

ssociation ssociation ssociation A A A o

Libraryf ongress istorical istorical istorical H H H

Nantucket Nantucket Nantucket

David Joy, 1801–1875 Isaac Austin,1785–1864 Edward W. Gardner, 1802–1868 Horace Mann, 1796–1859

reelected to it. Jenks accused the abolitionists “as extensive a collection of the standard of plotting “the destruction … of our public Anti-Slavery productions as can be found in schools,” an accusation he repeated often in any Anti-Slavery depository in the country.” his battle to prevent the integration of the People were invited to take advantage of school system. He warned those who had been the materials “free of expense” and to learn elected with him to the School Committee to the “condition of 3,000,000 of American remember that they were charged with rep- citizens.”14 In an advertisement taken out resenting the of the electorate and to in the local papers, four black citizens- “legislate not majorityfor themselves.”11 William Harris, William H. Harris, Henry More abolitionist activity was seen in T. Wheeler and William Morris-publicly 1841 than in previous years. At its table of thanked those who had created the library. crafts and handiwork at the annual Anti- Later that month, a local Anti-Slavery Fair Slavery Fair held in Boston that year, the was held there, and a “variety of useful and Nantucket group raised more money than ornamental articles” were sold.15 any other town in Massachusetts. Susan In March, the Anti-Slavery Society ran a Clasby and Charlotte Austin staffed the cryptic notice in the paper, announcing that table.12 The chairperson in Boston, Henry a “special meeting” would be held to discuss G. Chapman, said, “at the head of the host which “measures of the Abolitionists gener- stood Nantucket unrivalled.” The variety and ally tended to advance the object which they quality of the items for sale from Nantucket have in view.” Individuals had been “engaged were “managed with a taste and exactitude to speak on both sides of the question.” that charged every beholder.”13 This meeting was announced by abo- 1841 was also the year that Obed Barney litionist Daniel Jones Jr., who was also helped to establish the Anti-Slavery Library secretary of the School Committee that year. over his store on Main Street. An advertise- The meeting undoubtedly discussed the ment for the library called it a “light for the school integration question, but no records of people.” It boasted that the room contained the meeting survive.16

47 arrange for the proceedings of the meeting, 30 as well as a lengthy address to be published Thegrounds, School not according Committee to the color did of not skin. respond. both on- and off-island. No public acknowledgments of the reso- In the address presented by members of lutions or the address appeared in the the New Guinea community, they repeat- local papers. The lack of response was edly referred to themselves as “oppressed,” unprecedented, as most town debates were and bluntly informed the islanders that the fully covered in the local press. In this case, town meeting vote was not “a recent wound there was eloquent silence. but a wound of some years’ standing, the sensation of which, if it be chafed, is apt Mobs in Nantucket!!! 31 to become keen.” The address referred to While there was silence about the black the U. S. Constitution and the laws of the community’s address to the town, there was Commonwealth which, they said, did not no silence about the issue of abolition. In distinguish “on account of complexion or one interesting letter, “Othello” wrote he symmetry.” had been a “bundle of prejudices” who had thought “the black skull is peculiarly thick” If this be the ground of our exclusion, as we have until he attended a lecture by Frederick stated, and we think our statement is undeniable, Douglass, then lecturing in New Bedford. then we will most respectfully, ask this intelligent “Othello” said he was amazed at Douglass’s and Christian community who know this to be charm, eloquence, and intelligence. “His Thethe ground address of our went exclusion, on to is state it right, that is it just? mind seemed to overflow with noble ideas,” Nantucket’s black community was “weary” said “Othello,” who stated that he “left that of the “privilege” of having a separate school. hall with a mountain load of prejudice tum- The address expressed a strong desire to bling [from his back].”32 become part of the mainstream community, In mid-August 1842, an explosive six- stating that black people, too, were “citizens day Anti-Slavery Convention was held on of this great republic; our veins are full of Nantucket. Once again, nationally known republican blood.” They pointed out that the and radical abolitionists attended, but what school system provided for the black children they had to say that summer did not find did not have the “needed several gradations,” favor with the beliefs of most Nantucketers. and thus the children were deprived of an The keynote speaker once again was equivalent education to that of the “more William Lloyd Garrison. He spoke on themes favored” portion of town. he was known for, including his inflammatory The address ended on an optimistic note antigovernment rhetoric and his lack of faith hoping that the time was: in the possibility of a political resolution of slavery. He called the U. S. Constitution not too far distant when the good sense and a “Covenant with Death and an Agreement Christianity of this republic will proceed to make with Hell.” These were strong and shocking its distinctions in society on just and reasonable

52 rary ociety Lib S

stitution ssociation In

ublic P

istorical H

Boston H

mithsonian S

allery, G

Massachusetts Nantucket istorical ortrait P

National

Charles L. Remond, 1810–1873 George Latimer, 1819–1894 Frederick Douglass, 1818–1895 Rev. Stephen S. Foster, 1809–1881 words to Nantucketers, including some mem- picture of the American Church and Clergy.” bers of the Nantucket Anti-Slavery Society, The “brotherhood” referenced by Foster was many of whom, such as George Bradburn, the brotherhood of Christian churches. The continued to believe in the political process. five crimes Foster accused the clergy of were: Fiery black speaker C. Lenox Remond, who the theft of slaves’ labor, kidnapping, murder, believed that rifles would be needed to end piracy and adultery. He accused the clergy of slavery, was also on hand. being “pimps of Satan” for their complicity The most vitriolic and inflammatory in the preservation of slavery and the exploi- speaker of all, however, was the Reverend tation of black women. Foster especially Stephen S. Foster. Foster’s words about singled out churches with congregations on the clergy have been blamed for riots that Nantucket-the Methodists, Episcopalians erupted in the heart of Nantucket. and Baptists.34 On the first day of the convention, officers Foster’s “grossly insulting and personally were elected and a slate of resolutions chosen abusive” words were the subject of gossip the for discussion. Garrison spoke in his usual next day, and that evening an unruly crowd strong terms. The resolution that sparked the gathered outside the Atheneum. The aboli- most bitter debate concerned the clergy: tionists continued to debate inside the hall, but the situation deteriorated quickly. On Resolved, That it is dreadful libel on the Christian Friday, the third day of the convention, things church to affirm that slaveholders, or the apologists came to a head during the evening session. of slavery, were ever members of it; and therefore, Unruly spectators crowded inside the hall the real disciples of Christ, who is the Prince of to heckle the speakers, while outside, a large Emancipators, will never give the right hand of and even more unruly crowd gathered. They Christian fellowship to any such persons, nor rec-33 hurled rotten eggs and other missiles into Whenognize them the as group among reconvened those who are inborn the of eve-God. the hall. One woman was hit with a brickbat. ning, Stephen S. Foster delivered his famous The situation had spiraled out of the control “Brotherhood of Thieves” address, or “a true of the local authorities.

53 The trustees of the Atheneum, fearing to let the abolitionists use town property for the hall would be damaged, and possibly also the remaining days of the convention. 36 It fearing damage to their reputation, closed may have been a political maneuver to make their doors to the convention. The next day it appear less partisan than it was; letting the the abolitionists were forced to seek another convention continue on town property was a venue and were able to secure Franklin Hall bold move. for that evening. So, early on Monday, the abolitionists But when they reconvened at Franklin met at the town hall with little disturbance, Hall they were again viciously attacked by but at nightfall, a crowd outside pelted them “a shower of rotten eggs, in an exceedingly once again with stones and rotten eggs. “An nauseous and offensive state of putrefaction.”35 unhatched chicken remained for days after- Franklin Hall was a public gathering place on ward stuck to the shingles.”37 In addition, at South Water Street, subsequently consumed the emergency town meeting that day, Isaac in the Great Fire of 1846. With it no longer Austin brought “a brick and a piece of coal” available, the convention was on the verge of that had been thrown into his house down- closing down, and the abolitionists, many of town, endangering “the lives of defenseless them influential town officials, appealed for women and children.” The meeting resolved assistance and requested the use of the town that the insult to Austin was “deprecated by hall so the convention could continue. all our Citizens” and pledged to attempt to An emergency town meeting was held on find and convict “the cowardly villains.”38 Saturday, August 13, to discuss the distur- No evidence exists that anyone involved in bances that had taken place and to consider the violence during the six days of the Anti- the request of the abolitionists to use the Slavery Convention was ever arrested and town hall. A five-member committee was brought to court. chosen to investigate why the authorities had Finally, a third emergency town meeting been ineffective in quelling the riots and took was convened a few days after the off- a vote censuring those who had perpetrated island abolitionists had left Nantucket. The the violence. Finally, they directed the town committee that had been called upon to constables to call another town meeting for investigate the riots gave its report, no one Monday, August 15, to discuss whether they taking responsibility for what had happened. even had the authority to grant the use of the The committee had questioned both the town property to citizens to “discuss, in a sheriff and his deputy, and the sheriff had peaceable manner, any and all subjects upon denied all knowledge of the riots, “until after which they may wish to confer, whether such its adjournment.” The deputy, however, said subjects be popular in our Community or that he had been in the Atheneum when a not.” This is puzzling, as the Anti-Slavery stone was hurled through a window, and that Convention was scheduled to end on that day. particles of “shivered glass lodged on the back In addition, the selectmen had already decided of his neck.” He said that he had seen several

54 town magistrates at the meeting, but none of bulk of the blame for the riots was laid upon them had given him any orders and that it Stephen S. Foster and the off-island radicals was not his duty to intervene “in the absence for inciting the mobs by their inflammatory of orders.” remarks. It has been accepted over the years Two selectmen also testified that they had that the attack on the churches and clergy in rushed to the Atheneum when they heard the “Brotherhood of Thieves” speech was the about the disorder, but did not think that the reason that riots erupted. demonstration was of sufficient severity to That view, however, was challenged take action.39 The town officials had failed to more than 40 years later in 1885 and 1886 in protect the abolitionists. a series of letters in the and in the The riots seemed to have taken Nantucket . Despite the passageInquirer of considerable by surprise. At the time, the called time,Journal the topic of the riots was still a sensi- them a “blot on the character Inquirer of the island,” tive subject on Nantucket, disputed in the and the selectmen were criticized in the papers by a handful of people who claimed newspapers and by the abolitionists for not to have been eyewitnesses. A writer using the suppressing the mobs. Nevertheless, the initials “WRE” reiterated the commonly held

Riots were no stranger to abolitionists. In Boston, events came to head in October 1835 when anti-abolition rioting broke out at the Women’s Anti-Slavery Society office where William Lloyd Garrison was speaking. This pro-slavery cartoon depicts some of the mayhem.

Boston Public Library

55 Cyrus Peirce was selected to take the giant petition, signed by more than 51,000, to Washington. The signatures had been gathered and put into a single continuous roll. When Peirce arrived in Washington, he had the signatures wound onto a large spool, which he said was as big as a washtub. He met with former President of the United The Latimer Petition. — Massachusetts Historical Society States, John Quincy Adams, who had returned to the House of Representatives. evening dinner soiree attended by 120 people. The two men conferred as to how they would At the soiree, both Cyrus and Harriet present the giant petition in the face of an Peirce spoke-he about the success of the existing gag rule against all slavery-related “Free Latimer” petition and she about the petitions. They tried for three days to get the “rapid progress of the anti-slavery cause” in petition considered, but were unable to do so. Nantucket. She reflected on how different the Nevertheless, Cyrus Peirce felt that the first anti-slavery meeting on Nantucket had effort had not been in vain. In a letter to the been, “when the claims of the slaves were not he wrote that the effect of taking the at all recognized and only two or three could hugeInquirer, petition to the floor of the House of be found willing to meet.”51 The evening Representatives had warranted the work that ended with the unanimous passage of several had been put into collecting the signatures.52 resolutions introduced by Cyrus Peirce. One The year 1842 ended with the island still was that the state of Massachusetts could divided. With successful rallies and petitions, not consider itself free so long as fugitives such as the Latimer petitions, the abolitionist could be returned to the South; another that ranks were growing, but those opposed to once fugitives arrived in Massachusetts, they integration had also been successful. The should be free and safe from harm. black community’s address had gone unan- Abolitionists realized, however, that pas- swered. The anti-abolitionists had managed sage of the Personal Liberty Act was not to incite riots with their rhetoric, riling the enough as it applied to only one state, so mobs with the bogey-man of racial amalga- they organized another “Latimer Petition mation and intermarriage. The mobs had Drive” to be presented to the Congress in almost shut down the August convention. Washington, DC. Once again, signatures The anti-abolitionists continued to domi- were sought all through New England, and nate town government, including the School once again, Nantucket abolitionists rallied, Committee. They continued to restrict black with Cyrus Peirce again a leader. The petition schoolchildren to the York Street School. asked that taxes be apportioned amongst the Both sides were firm in their resolve and states based on each state’s free population. determined to prevail.

58 Notes

1. Nantucket Town Records, School Committee 11. The Inquirer, February 20, 1841. 21. The Islander, April 7, 1841. Report, 1839. 12. The Inquirer, January 13, 1841 and the Islander, 22. The Islander, August 14, 1841. 2. The Inquirer, May 4, 1839. January 9, 1841. Charlotte Austin was the 23. The Inquirer, November 24, 1841. 3. The Inquirer, May 19, 1840. daughter of Isaac Austin; she later married abo- 24. The Islander, January 15, 1842. Whether this 4. Nantucket Town Records, 1840. Edward was litionist David Joy. Both were original members poem was written locally has not been ascer- Anna Gardner’s first cousin. of the Nantucket County Anti-Slavery Society. tained. 5. Petition of Eunice F. Ross, Massachusetts State 13. The Islander, January 9, 1841. 25. Nantucket Town Records, School Committee House Archives. See Appendix for complete 14. The Inquirer, January 13, 1841 and the Islander, Report, February 1842. text. January 9, 1841. 26. They were Edward J. Pompey, Stephen 6. The Inquirer, June 19, 1840. 15. The Inquirer, January 23, 1841 and the Islander, Pompey, Edward Pompey, William H. Harris, 7. This is puzzling, as there were several abolition- January 16, 1841. William Harris, William Harris Jr., Arthur ists on the School Committee that year, Obed 16. The Inquirer, March 6, 1841. Cooper, James Ross, Micajah Boston and Barney, Charles Wood and Alexander Macy. 17. The Inquirer, March 17, 1841. Absalom F. Boston. 8. The Islander, January 16, 1841. 18. The Inquirer, April 10, 1841. 27. Nantucket Town Records, February 15, 1842. 9. The Islander, January 30, 1841. 19. Mayer 305. 28. The Inquirer, February 12, 1842. 10. The Inquirer, February 13, 1841. 20. Mayer 305. 29. Other officials were William W. Morris and Cyrus B. Cooper. 30. The Islander, March 12, 1842, the Inquirer, March 2, 1842 and The Liberator, March 18, 1842. See Appendix for full text. 31. The Liberator, August 22, 1842. 32. The Inquirer, July 2, 1842. 33. Susan F. Beegel, “The Brotherhood of Thieves Riot of 1842,” Historic Nantucket, Fall, 1992. 34. Ibid. 35. The Inquirer, August 17, 1842. 36. Nantucket Town Records, August 13, 1842. 37. The Inquirer, January 2, 1886. 38. Nantucket Town Records, August 15, 1842. 39. Nantucket Town Records, August 20, 1842. The names of the selectmen are not specified. 40. The Inquirer, December 5, 1885. 41. The Inquirer, January 9, 1886. 42. The Inquirer, January 23, 1886. 43. The Inquirer, January 23, 1886. 44. The Inquirer, February 13, 1886. 45. The Warder, February 7, 1846. Note: Jenks was editor of the paper. 46. The Inquirer, August 20, 1842. 47. The Inquirer, August 20, 1842. 48. The Inquirer, November 19, 1842. 49. The Inquirer, November 26, 1842. 50. The Inquirer, December 10, 1842. Other speakers included Isaac Austin, John H. Shaw, Andrew M. Macy and David Joy, all sometime members of the Nantucket School Committee. 51. The Inquirer, December 17, 1842 52. The Inquirer, March 4, 1843.

Nantucket’s First Congregational Church, built in 1834 and known as the North Church, barred black women from attending the women’s abolitionist meetings. — Nantucket Historical Association

59 60 Chapter IV

Winds of Change

The African Meeting House (formerly African School) and the Higginbotham House on York Street, as seen from the Five Corners intersection, circa 1890s. — Nantucket Historical Association

61 n 1843, radical abolitionists were elected to Despite the abolistists’ apparent victory the School Committee, and at the annual at the polls, the people attending the annual town meeting they pushed for a definitive town meeting did not vote to integrate the Ivote authorizing school integration. The schools, and subsequent special town meet- abolitionists elected included Nathaniel ings were stretched over a two-month period. Barney, Cyrus Peirce, John H. Shaw, Josiah Macy, Daniel Jones Jr., Eben Coleman, Obed The Explosive Meetings of 1843 Barney, Andrew Macy and Edward G. Kelley.1 At the annual town meeting on the The outgoing School Committee had morning of February 18, 1843, Nathaniel been so divided that Majority and Minority Barney read the Minority Report of the Reports were submitted, with the abolition- School Committee. He reminded voters that ists supporting the Minority Report. Other public schools were “instituted for the good town committees were similarly divided; the of the whole people.” He suggested that Finance Committee also submitted unprec- the School Committee be allowed to place edented Minority and Majority Reports students of the York Street School in any reflecting the school controversy. Then, as of the other public schools if “an advan- the School Committee’s conflicting reports tage will be gained to the scholar by such were read, the meeting erupted in bitter a change.”2 Debate on Barney’s amendment controversy. stretched into the afternoon session, when

Nathaniel Barney’s Minority Report of the School Committee, February 1843, protested the Committe’s segregation of the schools.

Nantucket Town Records

62 it was withdrawn. Next, a vote was taken the issue again. This time, the debate shifted to accept the Minority Report, but a show from the School Committee to the seven- of hands could not determine the vote and member Finance Committee. Like the School the tellers were forced to take a rare written Committee, the Finance Committee was ballot. The result of the balloting showed divided along abolitionist lines, and the aboli- the town’s disagreement with the abolition- tionists were likewise in the minority. Hence, ists, as the Minority Report was rejected by the Finance Committee also filed Minority a count of 194 to 160. and Majority Reports. The indefatigable Barney did not give up, The first item of debate was the $500 and minutes later he once again proposed a appropriation earmarked to support the York motion to admit black students into any of Street School, formerly called the African the town’s schools for which they were quali- School. Interestingly, the town passed a reso- fied. Segregationist William C. Starbuck, lution, supported by the abolitionists, not to a member of neither the outgoing nor the continue funding the school. The abolitionists incoming School Committee that year, interpreted this as a victory because the segre- completely altered the meaning of Barney’s gated school could not remain open without a motion with his proposed amendment “that budget to pay for its teacher and its supplies. the African School be continued as hereto- Next, the Minority Report of the Finance fore.”3 Starbuck’s amendment passed, and Committee was submitted by Alfred Folger, black children were still to be confined to the Charles W. Rand and Edward W. Gardner. ungraded York Street School. This trio of abolitionists objected to the Two days later, determined not to give money spent every year on the African up the fight, the abolitionists brought up School. They scolded the town for its policy

The Finance Committee’s Minority Report of 1843 argued that the town’s support of a separate school for Africans and Indians was against the law, as well as costly for the town.

Nantucket Town Records

63 School Committee Faces Resignation also a member of the School Committee, The abolitionist-dominated School from being appointed as principal of the new Committee resolved to integrate the town grammar school. schools as soon as possible, in spite of the town meeting’s votes. Plans were made to That in the opinion of the Town the office of move black children into several of the town’s School Committee man is incompatible with the schools. To ward this off, yet another spe- office of Teacher of one of the schools … that any cial town meeting was called for by those person being so situated, and choosing to hold the determined to prevent the abolitionists from office of Teacher, be requested8 to resign the office putting their words into action. The subject Afterof School lengthy Committee debate, man. this resolution of the warrant concerned the hiring of off- was also tabled. It seems unreasonable that island teachers, but discussion strayed from the town would vote against employing an that topic to school integration, and the esteemed educator who had been Nantucket’s intense debate lasted four days. The argu- first high school principal, who had won ments were vehement, resulting in calls for the statewide recognition for his mastery of radicals on the School Committee to resign. teaching, and who had been selected to head The first of two articles introduced the first teachers’ college in the nation. It was concerned the “subject of importing or clearly due to Peirce’s abolitionist zeal. hiring assistants in the various schools from Starbuck’s next resolution asked for abroad.” The second was to instruct the the resignation of those on the School School Committee to employ “citizens of the Committee who were “opposed to con- Town in the various schools.” Once again, ducting the schools agreeably to the wishes Thomas Macy was chosen to moderate. of the Town.” Passage of this proposal William C. Starbuck claimed that would have resulted in the resignation of the Nantucket had “amply qualified” grammar majority of committee members. Still unable school teachers and the School Committee to agree on any resolution, the meeting should be required to select from them adjourned for the day. and in no case to send abroad for teachers. On the second day of the special town He was supported in this view by Caleb meeting, John H. Shaw moved to table Cushman and Charles Bunker. He was Starbuck’s resolution. His motion was opposed by School Committee member John defeated, and discussion continued. Josiah H. Shaw. After heated debate, the issues were Macy, abolitionist and School Committee tabled. Consensus was impossible. member, offered the amendment that the Starbuck next moved that any School School Committee members had only to Committee member who also served as a follow the town’s instructions “provided any teacher be required to resign from the com- expression of the Town be not, in the opinion mittee. This proposal was aimed, for one, of the Committee, Contrary to Law.”9 The at preventing off-island born Cyrus Peirce, abolitionists were confident that Nantucket’s

66 Segregation: a “Bygone Folly?” The committee changed the name of the Shortly after the long series of town meet- African School to the York Street Primary ings the School Committee attempted to School. The school was designated for the implement integration of the public schools- instruction of young children in the district, to the horror of the segregationists who had and 51 children attended the prevailed in the meetings. First, the School school blackthat andyear. white A primary school teacher Committee published a notice that school was hired to teach there, which the com- district lines had been altered, dividing the mittee later reported had saved the town town into North, South, and West districts. money.15 Fifteen black children who were One of the dividing lines that separated the qualified were admitted to integrated schools South and West districts ran through the closest to their homes. There is no evidence black community, “placing about half of that Eunice Ross was among them. them [black students] in each district.”13 Black The School Committee explained that it students were assigned to both South and had decided to integrate the schools because West Grammar Schools. In addition, School “some colored child or children” had applied Committee member and ardent abolitionist, to the grammar schools, and had been placed Cyrus Peirce, was appointed to teach in the in the two schools closest to where they lived. new West Grammar School.14 The committee reported that “the behavior

Built in 1827, the South Grammar School was the town’s largest school during the 1840s, with an enrollment of around 250. Located on Orange Street, the building also served as Town Hall and Court House. It was demolished in 1931.

Nantucket Historical Association

69 of the children so placed, has been so good” the first time, however, the abolitionists that only one complaint had been made all were in the majority. Samuel H. Jenks filed year concerning any black child. The com- the Minority Report, strenuously objecting mittee defended its actions on high moral to the integration of the schools. Even ground, referring to the Constitution, the the reading of these reports on the floor laws of the Commonwealth, and the teach- of the meeting caused dissension as each ings of Christ. They concluded their annual side maneuvered to have the other’s report report, proudly claiming that great progress suppressed. in education had taken place on Nantucket Once again, a large number of men, 49, that year: ran for School Committee. This year, the abolitionists were to pay a heavy price for ignoring In a few years, the thousand fastidious notions the town’s wishes and were soundly defeated. of the proud, the haughty and the selfish, who Seven of the eight people who signed the supposed that their children would be degraded Majority Report were voted out of office; of by mixing in School, with the children of their those eight, only Alexander Macy retained poor neighbor, or that their money would buy for a seat on the committee. 18 Abolitionists their children a better education, than they would who ran for other town offices also lost, receive in the public Schools, or that if the whole including David Joy, the popular selectman, public were well educated, there would be none who received only 32 votes.19 Isaac Austin, to cook, and many more of about equal weight, once chairman of the Education Committee, have been swept away into the great sea of bygone received just one vote, and Andrew Macy did follies and now your committee trust that the little better with two. Curiously, three aboli- time has come when our sense of justice, of truth, tionists on the School Committee who had of morality and of religion, will impel us, to one not signed the Majority Report were reelected. more effort.. Freedom and education naturally These were Obed Barney, James F. Chase, and tend towards each other, and if one would secure Dr. Benjamin H. West. Most of those who the latter, we must guard and protect the former. opposed school integration, including William Your committee could only answer thus, go child C. Starbuck, were elected, and Samuel H. of color and take your place in the school, you are16 Jenks was chosen to chair the committee. It equally as well entitled to it as any other child. was a vindication for Jenks, who had protested Anger on the Floor of Town Meeting throughout the year as the committee had At the next annual town meeting, in acted contrary to the town’s wishes. Now it 1844, the town again vehemently reacted was his turn to be in control. to the actions of the School Committee, On the very first day of the meeting, the which had so deliberately thwarted the School Committee’s Majority Report became votes of those many meetings.17 As in the a hot item. An entire morning was devoted to previous year, the School Committee filed its reading by Nathaniel Barney, the outgoing both Majority and Minority Reports. For chairman. Jenks then read his dissenting

70 report, claiming that both black and white The abolitionists tried hard but failed to children had been hurt by the experiment in stop the segregationists from resegregating integration: the schools, desperately trying to per- suade the meeting to reconsider its actions. The true question as I consider it, is not whether Eventually, the town voted to accept only all children are equally entitled to educational that part of the report dealing with school privileges provided by laws, but whether the action finances. Jenks was allowed to reread his of the School Committee within the last year, was Minority Report, and the town voted to best adapted to secure those privileges, as well to connect it to the stripped-down Majority Jenkswhites asclaimed to colored that children. integration favored Report. Over the next two days, James F. black children at the expense of the whites. Chase and Dr. Benjamin H. West resigned He noted that some white children had been from the School Committee in protest at removed from the public schools in protest. the dismantling of their “experiment” in Further, he disagreed with the wisdom of integration. changing the York Street School from a Andrew Macy and John H. Shaw made “general seminary wherein all the branches several similar motions, attempting at least [were] taught” to that of “a school of a lower to get the town on record for voting to grade.” He praised the way the African deliberately exclude black children from School had previously been operated when all town schools except York Street. For it had been a school for black children only. example, Shaw moved that the town does He praised the male teacher as being fully “mean to deprive any colored children of a capable of teaching classes through the place … they being qualified as to scholar- grammar school level. ship and living in the district.” William C. Starbuck, who had regained a seat on That School, before this change, possessed pecu- the School Committee, moved that Shaw’s liar advantages-a convenient location; an able resolution be put off until the next town instructor; and so few pupils (about 30) that meeting, a full year away. Starbuck’s motion consequently, each commanded more of the atten- was accepted, making it crystal clear that the tion and services of the teacher, than anyone can20 majority of voters wanted integration of the Afternow obtain the … reading with some of 200Jenks’s School report, fellows. it was schools to end. voted to table both reports, which meant Andrew Macy then introduced a motion that the Majority Report was never accepted. suggesting that the town meant to deprive The town deliberately refused to recognize any child having any “appreciable mixture its existence. By not accepting it, the voters of Negro or Indian blood, of the privilege of were making it easier for the newly elected attending any schools where there are white School Committee to dismantle the inte- children.” His motion stated that the town grated school system that had operated for meant for the education of black children to close to a year. be separate, but it was amended by William

71 Easton with “as far as the same may be resulting resegregation of the schools. They deemed practical,” The language was soft- pointed out that, in a sparsely-attended town ened to allow the School Committee to use meeting, only 213 of 1,500 residents voted in districting lines as the excuse for segregation. favor of resegregation. The drawing of lines could work both The protest document first took the ways. After the town voted to accept Easton’s position that the town and the School motion, Alexander Macy immediately resigned Committee were about to be responsible in protest.21 Thus, three School Committee for a grave and flagrant violation of the members had resigned during the course Constitution: “Whosoever, or whatever, of the meeting, unable to serve in good therefore, attempts to disturb this equality, conscience while the committee set out to wars against both the spirit and the letter of resegregate Nantucket’s schools. that glorious instrument.” There was praise One more day of the annual meeting for the “stern refusal” of the previous School ensued, and more motions and countermo- Committee to bend to the town’s vote. They tions were offered, but the decisions of the argued that the town was also in violation of previous days stood.22 The 1844 annual town state education law. meeting had unseated the abolitionist School Committee members, failed to accept the Nothing, in our judgment, can be plainer, from bulk of the School Committee report, and even the most casual inspection of our school law, made it clear that segregation would be rees- than the fact, that its advantages were designed to be tablished on Nantucket. Theshared, document equally, by alldiscussed the inhabitants the advantagesof the town. of The abolitionists subsequently organized graded schools denied to black Nantucketers. a protest rally for those “in favor of admitting the colored children of this town freely” We have decided, and long since decided, that into the public schools. Peter Macy called schools of various grades are necessary to the the meeting to order and John H. Shaw was greatest advancement of our children in educa- chosen as the chairman with Francis B. Folger tion. We have yet to learn, that a difference in the as secretary.23 The gathering was impassioned shade of a pupil’s skin, demands a peculiar school and lasted for two evenings, the abolitionists for his instruction. We seriously apprehend, that expressing “outrage” over the proceedings of if the system of graduated schools is best suited to the town. George Bradburn read a statement the instruction of children of one shade of com- and speeches were given by Thomas Macy plexion, it must be likewise best adapted to the and high school principal Augustus Morse. Anothereducation of reason those of given another for shade their of complexion.protest was They drafted a protest that was published on on the grounds of taxation and the unnec- the front page of the .24 essary expense of maintaining the African The lengthy document Daily Telegraphoffered various School, which attempted to educate students rationales for the abolitionists’ opposition from the introductory levels to those quali- to the outcome of the town meeting and the fied for the high school.

72 ssociation ssociation ssociation ssociation A A A A

istorical istorical H H H H

Nantucket istorical Nantucket istorical Nantucket Nantucket

Edward Folger, 1806–1888 Daniel Jones Jr., 1813–1844 George H. Folger, 1804–1868 Thomas Macy, 1787–1864

Lastly, they protested against the town meeting on religious grounds as being “emi- “ finding it to be composed chiefly of men hostile nently unchristian. This, indeed, is our grand to allowing all the children of this town an equal objection.” The abolitionists criticized the participation in the educational advantages pro- Christian congregations for continuing to Finally,vided for themthey byreferred law.” to “three gentlemen” have the “negro pew-one of the most potent remaining on the School Committee “known engines of oppression ever employed against to be favorable to securing to our children the colored man. We have blushed for this the unrestricted exercise of their educational infamous inconsistency of the church.” rights.” The protest document stated that, They wrote about the public shame on the however much the three men were respected, reputation of the island, pointing out that in it would be better if they, too resigned, believing that the three could do no good “almost every other town throughout our serving on a committee where they were so Commonwealth, the children of both races mix qui- outnumbered. They said that it would be etly together in the same school, without the slightest better to serve “the cause they have at heart” Theobjection protestors being made pledged to the practice to do by theiranyone.” and leave the segregationists “to share alone, “utmost” to defend the black children against the fame, or the infamy” of executing the the segregationists and to expose the injustice plan to resegregate the schools. The three of re-segregating the town’s schools. They were likely: Obed Barney, Daniel Jones Jr. and resolved to have their lengthy protest pub- George H. Folger. lished along with the report of the previous School Committee, which had not been Segregation Reinstituted accepted at the town meeting. Despite the abolitionists’ protest, within They passed a resolution, offered by weeks after the town meeting, the School George Bradburn, commending Alexander Committee prepared to transfer black chil- Macy for resigning from the School dren back to the York Street School. In Committee in protest, March, they advertised for a teacher for the

73 84 Chapter V

Resolution

Eunice Ross’s letter asking the Massachusetts Legislature to pass a law that would force Nantucket schools to accept Eunice and all Nantucket children. (See Appendix.) — Massachusetts Historical Society

85 ather than send their children back vast majority of Nantucket’s black children to the segregated York Street School, were not educated at the town’s expense. the black community boycotted the school Later, Jenks accused the white abolitionists Rsystem. A few white parents also withdrew of having coerced the black parents “into their children as an act of solidarity. The a written agreement” to boycott the York boycott was so successful that, except for a Street School.5 few paupers who had no other choice, black The School Committee continued to use children left the York Street School vacant.1 the excuse that New Guinea was in a separate The teacher, Thomas Rand, who had gram- school district from all the other grammar mar school qualifications, “gave lessons to schools and that geographic proximity was bare walls and empty benches.”2 According the sole reason for black students being to Samuel H. Jenks, chairman of the School assigned to the York Street School. To cir- Committee, several white parents who lived cumvent this, some abolitionists invited black near New Guinea asked if their children children to live in their homes before the could go to the York Street School because school year began. In fact, some black chil- of their admiration for Rand. Jenks said that dren were admitted to the North and South the committee granted the parents’ wishes Grammar Schools as a result. According “with the understanding that they must give to Jenks, the abolitionists concocted this place to colored children” when the boycott “contemptible subterfuge” to break school ended.3 Jenks, however, did not anticipate the policy. Further, the abolitionists “persuaded resolve of the black community to sustain the several colored children to become ‘members boycott, which did not end that year as he of their families’ by eating a few meals in had expected. their kitchens, and perhaps lodging a night or The School Committee was forced to two in their garrets.”6 However, he said, the accept white children in the York Street “trick” was readily discovered and the School School in order to keep it open. The segrega- Committee had those children removed tionists complained: quickly.7 Not all the black children went without colored children having been kept from the School education during the boycott. A schoolroom they established at their door, in despite of the was rented by the abolitionists in the center efforts of the School Committee to cause their of the town and volunteers taught there.8 The attendance, the School house aforesaid is now of boycott created underlying tension and anger necessity, occupied chiefly by white children, coming at the annual town meeting when it convened from greater distances, who would forthwith be in February 1845. For the third year in a row, transferred, so soon as the said colored inhabitants the School Committee presented two reports: may please to avail themselves of the ample4 provi- In the role of chairman, Samuel H. Jenks Forsion madethe remainderby the town inof the the premises. 1844 school read the Majority Report while George H. year and the beginning of the next, the Folger filed the dissenting Minority Report.

86 In the Majority Report, the School on York Street. As the boycott stretched on, Committee reported that it operated 15 dif- the committee said it had reluctantly placed ferent schools accommodating approximately white children in the school, whose parents 1,500 students, ages four to sixteen. The “preferred the course of tuition therein pur- committee complained about undue “agita- sued [rather than the] more distant Grammar tion and debate” concerning the education schools.” The committee claimed that if any of the town’s black children. It reported that black children had been deprived of an edu- the York Street School had been success- cation, it was not due to the actions of the fully “restored to its former standing” and School Committee. One letter writer wrote that they replaced the female primary school in support of the School Committee that the teacher there with a “very competent” male boycott was a form of “moral suicide” by the teacher as they prepared to transfer black black community.9 The report was full of grammar school children back to York Street. self-pity, expounding on the thankless aspect The committee grumbled that its of being a member of the School Committee. endeavors had been “thwarted by influences The boycott and subsequent negative beyond their power or province to control” publicity took a harsh toll on the committee and was irate about the boycott of the school members. Two died during the year, two lost

School children, black and white together, on West Dover Street in the old New Guinea neighborhood, circa 1880.

Nantucket Historical Association

87 View looking south from the Unitarian Church tower on Orange Street. In the distance, center left and along the perimeter of town are fringes of the New Guinea neighborhood. The African School on Pleasant and York streets is circled in white. — Nantucket Historical Association

88 89 The Pompey petition was presented to the Massachusetts State House on January 29, 1845. It is signed by Edward J. Pompey and 104 other African-Americans on Nantucket. (See Appendix.)

Massachusetts State Archives

92 hall for supporters. Thomas Macy called the neighborhoods was false and that some meeting to order, Isaac Austin was chosen to black children lived closer to other schools chair it, and Andrew M. Macy was elected than to the York Street School while some its secretary. They mobilized the white com- white children lived closer to the York Street munity to send two additional petitions to School.22 the state legislature in support of the peti- The two supportive petitions garnered tion of the black community. As a result, an immediate response from the opposition. the two petitions, which arrived one day One letter referred to the Pompey petition after the other, affirmed the validity of the as “libelous.” Using colorful language, the Pompey petition. Seventeen white Nantucket writer blamed a host of “conspirators.” men signed the first, asking the legislature to extend the school law “to all children.” Supported as it may be by mock town meetings, Signatories included Thomas Macy, Henry inflammatory harangues, bombastic resolu- Clapp Jr., and Charles W. Rand, all out- tions, additional petitions of misled and wary spoken abolitionists.19 old women and children of both sexes, Jesuitical Next, “Mr. Wood, of Nantucket pre- agents, and over-weening Amalgamation23 lecturers! sented a petition on behalf of Peter Macy OnThe wholeFebruary scheme 4th is a andpitiable 5th, effort. two more and 235 whites.”20 Nantucket women also petitions were presented to the state legis- signed this petition. The list of those who lature, both in opposition to the Pompey signed reads like a who’s who of Nantucket’s petition. These petitions were presented by abolitionists, including Andrew M. Macy, George Harris of the Nantucket School Alexander Macy, Charles B. Mitchell, Committee “on behalf of Harvey Crocker Edward R. Folger, Cyrus Peirce, Isaac Austin, and 220 others,” as well as “Nathaniel Lydia Barney, Oliver C. Gardner, his wife, Fitzgerald and 128 others.” These two peti- Hannah, and their daughter, Anna. tions were identical; 350 people calling Their petition read, “The colored citi- themselves “memorialists” defended the zens of this town have good and sufficient School Committee’s segregation policy. They reason” to look to the legislature for redress. claimed that the Pompey petition had taken It bid the legislature to amend school law them by surprise. “as will secure to their children the right It is highly unlikely that the petitions of equal education at the public expense.”21 were a surprise considering the successful Both of these petitions were passed on to the school boycott and the near impossibility Education Committee. of keeping a secret on the island. The In addition to the petitions, a map of memorialists stated that the black citizens the town “with the school districts, and the of the island lived in a separate section of houses of the colored people marked on it” town where there was “an excellent school, was submitted to the Education Committee. capable of accommodating 50 scholars.” They This served as proof that the argument about claimed that the sole reason for maintaining

93 The petition (folded) to the state legislature by Nathaniel Fitzgerald and 128 others defending the School Committee’s segregation policy.

Massachusetts State Archives

94 a separate school was geographic convenience, and they falsely asserted that “whenever any colored children may abide in other sections of the town, they are freely admitted to the schools in the vicinity of their said resi- dence.” Repeating the exhausted refrain that white agitators influenced the blacks, they said that the only reason there had been any loss of rights to black children was due to the “influence of individuals who have persuaded them … not to attend the school provided for Roundtable portrait, 1851, of Wendell Phillips (1811–1884), them.” The petitioners concluded that there William Lloyd Garrison (1805–1879) and George Thompson (1806–1888). — Boston Public Library was no need to “disturb order and pros- perity of our school system,” and implored reason for this request was given and her the legislature not to pass any “untoward petition wound up with the others in the files legislation.”24 of the Education Committee. The Education A sixth, and final, petition submitted to Committee asked the town for various pieces the state legislature from the island was pre- of evidence, and the town clerk sent copies of sented to the House of Representatives on town records to Boston, including a copy of February 27, 1845. This unique and poignant the 1840 motion by Edward Gardner asking document was written and signed by only that children of color be admitted to town one person: Eunice F. Ross. In firm and leg- schools.26 ible handwriting, she told her own story. The legislature took the side of those who argued for equal rights. Chapter 214 of The undersigned respectfully requests that the the Acts of 1845 was passed. The Act prohib- prayer of the petition of E. J. Pompey and others ited discrimination in the public schools of may be granted-The undersigned has good reason Massachusetts and guaranteed equal educa- to feel on this subject, as she was examined in tion to all students. It also gave parents or 1840 by the School Committee and found amply guardians the right to sue their towns for qualified for admission into the High School at damages.27 It appeared that those supporting Nantucket and was refused admittance by a vote school integration had won at long last. of the Town, instructing the School Committee25 In the meantime, while petitions were Unlikenot to admit the her, other on account petitions, of her hers colour. was sent being written and submitted to the leg- to the Judiciary Committee. In the islature, violence visited the New Guinea , it is notedJournal that community. The reported “depreda- onof the March House 8,of 1845,Representatives the Judiciary Committee tions (breaking windows,Inquirer etc.) [had] been asked to be discharged “from the consider- committed in York and Pleasant Streets. ation of the petition of Eunice F. Ross.” No This is to caution those concerned … the

95 Appendix

Petition of Eunice F. Ross to the Massachusetts State House, 1845 To the Hon. Senate and House of Representatives of the state of Massachusetts. The undersigned respectfully requests that the prayer of the petition of E. J. Pompey and others may be granted—The undersigned has good reason to feel on this subject as she was examined in 1840 by the School Committee and found amply qualified for admission into the High School at Nantucket and was refused admittance by a vote of the Town, instructing the School Committee not to admit her, on account of her colour. Eunice F. Ross

Address to the School Committee and Other Inhabitants of Nantucket March 2, 1842 At a public meeting of the colored inhabitants of Nantucket, held in the Zion’s Church, February 23rd, 1842, the following Resolution was offered by the Reverend William Serrington, and after some remarks from Wesley Berry, William Harris and others, was adopted: Resolved, That whereas the law of this Commonwealth, in reference to the privilege of education in our town schools makes no distinction in relation to the complexion or symmetry of its inhabitants, it is therefore the judgment of the oppressed portion of the citizens of Nantucket, that it is their right, and they ought to claim, and do desire to enjoy, among other rights, the right of having their youth educated in the same schools which are common to the more favored members of this community. The following Resolution was offered by William Morris: Resolved, That the course of those gentlemen who advocated and sustained by their vote a procedure which would enable our children to receive equal advantages with all the children of this Commonwealth, is duly appreciated by us, and entitles them to our confidence, approbation and esteem. This resolution was advocated by William R. Robinson, C. D. Brown, and others, and was unanimously adopted. It was voted that a committee of three be appointed to have the proceedings of this meeting, with an address to the citizens of Nantucket, published in the Nantucket and the of this place. Inquirer Islander

108 Address To the School Committee and other Inhabitants of Nantucket Having availed ourselves of the opportunity of witnessing your proceedings at the Town Hall, a short time ago, we were forcibly struck by the matter which was then the subject of your deliberations, and on which you were called to act. It will not be necessary for us to say anything in relation to the power of the School Committee, nor of the duty which necessarily devolves upon them, by virtue of their being a School Committee—the agents of the whole community—to attend to the department of what is called “Common School Education,” and to see that the law in reference to their charge is carried out. Nor does the resolution, together with its amendment, appear to us to be of vital importance either way, if we understood the arguments that were advanced by some of the gentlemen then present; and our reasons are these. First, the citizens of the town there assembled were not a legislature. Second, We did not assemble to offer a resolution to abolish a proscriptive and unjust law which forbade the extension of a common school privilege to all classes of the community; but, if we were assembled for anything, at the moment of action upon the amendment of that resolution, it appears to have been this, whether it be best to observe the laws which are in themselves impartial and just, which extend like privileges to all classes of the Commonwealth!!! In bringing the subject of our claim before our fellow citizens, we wish, by no means, to convey the idea that they have inflicted a recent wound upon us, an oppressed portion of the citizens of this town, but a wound of some years standing, the sensation of which, if it be chafed, is apt to become keen. We look upon ourselves, and we feel as an INJURED PORTION of this community, and injured indeed in such a way that no member of this Commonwealth can possibly be benefited by it. It may now be asked, in what respect are you injured? How can it be shown that you are not impartially dealt with? When have your rights been violated? To these injuries, we answer briefly. This Community is, or may be considered, as a large society, having an instrument called a Constitution. This instrument is intended to express the object of the association, and defines the obligations under which its members have come in respect to each other. It expresses the manner in which that object is to be accomplished; that is, it declares what the individual promises to do for the society, and what the society promises to do for the individual, and the object for which the association is formed. We have also a code of laws, which is supposed to be agreeable with the spirit of the Constitution in general.

109 Index

A Boston, Phebe Ann 81, 96–99, 103–105 Court House, Nantucket 69 H Abbott, Rev. John S. 40 Boston, Prince 10, 11, 17, 20 Crocker, Harvey 93 Harris, William, and family 20, 47, 51, abolitionists 3, 6–16, 27–40, 44–59, Bradburn, George 29, 36–38, 49, 53, Cushman, Caleb 66 108, 111 62–71, 86, 90–93, 98–104 72, 73, 98 Hawkins, Rev. John 9 Adams, John 11 Bradford, W. 29 D Hazewell, Charles C. 28, 29, 77 Adams, John Quincy 58 Brotherhood of Thieves 55 Daughtersf o Temperance 9 Hicks, Elias 37 African Baptist Society 19 Brown, Charlotte D. 51, 108 DeLuce, Michael 18, 20 Hicksites 37 African Meeting House. See churches: Bunker, Charles 66–68, 74, 75, 78, Democratic Party 8, 28, 30, 98, 99 Higginbotham House 61 African Meeting House 96, 98, 102 Dennis, Hiram 33 Hildrith, Hosea 16 African Society 14 District of Columbia 33 Hunt, Joseph 30 American Colonization Society 15 C Douglass, Frederick 7, 36, 40, 48, 52, 53 Hussey, Hepsibeth 43 Amos, Rev. John 14 Camels , the, floating dry-dock 32 Hussey, Josiah 2 anti-abolitionists 55, 58 Chapman, Henry G. 47 E Hussey, Stephen 10 anti-Garrisonians 35 Chase, James F. 70, 71 Easton, William R. 90, 96 Anti-Slavery Association 44 Chase, Joseph 2 Edes, Rev. Henry F. 38 I Anti-Slavery Convention 48, 49, 52, 54 Christianity 21, 52, 53, 56, 70, 73, 110 Educational Convention 49 Independence Day celebrated 16 Anti-Slavery Fair 47, 49, 57 churches Education Committee 70, 91, 93, 95 Indians. See Wampanoag people Anti-Slavery Library 47, 103 African Baptist Church 10, 20 Emerson, Ralph Waldo 7 Anti-Slavery Reading Room 34 African Baptist Meeting House 14 examinations 48, 104 J Anti-Slavery Society African Christian Church 21 Jefferson, Thomas 81 Massachusetts 35, 38, 48, 110 African Church 10, 17, 18 F Jenks Sr., Samuel Haynes 3–6, 13, 20, Nantucket 9, 14–16, 19, 22, 23, 29, African Meeting House 14–18, 24 Fair Play, letter writer alias 78–83 28–31, 46, 47, 56, 70, 71, 75, 76, 33–38, 44–49, 53, 57, 58 African Methodist Episcopal Church 14 Finance Committee 62–64 86, 99–101, 103–105 New England 34 Colored Baptist Church 17, 19 Fitzgerald, Nathaniel. See petitions: Jones Jr., Daniel 47, 62, 73, 76, 90 Women’s 36, 46 First Congregational Church 59 Nathaniel Fitzgerald Journal of the House of Representatives 95 Atheneum Library 7, 33, 34, 38, 44, First Universalist Church 7 Folger, Alfred 12, 63 Joy, Charlotte Austin 47, 49 48, 53–55 Methodist Chapel 13, 40 Folger, Edward 73 Joy, David 32, 37, 47, 49, 51, 70 Audubon, John James 7 Methodist Church 8, 39 Folger, George H. 12, 73, 86, 90, 91, 103 Austin, Isaac 32, 38, 45, 47, 49, 51, 54, North Church 59 Folger, James Walter 14 K 67, 70, 77, 93, 96, 97 North Congregational Church 46, 49 Folger, Phebe 117 Kelley, Edward G. 62 Pleasant Street Baptist Church 17 Foster, Rev. Stephen S. 53–57 B Second Congregational Church 40 Fragment Society 3, 6 L Bailey, 1 Eliza 2 South Meeting House 40 Franklin Hall 54 Lake, Reverend 18 Baker, Edward H. 13, 14 Unitarian Church 40, 88 Freedmen’s Bureau 12, 104 Lancasterian school system 1, 5, 6 Barker, Samuel 11 Universalist Church 38 Free Latimer Society 57 Latimer, George 53, 57, 58. See Barnard, Matthew 75 Zion Methodist Episcopal Church also petitions: George Latimer Barney, Eliza 23, 35, 37, 46 12, 14, 16, 51, 96, 108 G Leavitt, Isaac 33 Barney, Lydia 93 Civil War 22, 28 Gardner, Anna 7, 12, 17, 22–24, 36, 38, Lexington, MA 7 Barney, Nathaniel 3, 7, 16, 23, 33–37, Clapp Jr., Henry 57, 67, 77, 90, 93 49, 57, 93, 104 Liberty Hall 46 45, 46, 49–51, 57, 62–65, 70, Clasby, Susan 47 Gardner, Edward M. 45 77–82 Cobb, E. W. 30, 100 Gardner, Edward W. 47, 63 M as “B”, letter writer 16, 77–82 Coffin, Adm. Sir Isaac 1, 5, 13 Gardner, George C. 65, 67 Macy, Alexander 70, 72, 73, 90, 93, 103 Barney, Obed 34, 37, 44, 47, 62, 70, 73, Coffin, Benjamin 11 Gardner, Hannah Macy 17, 38, 93 Macy, Andrew M. 38, 44, 49, 51, 57, 62, 76, 98, 103 Coffin School 5, 6 Gardner, Harrison 31 70–74, 77, 90, 91, 93, 96 Bartlett, Oliver C. 2 Coffin, William 2, 10 Gardner, Oliver Cromwell 12, 22, 93 Macy, Francis G. 12 Baylies, Rev. Frederick 18, 20 Coffin, William C. 48 Garrisonians 34–38, 40, 44, 49 Macy, Hannah 22 Berry, Wesley 51, 74, 77, 108 Cold Water Army 8 Garrison, William Lloyd 14, 15, 17, Macy, Josiah 62, 66, 67 Board of Selectmen 36, 44, 96 Coleman, Eben 62, 105 29, 34–37, 44, 48, 49, 52, 53, Macy, Peter 37, 49, 51, 57, 72, 74, 93. Boston, Absalom F. 17–20, 40, 44, 81, Coleman, Elihu 10, 11 56, 95, 96 See also petitions: Peter Macy 96–98, 102, 105, 112 Collins, John A. 38 Gayer, William 9 Macy, Thomas 12, 32, 36, 51, 57, Boston and Taunton Railroad 34 Colored People’s Convention 21 Godfrey, Charles, and family 18, 20 64–68, 72–75, 90, 93 Boston, MA 11, 14, 23, 36, 44, 47, 57, Cooper, Arthur, & family 12–14, 20, Great Fire of 1846 7, 20, 30, 39, 54, 106 Majority Report 62–64, 70, 71, 86, 87 90, 91 22, 96, 112 Griffiths, Camillus, slave catcher 12 Mann, , Horace 7 47, 49 Boston, Peter 18, 20 Cooper, Mary 12 Gurney, James 2 Mark, Negro slave 10

114 Martha’s Vineyard 20 The Bill of Fare 9 S T Masonic Lodge 19 The Liberator 14, 17, 34–36, 44, Salem,A 2 M 8 Telegraph , steamship 13 Massachusetts, Commonwealth of 48, 49 Sarah, Negro slave 10 temperance 8–24 Chapter 214 of the Acts of 1845 95, The Pledge 9 School Committee, Nantucket 2–6, Temperance Society 8, 9, 16 112, 113 Warder 31, 100 17, 18–23, 28, 31, 36, 40, 44–52, Texas 29 House of Representatives 36, 91, Newtown neighborhood 18, 50 57, 58, 62–77, 80–82, 93–97, Thain, David 51, 90, 98, 99, 103, 105 92, 95, 98, 99, 108, 112 New York City 35 100–109, 112 “The Shields of American Slavery” 15 Legislature 5, 8, 29, 45, 57, 85, schools Thompson, George 95 102, 109 P African School 12–14, 16–24, 38, Thompson, Priscilla 20 Registry of Deeds 18 Peirce, , Cyrus 3 6–8, 13, 22, 28, 40, 61, 63–72, 75, 77, 80, 82, 88, Thornton, John 20 Secretary of Education 49 46, 57, 58, 62, 66, 68, 69, 74, 100, 104 Thoughts on African Colonization 15 Senate 91, 108, 112 77, 82, 93 Coffin School iv, 1, 5, 6, 106 Town Hall 33, 54, 57, 69, 93, 98, 109 State Constitution 109–111 Peirce, Harriet Coffin 13, 46, 58 free (public) schools 1–4, 109–112 Town Meeting 3, 5, 44–46, 51–54, Supreme Judicial Court 4 Perry, Rev. Jacob 14, 18, 20, 21 grammar school 4, 48, 50, 64, 66, 62–66, 68, 70–78, 86, 90, 91, Massachusetts Abolition Society 35 Personal Liberty Act 57, 58 71, 80–82, 86, 91, 103, 106 96–98, 100–103, 106 Massachusetts, steamer 32 petitions 28, 33, 58, 90–93, 102, 105, Hepsibeth Hussey School 43 Town Report 3 Massachusetts Temperance Society 16 106, 108; on behalf of High School, Academy Hill iv, 50, town warrant 64 Mexican War 29 Edward J. Pompey 91–96, 102, 108 56, 65, 80, 95, 104–106, 108 Tuckernuck Island 83 Minority Report 63–65, 70, 71, 86, 90 Eunice F. Ross 45, 95, 108 Madaket School iv Mitchell, Maria 7, 23, 38 George Latimer 57, 58 North Grammer School 86 U Mitchell, Samuel 38 Nathaniel Fitzgerald 7, 93, 94 Polpis School iv, 5 Union Party 99, 100, 103 Mitchell, William F. 7, 12, 37, 38, 99 Peter Macy 93 Siasconset School iv Union Society 21 Morissey, John 30 Philadelphia, PA 37 South Grammar School iv, 69, 76, Unitarians 38, 40, 100 Morris, William W. 47, 51, 108, 111 Phillips, Stephen C. 82 82, 86 United States Morse, Augustus 7, 57, 67, 72, 104 Phillips, Wendell 48, 95 Tuckernuck School iv, 83 Congress 33, 58 Mott, James 37 Pillsbury, Parker 48 West Grammar School 69, 75, 76, 105 Constitution 2, 16, 33, 35, 52, 70, Mott, Lucretia Coffin 37 Plymouth, MA 33 York Street School 24, 45, 48, 50, 72, 109–111 Mundrucu, E. F. 13, 14 Pompey, Edward J., and family 14–16, 58, 62, 63, 67, 69–75, 80–82, First Amendment rights 33 Myrick, Matthew 74 20, 50, 91–95, 108, 112. See 86, 87, 90, 91, 93, 100, 102, House of Representatives 28, 49, 58 also petitions: Edward J. Pompey 103, 104 Supreme Court 11, 14 N poor farm 31 Serrington, Rev. William 51, 108, 111 Universal Washingtonian Total Nantucket Association for the Prospect Hill Cemetery 21 Shaw, John H. 45, 51, 62, 65–68, Abstinence Society 9, 16 Promotion of Temperance 8, 9 71–75, 77, 90, 96, 98, 103 Upton, George B. 74 Nantucket Colored Temperance Q slaveholders 34, 48, 53, 57 Society 16 Quaise, section of town 31, 32 slaves and slavery 8–19, 28, 33–40, V Nantucket County Anti-Slavery Quaker Book of Objections 37, 38 44, 48, 52, 53, 56–58, 65 Vindex, letter writer alias 81, 82 Constitution 35 Quakers (Society of Friends) 3–13, fugitive slaves 11, 13, 58 Virginia 12 Nantucket County Association of the 37, 38, 57 South Carolina 91, 112 Promotion of Education and the Quidam, letter writer alias 82 South, the 12, 22, 23, 35, 58 W Improvement of Schools 6, 7, 44 Starbuck, William C. 51, 65–72, 98, 99 Wampanoag people 11, 63, 68 Nantucket Debating Society 7, 8 R “Steamer Massachusetts and the Washington, DC 58 Nantucket Philosophical Institute 6, 7 Rand, . Charles C 63, 86, 93, 105 Camels,” painting 32 Washington, George 12 New Bedford, MA 13, 21, 34, 48, 52 Rawson, Wilson 20 streets and locations Washingtonians 9, 16 New Guinea neighborhood 9, 10, Reconstruction 12, 23, 104 Charter Street 43 West, Benjamin H. 67, 70, 71 12–15, 17, 19, 21, 24, 38, 44–46, redistricting 48, 68 Fair Street 43, 47, 49, 79, 80, 104 West Indies 16 48–52, 64, 79, 82, 86–88, 91, Remond, Charles Lenox 53, 65 Five Corners 9, 61 whaling industry 4, 6, 10, 17, 32 95, 99, 102 Ricketts, David, slave owner 12 Main Street 30, 39, 47 Wheeler, Henry T. 47 newspapers 29 rioting 53–58 Mill Hill 38 Whig Party 8, 28, 30, 31, 49, 98, Daily Mirror 31 Robinson, A. R. 29 Orange Street 9, 32, 69, 88, 91 99, 100 Daily Telegraph 29 Robinson, William R. 51, 108 Pleasant Street 9, 17, 19, 88, 117 Whitman, E. F. iv Inquirer 3, 7, 11, 16, 18, 20–25, Ross, Eunice F. 23, 24, 44, 45, 50, 51, Quince Street 43 Wilson, E. T. 16 28–34, 44, 49, 51, 55–58, 65, 69, 80, 81, 85, 95, 104–108. See South Water Street 54 Winslow, Dr. Charles 65, 67 78–80, 96–100, 104–107 also petitions: Eunice F. Ross West Dover Street 87 Inquirer and Mirror 30 Ross, James 23, 45, 50 York Street 14, 19, 24, 61, 88 Y Islander 28–30, 44, 49, 78, 108 Rotch Sr., William 10, 11 Summons, Jeffrey and Martha 18, 19 Young Men’s Total Abstinence Morning Telegraph 28, 81 Ruggles, David 48 Swain, John 11 Society 8 Nantucket Mirror 30, 98, 100, 104 Russell Jr., Silvanus 2 Swain, William 10 Telegraph 13, 14, 29, 30, 72 Swift, Seth 2

115 Bibliography

Beegel, Susan F. “The Brotherhood of Thieves Riot of Massachusetts State Archives. 1842.” Fall, 1992. Journal of the Senate, 1845. Historic Nantucket. Kaestle, Carl F. (Nantucket). June 21, 1842. Pillars of the Republic: NY: CommonHill and Schools Wang. and 1983. the Bill of Fare American Society, 1780–1860. Births, Deaths, Marriages: 1843–1849, Town of Nantucket. Karttunen, Frances Ruley. The New Other Bedford: Islanders: SpinnerPeople . Collection 222, Folder 9. Nantucket Who Pulled Nantucket’s Oars. BlacksHistorical on Nantucket Association. Contains the Publications. 2005. Record of the Leach, Robert J and Peter Gow. Nantucket County Anti-Slavery Society. Quaker Nantucket: Nantucket: The Booker, Margaret Moore. Religious Community Behind the Whaling Empire. The. Admiral’sNantucket: Academy: Mill NantucketHill Mill Hill Press. 1997. Press.Island’s 1998.Historic Coffin School January 7, 1842–December 6, 1844. The Liberator. Carkin, Philena. “African Baptist University of ReminiscencesVirginia Library, of Philena Special Carkin, Collections 1866–1875. LibrarySociety of Congress Church.” American Buildings Survey. Department. Accession Number:11, 123. Massachusetts Acts of 1845, Chapters 14 and 214. Cary, Lorin Lee, and Francine C. Cary. “Absalom Massachusetts State Archives. F. Boston, His Family and Nantucket’s Black Massachusetts State House Vaults. Seven petitions Community,” 1977. Historic Nantucket, Summer presented to the House, 1845. . New England Freedmen’s Aid Society Massachusetts Vital Records, Nantucket, 1662–1900. DailyRecords, Records 1862–1876. Massachusetts Historical Society. Mayer, Henry. Ms N-101. Boxes 1, 2, 3. All on NY:Fire: WilliamSt. Martin’s Lloyd GarrisonPress. 1998. and the Farnham, Joseph E. Abolition of Slavery. Brief Historical Data and Memories of my Monaghan, James. “Anti-Slavery in Nantucket,” Providence RI: Snow and Boyhood Daysnd in Nantucket. , 1938: 23–26. Farnham. 2 Edition, 1923. Proceedings of the Nantucket Historical Association (Nantucket). April 3, 1844; April 10, 1844; Gardner, Anna. . NY: MorningMarch Telegraph 21, 1845; April 9, 1845. Fowler and Wells.Harvest 1881. Gleanings in Prose and Verse Nantucket Court of Common Pleas. 1845. Gardner, Arthur H. “The Big Shop,” , 1916: 35–43.Proceedings of the Nantucket Historical Association Research Library. Nantucket Historical Association Gardner, Grace Brown. “Cyrus Peirce 1790–1860” . Barney Family Papers. Collection 54, Folder 3 March 4, 1950. Inquirer . Blacks on Nantucket. Collection 222. Folder and Mirror. Grover, Kathryn. 9. Includes “Record of the Nantucket County Anti- The Fugitives’ Gibraltar: Escaping Amherst: Slaves Slavery Society.” Universityand Abolitionism of Massachusetts in New Bedford, Massachusetts.Press. 2001. . Churches on Nantucket. Collection 84, Folder 14. November 11, 1843. . Education Folder. Collection 88. Folder 14 The Harpoon. (Nantucket). 1821–1890, March 2, 1895. . Eliza Starbuck Barney Genealogical Record. Inquirer (Nantucket). March 10, 1840–March 18, 1843. . Gardner Family Papers. Collection 87, 88, Box Islander “John Woolman in Nantucket,” V, Folders 53, 54 1940: 21–25.Proceedings of the Nantucket . Gardner Folder. Historical Association, Massachusetts . Phebe A. Hanaford, Diary Fragments. JournalState of theArchives. House of Representatives, 1845. Collection 38, Folder 2

116 . Joy Family Papers. Collection 7, Folder 10. Perkins, W. D. “Education,” , April 1960:Proceedings 63–74. of the Nantucket . Nantucket Friends Papers: Disownments Historical Association leading to “Hicksites” Collection 51, Folder 2.5 June 18, 1844. The Pledge. . Nantucket Town and County Papers, Stackpole, Edouard A. “Angola Street and Arthur Collection 127, Box 1, Folder 1. Cooper: A Misplaced Street and a Rescued Slave.” . Quaker Book of Objections, Collection 35, . 1941: 31–35. Historic Nantucket Folder 9. . March 31, 1843–April 9, 1845. The Telegraph . Stackpole Collection 335. Folders 650, 707, 734, 915 . June 14, 1845–1848. True Copy of the Church Book of1848–1858. the Pleasant Street Baptist Church Nantucket Mirror of Nantucket, Massachusetts, Nantucket Registry of Deeds. January 3, 1846–September 19, 1846. The Warder. Nantucket Supreme Judicial Court. 1846. June 14, 1845–January 6, 1848. The Weekly Mirror. Nantucket Town Records. 1807–1852. Weeks, Emily. “Women of Nantucket,” Proceedings of the . July 5, 1817–January 3, 1818. 1912: 31–47. Nantucket Weekly Magazine Nantucket Historical Association Peirce Cyrus, James Edes, Henry F. Mitchell, William White, Barbara. . Mitchell and William Coffin. Unpublished Annamanuscript Gardner: for Teacher James of FreedmenBradford Ames Address December to the Inhabitants 15, Fellowship, University of Massachusetts Boston, 2005. of1837. Nantucket Providence on Education RI: Knowles, and Free Schools.Voss & Company. 1838. Copies at the Nantucket Historical Association Nantucket Atheneum Files NC 371 Pei. Research Library and Nantucket Atheneum.

A view from a Pleasant Street window painted in 1797 by Phebe Folger is one of the earliest depictions of Nantucket.

Nantucket Historical Association

117 About the Author

arbara White holds a master’s degree from Boston University in African- American Studies, as well as a master’s degree Bin Educational Administration from the University of Lancaster in England. Barbara was a teacher in the Nantucket

Public Schools for 33 years until her retirement — Rob Benchley photograph, in June 2004. She taught in the high school Nantucket Independent and the middle school, where she also served as interim principal. In 2005, Barbara received the James Bradford Ames Fellowship administered at UMass Boston. She used the grant to further her research of Nantucket abolitionist-teacher, Anna Gardner. Her research was presented at a symposium in Boston and published in 2006 by University Press of America in Nantucket’s People of Color: , edited by Robert Johnson Jr. Essays on History, Politics, and Community Barbara’s work on African-American history on Nantucket was first funded through a Rockefeller Foundation scholarship received in 1978, and resulted in the publication of this title’s first edition,

The African School and the Integration of Nantucket Public Schools 1825-1847 (Boston University Press). Her work encouraged preservation of the African Meeting House, now owned and managed by the Museum of African American History in Boston. She continues to research Nantucket’s abolitionist past.

118