AN AFROCENTRIC ANALYSIS OF THE ORATORY OF

PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: SYMBOLIC METAPHORS

IN TEXT AND PERSON

A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

by Aaron X. Smith May 2015

Examining Committee Members:

Dr. Molefi Kete Asante, Advisory Chair, Africology and African American Studies Dr. Ama Mazama, Africology and African American Studies Dr. Kimani Nehusi, Africology and African American Studies Dr. Zizwe Poe, External Member, Lincoln University ABSTRACT

This dissertation examines President Barack Obama as a symbol and his rhetoric through

an Afrocentric analytical lens. The problem that prompted my research was the current

process (and future probability) of President Barack Obama's image and legacy being

drastically revised from the current perceptions held by most who observe him daily. In this

study, the researcher utilized an empirical, symbolic, and rhetorical approach to conduct an

Afrocentric data analysis.

This process included a review of the foundational terms and concepts utilized to express

the Afrocentric idea (including Afrocentricity, location, and agency), and ultimately led to

new concepts, analytical tools, and theories based on the evidence manifested over the course

this study. This text represents an attempt to seize the magnitude of the “Democratic day”

that Barack Obama was elected in a way that it could strengthen understanding of the

Afrocentric idea. Based upon the analytical foundation of Afrocentricity I presented a

methodology described as Beneficial Extraction method that will highlight the information,

examples, strategies and attributes that can be utilized, salvaged and implemented for the

uplift of African people. My findings include, the need for an increase in the appreciation for

incremental progress in the African/African American community and the need to refine the

ability to recognize and benefit from multiple and diverse methods of struggle throughout the

African Diaspora.

i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Asante Sana! Thank you to The Creator! Thank you to the ancestors! It takes a village to raise a student from candidacy to PhD. My village was extremely knowledgeable, helpful, dedicated and resourceful!

To my family who never let their bewilderment about my never-ending educational pursuits deter them from assisting me.

Thank you to my wife Davitra Smith for enduring this process with me. Words can't describe the love I will always have for you. To my children, Jeniece Yevette Marie Smith and Bakari

Ade Xavier Smith, you inspire me to higher heights of joy and responsibility! Let this document serve as a written testament to the potential to overcome many forms of adversity, Daddy loves you!

To Dr. Molefi Kete Asante, I humbly and sincerely thank you. It is with all due humility, sincerity and exhalation that I confess; I would not be here without your love, guidance, support and incomparable academic example! I pledge my undying, unshakeable loyalty and support to you, your family, your institutions, your intellectual ideas and your international legacy!

To Dr. Ama Mazama, I extend my heartfelt appreciation for your brutal honesty and fearless approach to rebuking the numerous opponents of African self-determination! Your embodiment of a powerful, intellectual, spiritual, working woman who highly esteems her family and loves being black, displays an awe inspiring balance that has motivated and inspired me throughout this dissertation process.

ii To Dr. Kimani Nehusi, the depth of your wisdom, your candor and challenging analysis has provided me with a unique opportunity to grow and enrich my research in ways I would not have possibly experienced without your involvement and support.

To Tammey Abner, you have been a friend, sister, mother, assistant and guidance counselor throughout my Graduate experience, for your support of the Department of Africology and students throughout the University, I thank you, we did it!

Thank you Pastor James S. Hall, the Hall family and the Triumph Baptist Church. To the members of Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity Incorporated, our course speeds on its way! Thank you to the members of Herbert E. Millen Lodge #151, more light.

To my Montclair New Jersey and my North Philadelphia families thank you. To Temple

University, the place that I have spent the majority of my academic and biological life, the place above all others that I call home, thank you for the learning, the lessons and the love. Ashe!

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... ii

CHAPTER

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE...... 10

3. AFRICAN GEOGRAPHY VS. AFRICAN GEOPOLITICS: PRESIDENT OBAMA'S SPEECH IN TANZANIA...... 52

4. BARACK OBAMA AND BLACK AUDIENCES AND BLACK AGENCY: THE MOREHOUSE COMMENCEMENT SPEECH ...... 86

5. PRESENTING A FUTURE HISTORY MAKER: OPTIMISM, IDENTITY AND POWER: BARACK OBAMA'S 2009 INAUGURAL ADDRESS...... 117

6. POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON RACE AND RACISM: “A MORE PERFECT UNION” SPEECH ...... 141

7. IF I HAD A SON, OBAMA SPEAKS TO BLACK MALES: BARACK OBAMA BROTHER’S KEEPER INITIATIVE...... 162

8. THE BENEFICIAL EXTRACTION METHOD...... 183

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 241

iv CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The overwhelming Black voter turnout for President Barack Obama during both the 2008 and 2012 election cycles and the potential to harness the power of this collective action for a more lasting and meaningful purpose indicated a need for further research on the topic. This dissertation locates, analyzes, interrogates, and contrasts the political rhetoric and symbolism of

President Barack Obama within the context of the Afrocentric Paradigm for the awakening and strengthening of African-centered consciousness. Data indicates that President Obama, like most

Black leaders, has experienced the marginalization of his missions and the “lightening” of his legacy, which has reduced his effectiveness while making his efforts more palatable for White society.

The Problems

Two specific problems dictated the direction of this research project. The first problem has historic roots that span several millennia and the second was influenced by the historic election that brought the United States its first African American president. 1.) If the current mainstream academic traditions continue, Historians will drastically revise President Barack

Obama's image and legacy from the current perceptions held by the individuals who observe him daily. 2.) Racial dilemmas oppressing African people have been documented since the first outsiders invaders traveled into Africa. A blend of insecurity, jealousy, greed, and fear in the minds of Europeans has forged and fueled a tumultuous relationship with African people.

Despite the clashes and contrasts of these two drastically different cultures and ways of interpreting reality, the two factions must interact along these ideological fault lines on a daily basis.

1 This reality prompted the researcher to seize the magnitude of the democratic day in a way that it could strengthen the general understanding of the Afrocentric idea, even though the subject of this study comes replete with Eurocentric overtones of conquest and individualism.

There are three primary reasons to analyze the rhetoric of President Barack Obama:

1. He has an international influence;

2. He occupies a position of political prominence.

3. He possesses widely heralded rhetorical capabilities (according to his political

supporters and opposition alike).

Regardless of where people stand on different political issues, there is general agreement that he is a charismatic, persuasive, and effective orator.

The timing, theme, and energetic thrust of an oral presentation delivered through the spirit of a capable presenter can alter international policy (e.g., Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech 1963), or promote international intolerance (e.g., Hitler’s speech at Munich on

July 28, 1922). This rhetorical reality requires that the speaker have an understanding of their personal and presentational place in time and space in order to make history, define the present, and help shape the future with their words. President Barack Obama’s two successful

Presidential campaigns are evidence that he has achieved some success with finding a historical and rhetorical balance. The researcher has compiled numerous sources utilized throughout this study that helped to inform and support the arguments and analysis therein.

In Speech Criticism: The Development of Standards for Rhetorical Appraisal, Lester

Thonssen and A. Craig Baird (2012) described the intellectual illumination often used in the production of effective eloquence, the text explains:

2 It requires what D’alton calls ‘a certain advance in self-consciousness. There must be an

acknowledgement, recognition, of the place that the novel or the speech or the play

occupies in the continuum of artistic endeavor, and awareness to the critics relation to

the particular work. (Thonssen and Baird, p. 38)

The interplay among these elements becomes increasingly complicated when the speech giver and the critic are one in the same. This occurrence is common within the African American rhetorical tradition. In an effort to produce a concise study, the researcher has focused on specific inquiries.

This study addresses three primary research questions:

1. How can African people benefit from Barack Obama’s example regardless of their

personal and political perspectives?

2. What is President Obama saying to African people when his words are analyzed

through an Afrocentric lens?

3. How can the life of President Barack Obama, with its many historic political

moments, be transfigured into an operationalized movement that creates better lives

for African people worldwide?

The inquiry focused on 5 rhetorical addresses given by President Barack Obama (from the 2004

Democratic National Convention to his 2014 Brother’s Keeper Initiative announcement), and the meaning, implications, and connections created through the global perceptions that people hold about the president.

This study is significant for my research because every day, African Americans are losing practically every battle (ex. economic, political, and military) fought in our increasingly global society. The progression of African people is dependent upon our level of honesty surrounding

3 this reality. Petty pride, pseudo “African nostalgic arrogance” (the romanticized construction of an ancient utopian, monolithic African continental culture), and outright denials about the negative aspects of our current condition will only impede collective progress. This study can serve as a debriefing device, a theoretical transitioning tool, and a contemporary command post for all readers who seek to drastically improve the condition of African American/ African descendant people.

This blueprint in black print seeks to reach far beyond the typical condemnations of

White supremacy to create a study that readers can use to construct a pragmatic antidote for the millions of people who have been colored blue in spirit by the legacy of Chattel enslavement,

Black codes, red lining, and destructive state-sponsored terrors like Agent Orange, The Tuskegee

Experiment, and COINTELPRO (to name a few). As Nelson Mandela stated, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.”1

Research Methods and Data Analysis

In this study, the researcher utilized an empirical, symbolic, and rhetorical approach to conduct an Afrocentric data analysis. This process included a review of the foundational terms and concepts utilized to express the Afrocentric idea (including Afrocentricity, location, and agency), and ultimately led to new concepts, analytical tools, and theories based on the evidence manifested over the course this study.

The cosmic chemistry between effective talkers and their targets is an ancient all- encompassing energy. Molefi Kete Asante provided the example in Rhetoric of Black

Revolution (Smith1969) in which Smith effectively interrogated this connection. Smith explained, “The degree and intensity of generating the response to the speaker, largely depends

1 Nelson Mandela, Notes to the Future: Words of Wisdom (New York, NY: Simon and Schuster , 2012), 101.

4 on the speakers reputation, style and development of his ideas as well as on his manner of delivery” (Smith, 1969). President Obama has demonstrated an intimate understanding of this special relationship between speakers and spectators, as evidenced by the rousing responses of his most ardent supporters and his two political victories while pursuing the position of

Commander in Chief.

President Obama’s story, however, is wrought with experiential peculiarities that extend beyond many racial stereotypes. From his family structure to his international travels, the impacts of the president’s journey have proven far more than skin deep. It is important to note, here, that this study is not a polarized political interpretation that seeks to support what Obama has done (or is presently doing) right or to defame him by concentrating on what he does (or is doing) wrong. This inquiry explores what Barack Obama has done (and is doing) that works, so that other individuals, particularly those of African descent, can emulate the attributes and strategies that have contributed to President Obama’s political successes, regardless of their political affiliation.

Despite the fact that President Obama’s has achieved many of his accomplishments without a specific focus on African people, the implementation of the effective attributes and approaches he demonstrates can serve to strengthen the political, economic, and social position of African people throughout the world. If significant segments of the public can widely regard

Martin Luther King, Jr. as merely an integration-seeking non-violent dreamer (and subsequently ignore or revise all of the other aspects of his massive contributions), then others can exalt

Barack as an exemplar for the traits necessary to achieve desired results in this society in the face of racism, oppression, and imperialism.

5 The ability to perform effectively in an overwhelmingly hostile environment with an unprecedented number of death threats and talk of violent remedies for governmental dissatisfaction can provide a useful example for many who face substantial opposition. Many

Black men and women can develop strategies and draw inspiration from President Obama’s success story, as he continues to navigate through the mire of institutionalized racism and White supremacy on the road to achieving his goals.

This study also provides an analysis of the staunch critiques of President Obama's White

House and the policies that detractors have described as imperialistic and out of touch with the needs of Black/African Descended people. The researcher examined questions about the authenticity of President Obama’s citizenship and the conversation surrounding the supposed genuine nature of his “Blackness.” The ignorance of individuals who have been arrested for threatening and/or planning to harm the president and the political insolence displayed by many of his Republican contemporaries, create a powder keg of opposition that adds depth and dimensions to this study. The results of this analysis are particularly relevant to members of the

Black community who must deal with a global system of Racism/White supremacy on a daily basis and to individuals who are interested in the topics of Afrocentricity, racism, politics, and rhetoric.

Utilizing historical context that centers on Africa, African culture, and ancient African wisdom, the researcher explored Obama's leadership, international influence, and zealously devoted political base within the scope of the Afrocentric Paradigm. “As we seek to bring further clarification to what Afrocentricity entails from an academic standpoint we would like to suggest, as a first step, that Afrocentricity, within the academic context, will be best understood as a paradigm (Mazama 2003 pg 7) The study provides a comparison between President

6 Obama’s leadership style, influence, and potential legacy and that of his prominent African

American predecessors.

The Beneficial Extraction Method. In the sections that follow, the researcher will discuss the process of beneficial extraction, which can help to implement one’s perception of this prominent political personality or any other individual, group, or organization. The Beneficial

Extraction Method is an analytical process that involves focusing on and educing the positive, pragmatic potentialities of a phenomena or other object of study while acknowledging, yet not obsessing about the negative aspects and disregarding the needless aspects in order to improve and implement a personalized plan of success that lend to Overall liberation of African descendent people internationally. They key to enacting this method is a pragmatic process of focusing on beneficial elements of various phenomena for the purpose of implementing positive components in the quest to improve the individual and systemic conditions of African people throughout the world.

Limitations of the study, the researcher encountered two primary limitations. The first limitation involves the challenges associated with obtaining feedback and responses to this study from the subject of this analysis—President Obama. Due to the protected, often-secretive, and rhetorically calculated political climate that surrounds a presidency, the researcher’s access to the subject was extremely protracted. Perhaps, future studies will include more first person responses to this study of the Beneficial Extraction Method from speechwriters or confidants of President

Obama when access becomes less restricted perhaps after the end of his second term in office.

Subject selection presented a second limitation of this study. The historical largess of the election of the first African American President fresh off of a second electoral victory placed the researcher at an intersection of history and hype that left little room for the president to share the

7 stage with any other subject(s). Implications for future studies in this regard are endless (similar studies can be done on any historic or lesser known figure or any subject that yields the potential for purposeful movement towards liberation for African people through the use of the Beneficial

Extraction method. The structure of Afrocentic analysis as introduced by Molefi Kete Asante and later refined by Ama Mazama in combination with the Beneficial Extraction Method creates an intellectual/academic synthesis that researchers can apply to limitless subjects of study in the future. The Beneficial Extraction Method is one that has been created specifically for the purpose of Assisting African/African American/Black people in their quest for international liberation and reassertion of all forms of cultural and political agency. Any similar implementation of positive attributes for a purpose other than (or contrary to) the pursuit of

African unification, agency and eventual complete liberation lacks the necessary focus to be described as the Beneficial extraction method. An Afrocentric foundation is the ideological paradigmatic grounding for the creation and proper implementation of the Beneficial extraction method. Without being centered and located within the specific cultural, ideological context of

Afrocentric thought and action, one cannot Beneficially Extract; they are certainly free to engage in a similar process yet such endeavors will require name other than the term offered by the researcher

The intense international focus on the speeches and symbolism of the first African

American Commander in Chief makes President Obama a prime candidate to help elucidate the power and potential of this expansive analytical strategy. Embarking on a journey to create a widespread awakening within the international African community, the researcher selected a subject that is already an active part of the community’s collective consciousness. The extraordinary uniformity of electoral action displayed by Black America during the elections of

8 President Obama offers an ideal foundation upon which the researcher erects a profound new academic method of perception and actionable intelligence.

This realization led the researcher to address the problems of revisionist history, and reactionary polarized politics, which prevent momentous political moments from becoming transformative, pragmatic, uplifting, culture-changing movements. The researcher conducted this study to provide a vehicle for operationalizing the positive attributes of the first African

American president’s example for anyone seeking to implement the moves, meaning, and momentum surrounding the successes of his presidency for the purpose of advancing the aim of

African liberation.

9 CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

President Barack Obama has simultaneously received high regard from his supporters and dismissal from his critics about his ability as a speechmaker. Despite the political polarization often associated with his oratorical ability, he holds a key position in the chronology of rhetoricians that served to shape this nation. This review of some of the existing literature on rhetoric and its many connections to agency and the political process provides an exploration of rhetorical history identifies key themes, notes comparisons and contrasting elements (ex.

Afrocentricity, Rhetoric, Location, Dislocation, Beneficial Extraction and the Afrocentric

Paradigm) and sets the scholarly foundation for this study.

In Afrocentricity, the first step of analyzing any academic (cultural) work requires it to be

“located.” In The Afrocentric Paradigm, Mazama (2002) explained the necessity of location theory as a grounding principal of Afrocentric analysis:

“Afrocentricity was also applied to textual analysis by Molefi Asante. Placing his

discourse within a historiography that dismisses Eurocentric and racist claims of African

a historicalness and inferiority, while focusing on Nile Valley Civilizations as the

ultimate source for African culture on the Continent and in the Diaspora, Asante insists

on the primary importance of the concepts of location and dislocation for textual analysis.

The ‘cultural address’ location or place, of a given author must be correctly assessed by

any critique.” (p. 29)

The power of perspective is primary at the initial stage of any significant academic analysis. For this reason, the researcher began this review with a text that dealt with the internal

10 conversation that shapes the self, instead of the traditional outward speech associated with political rhetoric, for you could only truly be who you truly are.

In Black Identity: Rhetoric, Ideology and Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalism, Dexter

B. Gordon (2006) provided invaluable insight into the formation of identity within the context of the Diaspora experience. This text utilized a wealth of resources that helped to flesh out the paradigm that influenced the process of personhood. This text was of particular use because the researcher was able to utilize alternative perspectives on personhood and identity, which informed contrasting commentary when examining similar processes found within Afrocentricity and The Afrocentric Paradigm. “Therefore the concept of center encompasses both our African identity and our disposition towards that identity.” (page 25)

Gordon offered a step-by-step literary walk through the construction, contesting, and cultural connections of the rhetoric of Black identity formation.

Gordon (2006) divided his analysis into six interrelated chapters. The chapter titles 1 through 6 include the following:

• Chapter 1: The Making of a Constituted Rhetoric of Black Ideology,

• Chapter 2: The Narrative of Oppression: Preserving Slavery,

• Chapter 3: Early Roots of Black Nationalism: The Birth of the Black Subject,

• Chapter 4: Contesting Blackness: The Rhetorical Empowerment of the Black Subject,

• Chapter 5: Black Nationalism Matures the Black Subject as Public Citizen, and

• Chapter 6: The Ideology of Black Nationalism and American Culture.

The first chapter deals with the rhetoric of racial alienation analyzed through a study of diverse perspectives on the subject. Gordon introduced a unique and relatively new view of race as problematic in American rhetoric. He explored past struggles described in the writings of notable

11 abolitionists and confronted contemporary concepts like multiculturalism. This concept is also interrogated in the Afrocentric Paradigm in a section written by Maulana Karenga titled,

Afrocentricity and Multicultural Education: Concept, Challenge and Contribution. When discussing, “The current debate on the character and content of quality education in a multicultural context…” Maulana writes about certain interrelated assumptions stating, “that given these realities, multicultural education is at the heart of any meaningful concept of quality education.”(page73)

Chapter 2 focused on the text entitled, An Appeal from the Judgments of Great Britain

Respecting the United States of America by Robert Walsh. Walsh provided an example through which the reader can analyze the interplay between the system of chattel enslavement, an

America that fought to defend it, and the church that slave owners used to justify the perpetuation of this demonic institution.

In Chapters 3 through 5, Gordon (2006) sifted through countless abolitionist documents to contrast their political rhetoric with that of the more separatist Black Nationalism movement.

The chapters explored the various challenges surrounding these diverse ideologies, as well as the expressions of internal conflicts that each group faced. Despite numerous obstacles, the

Black Nationalist movement helped to foster the formation of an identity-shaping discourse within the public and private lives of Black Americans. The idea of a nationalist perspective was a source of great pride for many African Americans; this empowering concept simultaneously posed a particularly challenging alternative to the status quo and White hegemony. As Gordon

(2006) revealed, these differences had a measurable impact on the racial/political rhetoric of the day.

12 The final chapter detailed the overall findings of Gordon’s study. Perhaps the most valuable aspect of this concluding chapter is the counterargument presented in contrast to the

Black Nationalist agenda. Gordon (2006) highlighted various perceived weak points in the Black

Nationalist perspective and provided extensive insight into the contrary opinion found in several key sources referenced in this document. Overall, this careful study of the positioning of rhetoric within the context of ideology and identity is a worthwhile read that contributed much to the conceptualization of the present study. Mazama stresses the importance of identity when she writes in The Afrocentric Paradigm, “That identity, in turn, determines our place in life, both material and spiritual.” Mazama 2003 (Page 25)

Gordon (2006) is easily located outside of the Afrocentric paradigm through an analysis of many of his terms and perspectives. One telling academic approach is his use of the term multiculturalism. This academic term gained significant momentum after the Afrocentricity movement began to rise to new heights (in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s) within academia and mainstream America. Many detractors (from within and outside of the academy) have used multiculturalism as a weapon that seeks to dilute the potentially revolutionary aspects of the

Afrocentric perspective. Further examination also brings into question Gordon’s analysis of race vs. racism. For several generations, Black and White scholars have misinterpreted the issues of

“racial oppression” as matters of “race.” This description of the dilemmas caused by oppression greed, jealousy and ignorance has failed to provide an adequate assessment of the true causes of the challenges faced by descendants of the African Diaspora. The problem is not the socially constructed notion of race; the problem is the exploitation, terror, disadvantages and dislocation caused by racism. Gordon touches upon both points of this critique within the introductory paragraph of his text:

13 For example, rhetorical critiques in the United States have only relatively recently

engaged in significant and sustained analysis of Race as a problematic of rhetoric that as

a social force, shapes liberal democracy. Of course, the issue of multiculturalism as part

of American Public culture is itself a recent phenomenon. (p.7)

These shortcomings in Gordon’s (2006) work ex. a narrow limited understanding of are relatively less significant when compared to his opinions on Black Nationalism. Gordon’s perspective on this revolutionary geopolitical stance poses many challenges to the accuracy and effectiveness of his scholarship on the subject. Gordon offered the following statement:

Important to understand of ideology is that Black Nationalism is a diminutive mode of

resistance (at least in the number of people advancing it in nineteenth century America).

Black Nationalism is at best one among many deuterogamists in America’s story writ

large, with the hegemonic ideology of white supremacy as the protagonist. (p. 163)

Gordon studied the galvanizing rhetoric of the Garvey movement (a critical milestone in the development of Pan African ideology and action) and its impact. However, a view of Black

Nationalism as a fundamentally flawed philosophy proves problematic and contradictory.

“Marcus Garvey is credited with having developed fully Black Nationalism as an ideology, i.e., as a set of ideas, attitudes, and values about society and the place and role of Black people in it

(Mazama2003)

While Afrocentricity (a paradigmatic intellectual perspective that privileges African agency within the context of African history and culture, trans-continentally and trans- generationally) (Asante 2007, Afrocentric Manifesto) seeks to articulate the dire importance of encouraging agency among African people, other groups approach the issue of racial marginalization in a manner that often serves to splinter racial categorizations and confuse the

14 larger racial concerns of the African community. Critics have often accused the women's movement of such divisive recruitment and rhetoric. These suspicions began when African

American women were found dividing their energies and efforts between the two movements or leaving the Black Power movement completely to dedicate their efforts in support of the women’s movement. Despite these legitimate critiques, there are many noteworthy similarities and informing differences revealed by Weiner’s (1976) focused analysis of the women's movement. Weiner is a radical female activist who struggled for women while critiquing the more mainstream movement with which many of them identified. Weiner submitted an informative, comprehensive paper to the graduate school at the State University of New York in

Buffalo in 1976. Although the traditional feminist perspective rarely aligns with the Afrocentric idea, the ability to engage other assertions of cultural and academic agency allows for greater understanding of how the Afrocentric position is located within the global philosophical context.

The focus of Weiner’s work, Emma Goldman, was a feminist agitator who fought tirelessly for her idea of women’s freedom. Weiner was also a student of Molefi Asante. Her encounters with his teachings and the revolutionary analytical theories of Afrocentricity have provided an added degree of depth and richness to her writings and critiques, as evidenced in the following description:

Emma Goldman is known as a rebel, an anarchist, an ardent proponent of birth control

and free speech, a feminist, a lecturer and a writer…Born in what is now Lithuania but

was then Russia, in a Jewish ghetto, moved early to Königsberg and St. Petersburg,

where she became involved with university radicals…Emma Goldman served prison and

jail terms for such activities as advising the unemployed to take bread if their pleas for

food were not answered, for giving information in a lecture on birth control, for opposing

15 military conscription, and in 1908 she was deprived of her citizenship.

(http://womenshistory.about.com)

Emma Goldman Still Dangerous, by Nicholson (2009) and Emma Goldman, American

Individualist, by Chalberg (2007) helped to paint a picture of a woman who refused traditional

European American definitions of gender in a similar fashion that Afrocentric scholars reject the limitations of traditional Eurocentric ideas about race. Nicholson drew powerful connections between this early feminist agitator/author and the growing literary traditions of African resistance that gripped the nation during a period of Black inspiration and White fear.

Referencing Goldman’s Revolutionary affinity for direct action, Nicholson wrote,

“By 1919, Emma Goldman was considered the most dangerous woman in America. She

had been arrested sixteen times in the previous sixteen years on a variety of charges

ranging from inciting a riot, to being a suspicious person, to conspiracy charges against

the government and inciting the assassination of the President.” (p.53)

This type of treatment sounds very similar to the governmental pressure and accusations placed on the Black Panther Party for Self Defense, Malcolm X., Angela Davis and Assata Shakur.

Nicholson later discussed African American poet Claude McKay, a prominent initiator of the

Black rebelliousness of the sixties.

Nicholson (2009) touched on the commonalities of frustration and the oppressed condition of so many Americans. He noted, "Claude McKay was clear that his theme of fighting back did not just apply to African Americans, but also to oppressed people all over the United

States" (p.127). Contrasting the notion of unification for liberation and President Obama’s idea of a national unification for the perpetuation of American ideals reveals a peculiar juxtaposition of the usefulness of this notion. Chalberg brought the protagonist and the political full-circle with

16 an interesting perspective: "Although, never reluctant to call herself an anarchist, she was increasingly anxious to establish herself as a direct philosophical descendant of such well known

Americans as Thomas Jefferson, Tom Paine and Henry David Thoreau" (p.133). Despite their very different political positions, both Emma Goldman and President Obama have proudly positioned themselves and their beliefs within the tradition of the Founding Fathers of American democracy.

There are a number of peculiar contrasts and comparisons between the campaigns of

Emma Goldman and President Barack Obama. Both individuals held the underdog position, and both believed that their actions would promote their concept of freedom throughout the world.

Continued racial, gender, and class struggles, as well as challenges at home and abroad, all influence President Obama’s rhetoric. The relationships between different leaders of varied backgrounds during these often challenging political climates, (despite a number of similarities,) help to construct a more diverse historical context through the implementation of different philosophical and political locations.

Chalberg (2007) focused on the perspective and political activity of one person (Emma

Goldman) in the same way the present researcher has adopted a markedly academic focus in

President Obama. Chalberg targeted the period between 1906 and 1911, ending one hundred years before the writing of this review. Agitation for the Ideal and other earlier texts, in combination with later titles like Propaganda, Erasing Racism, and Dreams of My Father, have helped the researcher to create a useful and insightful academic timeline that spans many decades.

This rhetorical retrospective is replete with revolutionary language temperamentally reflected in political arguments for complete change. Political groups who popularized propaganda relevant

17 to the present research topic include The Black Panther Party for Self Defense and the Universal

Negro Improvement Association. These two political powerhouses produced ideas of self- governance and self-determination that continue to impact the rhetoric of the African/African

American political paradigm today. The idea of "agitation for the ideal" is not a method and mission solely reserved for the feminist fight. These battles touch every segment of society, on podiums, along picket lines, and in pews with words as weapons and speakers as sergeants at arms.

Smith (2005) focused on the historical impacts and the influential potentialities of rhetoric and explored rhetoric as an instrument of persuasion and manipulation. Individuals’ ability to coerce through rhetorical means has helped to shape the course of history and has immeasurable ramifications in contemporary society. Smith discussed the politics of persuasion in a variety of forms that provide historical context and greater clarity about how and why presidential speech making is such big business in the United States.

The minds of the masses are perhaps the most beneficial commodity in a world of bloodless campaigns, where greater influence translates into electoral victories. In a politically polarized paradigm, the Supreme Court of public opinion can often carry more weight than the opinion of

Supreme Court Justices. The powers of propaganda have seeped into every sphere of contemporary life. Religious institutions, educational systems, and political parties are just a few major examples of places where propaganda has consistently run amuck. The researcher explores the potential of utilizing the power of propaganda in the process of achieving liberation and self-determination for African people focusing on the strategies and examples of Barack

Obama.

18 Smith employed an in-depth analysis that included an array of propagandist strategies utilized for situations ranging from key military action to seemingly less impactful efforts.

Smith (2005) noted connections between these examples along themes of strategy, deceit, and influence. Four of the eleven chapters in Smith's book resonated most powerfully with the goals of the present study. These more applicable portions included

• Chapter 1: Social Responses to Twentieth Century Propaganda,

• Chapter 3: Western and Totalitarian Views of Propaganda,

• Chapter 10: Smoke and Mirrors: A Confirmation of Jacques Ellul's Theory of

Information Use and Propaganda, and

• Chapter 11: The Rhetoric of Nuclear Education.

Chapter 1 presented a contemporary interpretation of how traditional notions of propaganda fit into the modern fast paced technological society in which we live today. Chapter

3 is significant to this study, as it speaks directly to the issues that Afrocentricity articulates as paramount in efforts to interpret various stimuli and deduce relevant to analytical outcomes.

Chapter 10 confronted the often deceptive and illusive underpinnings of political persuasion (propaganda) that many fear are the dominant determinants for the current direction of the United States political agenda. Chapter 11 addressed the rhetorical history of nuclear military language and its utilization by so-called “superpowers” as a means of psychological control and global intimidation. The battle for African liberation must be preceded by a revolution of consciousness as Molefi Kete Asante urges with his scholarship surrounding

Afrocentric approaches to phenomena. Much of the United States’ power is connected to an idea of superiority in terms of identity and military prowess. The Obama White House regularly

19 displays an intersection of race, rhetoric, power and identity (practically be default) every time he addresses the American people.

In Race, Rhetoric and Identity: The Architechton of Soul, Molefi Kete Asante (2005) took a bold analytical step toward revaluating various phenomena, including but not limited to media, culture, politics, education, and identity. The final product of this 15-chapter analysis offers a greater understanding of the communicative universe through the advantageous agency of the

Afrocentric perspective. Asante navigated through a discourse of race and identity while displaying how they are inextricably interwoven with racial oppression. This work helped to provide a critical and analytical groundwork that offered a theoretical platform for new approaches like the researchers Beneficial Extraction Method to be created.

Societal, spiritual, structural, and symbolic suppression of the African self can manifest in the many subjects that fuel the varied chapters of Asante’s (2005) text. The author details the impacts of racial oppression by chapter, looking at men who were brilliant and often well meaning (Chapter 1: Dubois and The Souls of Black Folk), and others who have struggled with internal conflicts of consciousness and African agency (Chapter 3: Trouble at the Gate: Identity

Crisis). The injurious interpretations that result from intellectual dislocation extend to institutions of learning (Chapter 4: The Rhetoric of Education), political infrastructure (Chapter

5: The Preponderance of Bureaucracy), and folklore and belief (Chapter 9: Rhetoric and Myth).

Here Asante explores these individuals, institutions, and inspirations from an Afrocentric perspective where Africans are subjects of history rather than simply objects in history.

The Afrocentric viewpoint allows for the proper agency necessary to understand, combat, and overcome many of the misconceptions and negative effects of rhetorical and cultural marginalization. From this vantage point, African people can properly locate themselves within

20 the endless expansion of geopolitical space and the majestic legacy of our ancient African ancestors potentially finding a place of peace within their own regally shaded flesh. One of the most powerful components of this text is the constant acknowledgment of the reciprocal nature of rhetoric as it relates to race and identity. Despite many Eurocentric perceptions, African people are not simply the dormant, breathing receptacles of the propaganda and misinformation that emanates from different segments of society. There is an ongoing conversation taking place

(whether consciously acknowledged or not) between the media, schools, and political institutions and the people they service or subject. The roads of rhetoric on which these messages travel often direct the relationships between institutions and individuals.

The Architecton (or master builder) of the Soul is a text that provides lasting analytical grounding within a sound foundation of Afrocentric thought. Girded with honesty and further fortified by well-researched subject matter, this text stands as a powerful testament to the need for African people to understand the potential of rhetoric from an Afrocentric perspective. This perspective has an inextricable link to the unique history of African people. To properly conduct an analysis of these contemporary questions, one should appreciate the meaning of the historical context of contemporary political rhetoric; and for that, we must look back to move forward.

In Race, Rhetoric, and the Post-Colonial, Olson and Worsham (1999) compiled six scholarly interviews to create a conceptual collage of varied disciplinary perspectives. The subjects of the interviews included Homi Bhabha (post-colonial theorist), Michael Eric Dyson

(African American race scholar), Gloria Anzaldua (post-colonial feminist and race theorist),

Stuart Hall (British cultural studies scholar), Ernesto Laclau (Argentinian political theorist), and

Chantel Mouffe (French philosopher). The diverse disciplinary cross section included in this sample serves as a powerful testimony to the arrayed literary lineages of contemporary American

21 rhetoric. Like other multi-faceted formations of various aspects of American culture (e.g., populating, industrializing, religious institutions), the American rhetorical tradition is not a one- dimensional, linear narrative. In their opening chapter, Olson and Worsham focused on Homi

Bhabha's concept of critical literacy. Bhabha has explored the activity of writing in and of itself as a means of acquiring and asserting a sense of agency through the written word that an author creates. For Bhanha, the process of exorcising thoughts onto paper is an evolving experience that constantly modulates between revisionist and revolutionary.

In their second chapter, titled "Toward a Mestiza Rhetoric: Gloria Anzaldua on

Composition and Postcoloniality,” Olson and Worsham (1999) expand on a free and fundamentally feminine idea. Anzaldua has proudly defied what she has termed "the tradition of silence”. The interview revealed Anzaldua’s ideas about rhetoric, the political implications of these ideas, and how her literary inspirations and worldview helped to shape her rhetorical style.

In the third chapter, titled "Race and the Public Intellectual: A Conversation with Michael

Eric Dyson,” Olson and Worsham (1999) allowed the reader to enter the world of racism and

White supremacy, an experience that is foreign to some readers, and all too familiar to others.

From chattel enslavement to Malcolm X and hip-hop culture, Dyson contextualized the uniqueness of the Black experience and discussed its relationship to rhetoric. Dyson also noted how the dramatic desire to become literate shaped the African people in a world that forbade them access to (or agency) within traditional education systems.

Olson and Worsham (1999) also explored the role of academic rhetoric, the lyrical impacts of hip-hop and strategies for bridging the rhetorical gaps between genres and generations. In the fourth chapter, "Hegemony and the Future of Democracy: Ernesto Laclau's

Political Philosophy,” the authors suggested an interesting method of rhetorical expansion.

22 According to Laclau, a great need exists to expand the study of social theory. He recommended the use of a deconstructionist approach to Marxist categorizations to expand the discipline beyond its Marxist paradigm. This analysis proved valuable when interrogating the Afrocentric

Paradigm in contrast to a more Eurocentric Marxist perspective. “Marxism is likewise not helpful in developing Afrocentric concepts and methods because it, too, is a product of a

Eurocentric consciousness that excludes the historical and cultural perspectives of Africa.

(Mazama 2003, pg. 39)

Althusserianism, The sublime object of ideology, jouissance, and hegemony and social strategy.

In the fifth chapter titled, "Rethinking Political Community: Chantal Mouffe's Liberal

Socialism,” Olson and Worsham (1999) engaged the most inclusive of all ideologies: the concept of liberal democracy and its grand notion of equality and liberty. Mouffe, an advocate for these ideologies and argued that the problems with existing so-called liberal democracies fail to adhere to the true tenants of the political structure. In this chapter, the authors challenged the disjointed comparisons found between political rhetoric and practical application.

Laclau suggested the expansion of a social theory that extends beyond the analytical confines of Marxism. Using Marxism as the starting point for any analysis where African people are the focus can prove problematic. The researcher interrogates whether a more centered analytical strategy can be found within “The Afrocentric Paradigm” due to an emphasis on the importance of an academic/analytical vantage point that is rooted in African culture, African critical theory, and African consciousness. The uses of tools that originate from outside of this worldview often appear to prove far less effective, as a result.

23 This type of literary litmus test is ideal for any measurable bridging between the political promises of elected officials and the actual implementation of policy changes. There is an interesting parallel between popular critiques of the integrity of the political process and the critical analysis of traditional education from proponents of the Afrocentric perspective. This philosophical analysis of policy verses practice resonates with those who conduct similar contrasts between Afrocentric education and Eurocentric indoctrination.

In their sixth chapter, "Cultural Composition, Stuart Hall on Ethnicity and the Discursive

Turn,” Olson and Worsham (1999) focused on cultural identity and ethnic categorization. During this final interview, the authors examined the many influential factors and social ramifications associated with the notion of the perceived self and its multi-layered construction. Stuart Hall is renowned for exploring the impacts that race and racial categorization have played on the construction of the rhetoric of political personhood. This chapter leans heavily toward nurture as the primary determinant for behavior. This perspective refutes many racist conceptions of unfit or less civilized racial groups that are inferior because of genetic makeup as expressed in fields of study including; Psychology, Anthropology and Phrenology. In sum, this text is a valuable representation of scholars who represent divergent disciplines offering a plethora of opportunities to explore variations and similarities among myriad issues of influence and academic agency.

In Contrastive Rhetoric, Reaching Toward Intercultural Rhetoric, Connor, Nagelhout, and Rozycki (2008) presented a nuanced, multicultural, historical, and rhetorical analysis. They began with a brief history of comparative rhetorical research that started in 1966 with Robert

Kaplan. Connor et al. noted that an ever-expanding conversation has developed based upon

Kaplan's theory concerning the uniqueness of various rhetorical patterns of language that have

24 risen out of different cultural norms. The text then moved from the historical to the contemporary in the section titled, "Current state of contrast rhetoric." Section 1 separated the fourteen chapters of the text. In Chapters 1 and 2 ("From Contrastive Rhetoric to intercultural

Rhetoric" and "The Importance of Comparable Corpora in Cross Cultural Studies”), authors

Ximong Lee and Ana I. Moreno explored the case against contrastive rhetoric. Moreno also engaged rhetorical and discourse configuration. Section 2 of this technical, statistically-fueled structural comparison includes eight chapters covering many topics including; metadiscourse across three varieties of English, American, British, and advanced learner English, A genre based study of research grant proposals in China and other cultural discourses? The emphasis on cultural discourse was of particular interest to the researcher when dealing with the variations of structure, content and delivery found throughout President Barack Obama’s rhetoric depending on the varying demographics of his audience.

Other topics discussed throughout this text include; Rhetorical patterns of business letters by English and Russian speakers, Spanish-language newspaper editorials from Mexico, Spain, and the US, The rhetorical structure of academic book reviews of literature: An English-Spanish cross-linguistic approach and Newspaper commentaries on terrorism in China and Australia: A

Contrastive genre study). The use of this compartmentalized approach to contrastive corpus studies has manifold benefits, including the ability to isolate literary lineages and culture-specific influences on rhetoric. The chapters in Section 3 included the following: "Long Sentences and

Floating Commas: Mexican Student's Rhetorical Practices and the Sociocultural Context,”

“English We Page Use in an EFL Setting: A Contrastive Rhetoric View of the Development of

Information Literacy," "From Confucianism to Marxism: A Century of Theme Treatment in

Chinese writing Instruction," and "Plagiarism in an Intercultural Rhetoric Context: What We Can

25 Learn About One from Other." This section tackled issues surrounding contrastive rhetoric from the standpoint of those who teach (or learn) English as a second language. The emphasis on the structural aspects of rhetoric that interplay with larger cultural and linguistic dimensions provided a paradigm of a problem which the researcher could superimpose on many similar syntax-related situations throughout this study.

The fourth and final section, “Future Directions,” included two final chapters titled, "A

Conversation on Contrastive Rhetoric: Dwight Atkinson and Paul Kei Matsuda Talk about

Issues, Conceptualizations, and the Future of Contrastive Rhetoric;" and "Mapping

Multidimensional Aspects of Research: Reaching to Intercultural Rhetoric.” This literary look into the future of rhetorical evolution held particular significance for the researcher because of the time period and rhetorical focus. The text closed with projections about 2014 which the authors perceived as the near future when they wrote the text). This look back at the earlier expectations of scholars engaged in discussions about discursive discourse helped the reader balance contrastive rhetoric with contemporary reality. This reality operates on all levels of government and its rhetoric. Although the political speeches crafted for national and international audiences often receive the most attention, the most significant rhetorical results often begin at a community level similar to the interactions Barack Obama engaged in as a community organizer in Chicago.

Rhetoric and Community: Studies in Unity and Fragmentation, edited by Michael Hogan

(1998), is a text that hits a bit closer to home with its focus on race/racism and community. The opening description of the polarizing politics of Pat Buchanan during the notorious reign of the

Nixon administration seemed like an unlikely departure point for such a celebration of the intellectual diversity. This collection of academic antidotes included three sections that held

26 fourteen chapters on topics including, hermeneutics, hatred, and Hollywood. In Section 1, titled

"Race, Gender and Community," the authors explored varied methods of oppression to help gain a greater understanding about the divisive rhetorical stumbling blocks of race/gender-based oppression. Chapter topics include ("Patterns of Metaphore among Early Feminist Orators"; The

Perils of Patterning"; "The Power of Hegemony: and the Modern City"; and "The Voice of Exile:

W.E.B. DuBois and the Quest for Culture") created a blend of Feminism, economics, and exile that formed the rhetorical foundation for the sections that followed.

Section 2, titled, "War and Community: The Battlefield of Oratory” the authors paid equal attention to the pain and posturing of military engagement. The chapters in this section

("On Rhetoric in Martial Decision Making," "Martial Decision Making McArtur, Lincoln and the

Dimensions of Rhetoric," "The Particular Aesthetics of Winston Churchill’s War Situation 1," and "Churchill's Machiavellian Moment, The Negotiation of Anxiety in the War Situation 1") displayed peculiar connections between anxiety and articulation when text clashes with historical context. In the concluding chapter, “Artistic and Scientific Community,” the author utilized examples of the revealing, regenerative, and restorative potentialities of rhetoric.

The chapters in Section 3, (“Thinking through Film: Hollywood Remembers the

Blacklist," "The Socio-Political Dimensions of Film: A Response to Bensons Analysis of Guilty by Suspicion," “Rhetoric in Scientific Communities," "Feuding Communities and the Feudalism of Science, Democratizing the Community and/of Science," and "Rhetoric and the Restoration of

Community") explored the ways that rhetorical style and delivery can be dramatically different, even in instances where their function and foundation are the same.

In Rhetoric and Community, Hogan (1998) explored the world of words from the mouths of many, and provides numerous diverse and informative perspectives and about the true

27 connections between community and communication. This text is a useful tool in researching cultural/academic locations and the ways that rhetoric and reality alternate in their influence of one another. This section was useful as it further informs the researcher regarding the role of cultural identity in relation to rhetoric.

In African American Women's Rhetoric: The Search for Dignity, Personhood, and Honor,

Deborah F. Atwater (2009) birthed a generational journey towards gender-based justice. From

Sarah Baartman to Civil Rights and women in hip-hop, Atwater explored the pursuit of personhood and the position of women in history and society. Throughout the interviews, and biographical sketches, the tie that binds these various accounts is the important role that words play in helping to make a way. This is often achieved through inspiring speeches, the creation of historic documentation and legislation. At times, the spoken and written word has served as a weapon in the mouths of women who spoke truth to power and spoke life to dying spirits. The wordsmiths featured within the pages of this text did not wage a war that required such weaponry. Their battle involved breaking barriers, an age-old struggle for women who sought life through agency in an ironically cold world that first found warmth and life within them. This tradition of setting precedents and departing from the expectations of prejudiced traditionalist plays directly into President Barack Obama’s life and rhetoric.

Atwater (2009) paid particular attention to the transformative potential of rhetoric and its ability help create winds of change and alter the cultural, political, and socio-economic landscape upon which those winds blow. The text opened with writings that expressed the potential power of words, and then moved into an introduction of Sarah Baartman. Atwater explained the tragic facts of Baartman’s life to provide some historiography regarding the struggles women have faced and the efforts to silence their voices and rob them of their humanity. This example served

28 as a metaphor for a universal systemic devaluation of the divine nature of the African woman that occurred in the past and continues today. "And The Truth Shall Set You Free" is second of the nine chapters used in this pursuit of personhood. The chapter aptly began with a quote by

Sojourner Truth that declared her humanity while celebrating her femininity at the 1851

Women's Convention in Akron Ohio. With this powerfully liberating stage set, the chapter delves into female resistance, rape terror, and torture during the dark days of chattel enslavement.

In Celia, A Slave: A True Story, by Melton A. Mclaurin (2009) the author explores the many perils and pyrrhic victories that eventually led to the protagonist Celia’s ability to overcome her grueling circumstances. After escaping enslavement and embarking on an unlikely journey as a published author, she was able to finally accomplish with words what many during her time were unable to do with the whip or the gun, obtain true liberation.

In Chapter 3, titled, "African American Women in the Civil War and Reconstruction,” the author superimposed the backdrop of the Civil War upon the pre-existing rivalries between

Blacks and Whites. The focus of the chapter was a woman named Susie King Taylor, who was a laundress during wartime and married to a union soldier. The rarity of this perspective shines light on a little understood dynamic of American history, Negro service women and their struggles with rank and file during both war and peacetime. This chapter provided extensive historical context, which helps the reader, frame political controversies within the realities of gender and racial significance.

The fourth chapter, "Leading to World War One," began with the words of Ida B. Wells and her anti-racist anti-lynching rhetoric that helped to galvanize a generation of men and women in search of self-determination and self-definition. The second half of the chapter told the

29 tale of the warrior spirit of Mary Church Terrell and the many ways in which she contributed intellect, courage, and refinement to the progressive struggle of African American women. The text ties together these two giants of self-sacrifice by their dedication to tearing down the bloody bindings of lynching and other violent discriminatory practices against African Americans.

Chapter 5, "World War II and the Lives of Working-Class African American Women," highlighted a triumphant trio of women warriors in the personage of Mary McLeod Bethune

(advocate/activist), Madam C.J. Walker (inventor/entrepreneur), and Bessie Smith (blues singer).

The chapter seamlessly chronicled the different types of contributions that these three women made in the areas of politics, music, finance, and activism through historical analyses, biographical reports, and direct quotes. This chapter had particular relevance to the present study, as the women in President Obama’s life played a major role in his psychological and educational development. The women in this chapter (and chapter 6) helped to influence some of the women in Obama’s life, which may have impacted his rhetoric regarding many issues, including gender discrimination and domestic violence.

Chapter 6, "The Era of the Civil Rights Movement: The Struggle for Rights Continue," opened with a story about how the mother of the Civil Rights Movement, Rosa Parks, moved the entire movement forward by refusing to give up her seat on the bus to a White man. Unlike many of the popular depictions of female leadership and participation in the Civil Rights Movement, this text gave attention to many of the equally courageous heroines who have rarely received recognition for their contributions and sacrifices. These battle-tested soldiers include Fannie Lou

Hamer, Septima Clark, Ella Baker, and Gloria Richardson, all known for their intolerance for injustice, liberation through education, community organization through Civil Rights demonstrations, and generational leadership.

30 Chapter 7 presented a discussion of "African American Women in Contemporary Politics and Political Organizations." This chapter took a closer look at women who have made diverse contributions—from the Black Panther party to White House politics. Elaine Brown (leader in the Black Panther Party), Shirley Chisholm (the first African American to run for the Presidential nomination and be elected to Congress in the north), Barbara Charline Jordan (the first African

American woman to serve in the U.S. Congress), Barabra Lee (House of Representatives), and

Cynthia McKinney (Congresswoman and Green Party presidential candidate) took center stage in this discussion. The feminine fortitude highlighted in this chapter helped to clear and pave the way for Barack Obama’s presidential campaign and the rhetoric that many pundits have given credit for his campaign success.

Chapter 8 moved from the House of Representatives to house parties, exploring

"Contemporary Times: African American Women and Hip-Hop." Major players in this portion of the text included musical artists like Queen Latifah, MC Lyte, Mary J. Blige, and Sister

Soulja. This chapter maintained an extremely rhetorical focus, analyzing how the words of these women balanced with their public images, often defined by narrow and limited sexist institutional categorizations. This contemporary cultural critique spoke to the youth culture whose technological savvy and social taste making helped to increase the visibility and value of the Obama brand of change. The youth influence was evident in the setting of Internet donation records, the viewing of viral videos about the then Senator, and the popularity of the ever- popular artistic rendition of Barack Obama pulsing with the nation’s colors poised prophetically over words like "Hope," "Change," and "Progress."

The final chapter, "The Struggle Continues: Steps to implementing Change" set its sights on the road ahead through its focus of the feminine lens and legacy. This chapter constituted a

31 charge to continue the great works described throughout the book and remain ever vigilant against factions that dedicate themselves to turning back the hands of time to a more openly sexist society that encouraged women to become silent maids instead of vocal speech makers.

This concluding section summarized the foundations of struggle, sacrifice, education, creativity, and bravery that have become a launching pad for progress for women unafraid to speak their minds and define themselves and their destiny despite sexism, in the same way that Barack

Obama must persevere despite racism.

Molefi Asante (2003) addressed the questions of patriotism, reparations, injustice, and racial discrimination in his honest and eye-opening work, Erasing Racism. In the text, Asante seamlessly wove together the rhetoric’s of historical truths and contemporary challenges, creating a patchwork of proposed patriotism built upon the foundation of equal treatment, candid self-assessments, and a sincere desire to level the national/international sociopolitical playing field. Asante provided this analysis and his suggested plan of action within a racial paradigm centered in a historical context that focused on two major acts of treachery and genocide. The author referred to fundamental conversations about race, which included discussions about the removal, exploitation, and slaughter of Native Americans and the capture, murder, and enslavement of Africans. Asante described other (quantitatively) lesser events of racial exploitation, violence, and exclusion as derivations of the larger historical atrocities.

After locating himself within the intergenerational discussion about racism, and establishing the parameters of his rhetorical paradigm, Asante (2003) proceeded to make a methodical and effective case for the truth and action necessary to ensure the continuation of the

American nation. In the first chapter, "The Tortured Dream," Asante brought into focus the grand integrated vision of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. within the context of the current racial

32 climate. African Americans have experienced a tragic legacy of broken promises made by the

United States government. Asante articulated this unfortunate reality through political, historical, and popular examples.

In the second chapter, "The Mythic Condition," Asante (2003) attempted to diagnose the state of African Americans in light of the oppression, accomplishments, and current construction of the African American community. The abuse of chattel enslavement, the lethal legacy of lynching, and the terror of police brutality established a condition that has affected every aspect of African American life. The dynamically varied national identities that result from politically, economically, and culturally divergent experiences have created very different worldviews.

According to Asante, this racial divide gave birth to the (Black) children of the wilderness and the (White) children of the promise.

In Chapter 3, "The Wilderness of Racial Discontent," Asante (2003) explored the physical displacement and the historical, spiritual, and cultural dislocation of African Americans.

Asante articulated the impatience and impulsiveness that many present-day African Americans bring to the American historical narrative. Frustration and discomfort are balanced with a complimentary focus on many key historical events that contribute to the creation of their current conditions. This wilderness metaphor accurately depicted the influences often associated with

African Americans' suspicious perspectives on American politics.

In the fourth chapter, "The Disorientation," Asante (2003) explored the results of psychological, spiritual, financial, physical, and cultural subjection to a wilderness experience in the United States of America. The author addressed the rage of resistance expressed through rebellions, and the sorted psychosis simmering under the surface of sellouts.

33 Chapter 5, "The Furious Passage," documented the rage, angst, and suppressed frustrations that flow, fester, and ferment within the spirits of African Americans who have come to know exclusion and systematic oppression as a way of life. Asante (2003) highlighted some of the factors that have contributed to this fury: e.g., the MOVE bombing, the 1857 Dred Scott decision, and the 1998 shooting by New Jersey State police that placed the practice of racial profiling into the national mainstream spotlight. The anger, rage, and miscommunication associated with a legacy of undeserved White privilege and undue Black punishment has played a major role in the polarization of present-day politics along racial lines. The national response to the Reverend Jeremiah Wright presents a more direct example of a contemporary manifestation of this fury. After exercising his First Amendment right in the pulpit of his church, the world had an opportunity to hear the fiery fruits of his frustration firsthand. The response to his commentary grew into a Political firestorm that almost derailed the Obama Presidential campaign.

Asante (2003) struck at the very foundation of political hypocrisy that often masquerades as American democracy. Through this literary purging of past transgressions and honest analysis of contemporary examples of racial discrimination, Asante began to deconstruct the faulty foundations of American racism. This solution-oriented offering held particular significance for the present researcher’s analysis of a biracial political figure charged to lead an even more racially diverse citizenry. The institution of chattel enslavement and the phenomena of White privilege (among other issues addressed in the text) weigh heavily on the current climate of race relations and presidential policy. This constant colliding of culture requires a colloquial cushioning that can protect individual identity and cultural collectivity while maintaining

34 national security. National leaders often maintain this security through the power of the tongue, in addition to the power of the gun.

Politicians and Rhetoric: The Persuasive Power of Metaphor by Jonathan Charteris-

Black (2005) is perhaps one of the texts with the most directly relationship to the subject matter discussed in the present study. The power to use one’s voice as an instrument to influence votes is the basic basis of political campaign strategy and speech writing. When the Democratic Party invited then Senator Obama to speak at the 2004 Democratic Convention, he directly reflected the focus of the first chapter of this text (persuasion, legitimacy, and leadership). The public had seldom seen such an ability to speak truth for power in such a blatant fashion as when Barack

Obama traveled from virtual obscurity to the role of Commander in Chief in a few short years.

Politics and Rhetoric presented different patterns of powerful and persuasive speech through political pitfalls and pinnacles of many prominent personalities, including former United

States presidents and Nobel Peace Prize winners. Charteris-Black (2005) compared and contrasted the technical aspects of rhetorical approach and influence using the likes of Dr. Martin

Luther King Jr., George W. Bush, Margaret Thatcher, Tony Blair, Bill Clinton, and Winston

Churchill. The author skillfully articulated the potential for powerful speakers to move men and women in the same manner that a Biblical Scholar describes how words could move mountains and water.

One of the themes of this text that resonates so powerfully with many of the other works cited here is the agency and usefulness of myth. Whether it is the messianic myth professed and embodied by Dr. King or the heroic myth intertwined with the warning, warring words of

Winston Churchill, Tony Blair, or George Bush, with their social constructions of good versus evil; in many cases, the myth can make the man. The idea of myth as a pillar in the paradigm of

35 political propaganda was evident in the campaign rhetoric of the first African American

President. Calculated compositions constructed an emerging worldview of evil Republicans and good Democrats and implied that Barack Obama would bring justice in the most heroic and messianic manner that his campaign strategist could conjure.

The mythical metaphor that often catapults a great speech into the rhetorical stratosphere where political tides shift and history is made deals, in part, with the most basic lessons of psychology. Charteris-Black conveyed how speakers can use people’s most basic thoughts, dreams, and desires (in the mouth of a masterful wordsmith) as the greatest tools of persuasion when addressing an audience whose support they seek. The myth of salvation from evil by a good, messianic, mythical man helped to polarize Barack Obama's campaign when his critics factored in the powerful notion of race. This text takes time to examine the links between personalities and time period when calculating the persuasive power of political propaganda.

During the 1960s, the nation was precariously poised on the brink of social upheaval that tore a winding blood stained path of political awareness brought on by the language of legendary leadership. Charteris-Black (2005) explored the various eras and their respective defining speechmakers and created a rhetorical chronology upon which President Obama sits as the contemporary capstone of this political pyramid. The great African American articulator who has ascended to a leadership level nationally symbolized by the All-Seeing Eye of Horus embodies within his rhetoric (and himself) the same types of paradoxes as oppressed people who lack comparable influence.

Rhetorical Democracy: Discursive Practices of Civic Engagement by Gerard A. Hauser and Amy Grim (2004) explored the notion of democracy as an ever-evolving project that operates according to the individual freedoms, collective voting powers, local customs, and

36 political language that connects the various elements of society through a political process of laws and governance. This work is similar to many of the other texts included in this review in that Hauser and Grim analyzed rhetoric as speech in relation to relevant definitions of democracy. One major departure of their work, however, was their extremely historical, international, and political focus, which provided a far more detailed historiography of international democracy and the pursuit of such agency than did the other authors included in this review.

Hauser and Grim (2004) skillfully synchronized examples of the so-called bloodless revolution that took place in the U.S.S.R. and China’s defiance of certain elements of communism with Plato and present-day politicians. Despite the authors’ decidedly Western slant on history and democracy, many parallels regarding the potential power of rhetoric remained.

Influential leaders use rhetoric to start wars before dropping the first bomb or firing the first bullet. A declaration can lead to destruction; a conference to confusion, and the power of life and death that typically lies in the tongue attaches itself to words of war and takes flight around the world faster than stealth bombers or remote controlled drones. Hauser and Grim acknowledged the weight of words and the problems associated with untimely pronouncements in chapters like,

"Strategies of Objection in the Trial of the Chicago Eight," "The Rehabilitation of Propaganda:

Post 9/11 Media Coverage In the United States," and "Terrorist Rhetoric, Rhetoric of

Democracies, and Worlds of Meaning."

Hauser and Grim (2004) later explored rhetoric as an instrument of peaceful resolution and political evolution in the chapters titled, "Civil Disobedience and the Ethical Appeal of Self

Representation," "Defending the Public: Procedural Rationality and the Limits of Actually

Existing Jurisprudence," and "Figuration of Moral Reform in the Rhetoric of Theodore Dwight

37 Weld." In these chapters, the authors examined the wonder-working power of words when wielded with truth and empathy. Perhaps the most meaningful underlining message couched beneath the more lofty rhetorical analysis and beyond the basic historical political fact listing is the liberating promise of rhetorical potentialities.

Recognizing the power of words and rhetoric provides anyone who can speak, sign, or otherwise create or convey a message the personal power to change the world. This concept is truly revolutionary in a society that is capitalistic and militaristic at its core. According to many of the philosophies espoused in this text, the power is truly in the mouths of the people more than in the hands of soldiers or the pockets of wealth profiteers. In the same way that a Wall Street trader behooves him/herself to know the history, current climate, and components of capitalism, a rhetorician benefits from an awareness of their historical narrative, their linguistic lineage, and the current trends in public discourse. Just as highly skilled soldiers learn to take their weapon apart piece by piece and reassemble it in the dark, an effective orator should strive to become a tactful rhetorical technician.

In Advances in Discourse Studies, Bhatia, Flowerdew, and Jones (2008) moved in a direction towards mastering the various parts of speech. To this end, Bhatia et al. explained that understanding the particulars of speaking, in many different facets of life, could lead to better communication and more abundant living. The authors provided a definitive deviation from the world of broken campaign promises. One of the most telling examples of such a unique approach is the practical and quantifiable problem-solving approach to rhetorical analysis presented in chapter three, "Being Out of Order: Overlapping Talks as Evidence of Trouble in

Airline Pilots Work." In this chapter, Bhatia et al. discussed the tendency for airline pilots to talk over one another despite the heavily-scripted nature of their professional conversations.

38 According to the authors, these interactions spoke to a level of analysis seldom seen outside of the exactness of engineering and other traditional sciences (Bhatia et al., 2008). These second- by-second, word-by-word microanalyses of rhetoric provided greater insight into the depth of the field itself. This attention to detail is of paramount importance when looking deeper into legal statutes and parliamentary procedures.

The meanings of words and the importance of timing within these contexts create an entirely new language that most people without the knowledge of said particulars could not even begin to understand. The legal industry (the area where Barack Obama received the majority of his academic training) provides a useful illustration of this expansive chasm between the lay and enlightened. In many legal scenarios, a person must have another individual counsel them and speak on their behalf because they have not attained a recognized level of proficiency regarding the letter of the law. The legal definitions of words can often be extremely different from their popular understanding. Bhatia et al. (2008) used surface examples as an entry point into the deeper and more complex constructions of varied rhetorical patterns.

Bhatia et al. (2008) also focused heavily on deeper discourse analysis and semantic prosody. Complete with charts, graphs, models, diagrams, and other means of statistical analysis, the book proved a literary microscope of sorts that allowed the reader to glean far more from words and their relationships to one another than otherwise gathered. Chapters like "Identifying and Interpreting the Dimensions of Variation in English Conversation," "Critical Discourse

Analysis and Strategies of Resistance," and "Corpus-Based Analyses of Discourse: Dimensions of Variation in Conversation" spoke to these efforts to delve deeper into definitions and diction.

President Obama studied much of these systems of linguistic depth and manipulation as the president of the Harvard Law Review. This insight may lead to a more accurate and relevant

39 analysis of Obama as a political speaker and figure and may facilitate a greater understanding of the academic road that he traveled to acquire his exceptional oratorical and communication skills.

In Obama: A Promise of Change, by David Mendell (2008) the reader has the opportunity to travel down the road that led the son of a man from Kenya and a woman from

Kansas to Capitol Hill. This book follows the President back to his earliest campaign days and beyond. This voyage down memory lane included news reports, commentary by former classmates, family history, and his record of athletic, academic, and political achievement.

While Hertzberg and Hendrik (2009) focused solely on the campaign trail and the more direct road to political victory, Mendell(2008)offered a more holistic analysis, and this picture of who and what Obama represents fell more in line with the Afrocentric Idea found in the informative offerings of Molefi Kete Asante. A broadened view is useful in efforts to realize and recognize the true nature of the zeitgeist of the times, the international implications of the Obama election, and the potential ramifications of his time in office. For this reason, this study does not focus solely on Obama's journey to or time in Washington.

Power Speaking: The Art of the Exceptional Public Speaker by Achim Nowak (2001) is a useful compliment to any analysis of a profound rhetorician. Nowak is a world-renowned speech giver, and he shared his oratory secrets and techniques in this inspirational and insightful text. Throughout the 14 informative chapters, Nowak attempted to demystify the dynamics of diction. The introductory portion of the work (“The Art of the Craft”) centered on the basic elements of public speaking. Through a fundamental overview of the power and importance of voice, body movement, gestures, eye contact, and energy, he provided a crash course in public speaking 101.

40 President Obama has combined eloquence and persuasion to a level of mastery that forces his political opponents to acknowledge his superior oratorical ability, and they often attempt to use his gift against him. Nowak (2001) began his second chapter with an investigation of inspiration. This process of self-understanding helps to maximize energy as a result of limiting intellectual wanderings and procrastination. Nowak also explained that words create a phonetic paradigm that presents information to the listeners in the same way a visual artist presents their work in a case, on a pedestal, or within a frame to influence how the viewer will receive the work.

Nowak (2001) diverged from conventional academic advice and explained the advantages of abandoning traditional techniques and implementing the therapeutic element of humor. The author also explores the concept of crowd participation (inviting dialogue). Nowak effectively reversed the stigma often associated with the perils of public speaking and placed it into an advantageous context. He noted that inclusion of the audience helps engage spectators and further develop the speech giver’s delivery through proper implementation of feedback.

Nowak suggested that the speaker become a filter that can take criticism of all types and figure out ways to make it constructive.

Power Speaking is a helpful manual that can provide a better understanding of great oration. Nowak (2001) took a step beyond analyzing Obama within the context of speaking capabilities to look at the president within the larger context of "the art of exceptional public speaking" (p.58).

In Speech Communication Fundamentals and Practice, Raymond S. Ross (1980) explored the elements of speech and its best practices on a variety of levels. Ross conveyed the basic structure of public speaking and what makes it effective through a discussion of numerous

41 analytical anecdotes, learning styles, and situational examples. This text goes beyond many of the other works utilized during the course of the present study. In 13 comprehensive chapters, the author constructed a helpful and enlightening mosaic of strategies for understanding and improving methods of communication.

The text opens with an overview of the basics of speech communication. In Chapter 1,

Ross (1980) detailed relevant definitions and offered models of communication and ethical advice regarding avenues of conveying thoughts and ideas. In Chapter 2, "Language Habits,” the author took a more nuanced approach to the art of oratory. This segment stressed aspects of communication like specificity and general semantics. Ross then moved on to explore the concept of communication beyond the spoken word. The author delved into the many elements and characteristics of unspoken speech. Ross devoted the largest portion of this chapter to kinesics (body action language).

Ross (1980) also provided a structured analysis of active auditory engagement and offered two methods for improving upon the productive reception of information. The three-step

"Ross" model and the four-stage "Steil" model comprise the longest subsection of the chapter about listening models.

Chapter 5 focused on "Audience Psychology" and explored the process of understanding the thoughts and desires of the audience. These revelations of relating occupy a particular area of importance for individuals who engage in more persuasive forms of speech and communication.

Ross (1980) further interrogated the marriage between communication and its cause in the sixth chapter, "Purpose and Delivery." He explored the overall reasons for speaking in combination with various oral delivery types, which included the impromptu and the

42 extemporaneous styles. Ross followed this explanation of popular oral delivery types with a detailed description of the characteristics that contribute to a good or bad delivery.

In Chapter 7 (“Preparing and Organizing the Message”), Ross (1980) explored the process of organization and preparation, as it relates to speech development and delivery and included discussions of identifying one’s purpose, gathering materials, organizing the speech, and preparing an outline.

The eighth chapter (“Emotion and Confidence”) centered on the more personal aspects of speech delivery. Ross (1980) explained the steps involved in developing confidence, mastering emotions, and redirecting attention, all of which can prove extremely beneficial to effective communication. In the ninth chapter, "Presenting Information," Ross took an analytical approach to detailing the ways that people learn, develop interests, and utilize materials like visual aids to increase communicative impact. In Chapter 10, "Persuasive Speaking," Ross revisited some earlier concepts, including the importance of having the right attitude and organizing one’s message. The 11th chapter, “Logical Supports of Persuasion,” provided insight into the syllogistic, statistical, and pathological aspects of persuasive communication. Chapters

12 and 13, “Forums and Special Occasions” and “Speaking in Groups,” respectively, explored the current methods of transmitting information, the ways that these methods relate to leadership, and trends in speech making.

Ross’s (1980) text lends intriguing insight into the inner workings of speaking and speech making. The primary means through which U.S. presidents communicate with the masses is through speeches and other addresses. The public draws conclusions about their leader’s personality and character from the impact of their words and images in these instances more than many other relationships or other public persona. In this text, Ross has provided a useful

43 resource that demonstrated how a presidential candidate could capture the hearts and minds of the people, beginning with the power of the word. President Barack Obama possesses a unique gift for utilizing this power that many authors and analysts have attempted to define, emulate, and operationalize.

Say It Like Obama: The Power of Speaking with Purpose and Vision by Shelly Leanne

(2009) takes the reader on a journalistic journey from the 2004 Democratic National Convention

Keynote Address to Obama’s Presidential election. Leanne established a political timeline that evolved, speech by speech. This analysis created a masterful mosaic of hope, change, and triumph as he explored the president’s technical and rhetorical strengths, along with the fundamental tools of powerful oratory. This dual-pronged approach enabled the author to include beneficial aspects of previous books, like The Obama Effect and Modes of Speaking, within one volume. Through 10 chapters and numerous public addresses, Leanne encouraged public speakers a to consider adding the president’s oratorical model to their arsenal, in addition to other sources of inspiration.

In the opening chapter (“The Speech That Started It All”), Leanne (2009) presented the famous 2004 address in its entirety. One can glean a great deal of information from a contextual analysis of the speech that introduced President Obama to much of the world. Many of the thematic thrusts and tactics employed throughout Obama's Presidential campaign resonated within this seminal address. Chapter 2, "Earning Trust And Confidence," detailed the ways in which the president garnered his broad support base. In this chapter, Leanne explored the president’s profound ability to help people to prioritize their present aspirations over party affiliations through conveying a charisma that overpowered concerns about race.

44 In Chapter 3, "Breaking down Barriers" Leanne (2009) focused on President Obama’s use of rhetoric as a wrecking ball, which he has frequently used to tear down (metaphorically) psychological, ideological, racial, and geographic walls that separate various segments of society. Leanne attributed this ability to the uniqueness of President Obama's background, and the ways that his individual experience with diversity enabled him to connect with a broad range of voters. Chapter 4 (“Winning Hearts and Minds”) presented a portrait of compassion and connectivity, and placed a particular focus on the more spirit-filled aspects of political messages that helped to transform America.

Leanne (2009) then moved on to describe the method behind the Obama mania in

"Conveying Vision." The author discussed the use of symbolic and descriptive testimonial aids that emphasized the strength of the president’s delivery. In Chapter 6, "Driving Points Home,"

Leanne explored the political gifts of concision and catchiness that made Obama's campaign so memorable and easy to reinforce. Marching under the banner of hope and change helped to establish a relatable, inspirational message that propelled him to the presidency. In Chapter 7,

Leanne examined the act of persuading and took a more exacting look into the science of influential communication. Here, he revealed the nuanced, subliminal world of head nods, the utilization of the antithesis, and the strategic ordering of speeches.

In Chapter 8, "Facing and Overcoming Controversy," Leanne explored the fortitude and strategy that has come to define Barack Obama's political prowess, his successful communication style, and his life story. The author reviewed the results of such effective methods of conveying ideas in Chapter 9 (“Motivating Others To Action and Leaving Strong

Last Impressions”), where intonation becomes inspiration. The concluding chapter, "The Speech

That Made History Again" focused solely on the 2008 Democratic National Convention

45 Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address. Here, Leanne analyzed all the techniques, influential speeches, and strategies that culminated in this unprecedented victory. Say it Like

Obama walks us through the process of transforming words into various types of actions and presents a comparative presidential standard from which anyone can derive instruction and inspiration.

Reager (1946) expanded historical context regarding the keys to effective oratory. An older source among the many that contributed to this research project, this text entered into academia at a time when texts were more likely to demonstrate racial denial than description.

Written in 1947, this book provided extremely comprehensive information about speech and public speaking in a unique fashion. Within its 23 chapters are nuggets of information not available in any of the other sources reviewed for the present study. Examples that illustrated the culture of the period include proper uses of speech for parliamentary procedure and banquets.

This earlier approach to rhetoric placed a significant degree of attention on timeliness and appropriateness. Chapter 1 (“You Can Talk Well”) offered a basic definition of "speech" and its use. In the next chapter (“Cause of Speech Ineffectiveness”), Reager adopted a critical approach and detailed many of the most common reasons that a speech would fail to translate to the listener(s). Chapter 3, "Background Requirements for Effective Speaking," separated speech into sections similar to other sources referenced in this study, including persuasion and argumentation.

The fourth chapter, “Speech Organization and Plan,” addressed advantageous tactics to ensure the speaker organizes and delivers information in the most effective method possible. The fifth chapter “Selection of Speech Material,” dealt with the importance of choosing relevant material and asking the right questions to make the desired connections with your audience. In

46 Chapter 6, “Preparing Speech Delivery” Reager (1946) discussed the benefits of the extempore method, which entails memorizing what you have documented and having a model to assist in the structuring of your speech. In Chapter 7 (“Your Voice and Tonal Quality”), Reager explained that speakers could use their voices as a tool, way maker, and weapon when they trained diligently and utilized it correctly.

The eighth chapter (“Improving Your Vocabulary”) exposed some words that could prove challenging for many orators and emphasized the importance of continually expanding the number of words that speakers implement to express their ideas. Chapter 9 (“Platform Manner”) presented a step-by-step description of how to maximize the physical process of public speaking, complete with tips about posture and gesturing. In the 10th chapter, Reager (1946) provided a self-criticism guide that offered a wealth of information to help an individual simultaneously become their best coach and their own worst critic. The 11th chapter (“The Presiding Officer”) explained the proper procedures, differences, and similarities involved with facilitating a conference, panel discussion, or conference. Chapter 12 (“Parliamentary Law”) interrogated the instructions and implementations of parliamentary procedure to ensure orderliness and efficiency.

In the 13th chapter, "The Banquet or Dinner Meeting," Reager (1946) defined the proper methods of communication for the aforementioned events. The 14th chapter, "How To Tell a

Funny Story," presented a self-explanatory segment instructing the reader to be mindful of the value of injecting humor when conveying concepts and ideas. In Chapter 15, "Presentations,"

Reager expressed the ways in which speeches could contribute to events that include the presentation of gifts (e.g., trophies etc.). Chapter 16, “Speech of Welcome and Farewell," provided specific instructions for occasion specific-addresses that relate to introductory and

47 exiting communications. The reader can easily apply the information from this chapter to the political world of acceptance, victory, and concession speeches made by the various candidates.

In Chapter 17, "The Eulogy," Reager discussed methods of honoring those from the past and organizing such addresses for maximum sentimentality and appropriateness. The 18th chapter, "Selling and Sales Efficiency," integrated the world of capitalism with that of clear- conscience communication. Chapter 19, "The Interview," covered the ways that personality traits like confidence and charisma could potentially increase the likelihood of desired degrees of employment. Chapter twenty, "The Business Executive," provided a commentary about communication in corporate society and explained many of the unwritten areas of the culture.

In chapter 21, "The Written Report and Paper," Reager offered an abundance of information regarding professional documentation and how it relates to various titles and offices.

Chapter 22, "The Radio Speech," provided an explanation of a unique scenario where the target audience is often at a significant distance and/or unseen by the speechmaker. The mass media approach to persuasion requires adjustments beyond those required with traditional standards of communication. Reager later detailed the many ways a person could employ best practices when utilizing this technology during the late nineteen forties. He strongly encouraged maintaining a pleasant persona and refraining from raising ones voice in this concluding chapter.

Perhaps one of the most interesting contrasting realities between this book from 1947 and similar topics covered today exists in the enormous difference in detail. Earlier texts seemed to strive not to leave anything out, which may be symbolic of a larger commentary on the (de) evolution of our modern society. Interestingly, political spin experts and campaign managers have appeared to maintain this heightened level of dedication to the details in the form of statistical analysis, mastering symbolism and imagery and other political strategies. The

48 playbook to which Reager (1946) and others contributed decades ago still has a place in

Washington, today.

President Obama is only the current manifestation of an ancestral legacy of struggle and achievement in leadership. His story is simply one stop on a road that continues to expand from antiquity to eternity. This researcher, therefore, sought to examine Barack Hussein Obama from his foundation to his future, from Kemet to Kenya and Kansas.

In The Afrocentric Manifesto, Asante (2007) stressed the profoundly imperative nature of understanding the application of the Afrocentric method as an analytical tool for locating, defining, and explaining text. Asante wrote, "What is absolutely necessary for the person who seeks to use the assumptions and principles of Afrocentricity for critical analysis is an emphasis on the analytical aspects of the idea.” For example, it becomes important for the Afrocentrist to understand how to use the Afrocentric method in textual analysis. This statement speaks to the process of intellectual expansion explored in Asante's (1987. 1996) The Afrocentric Idea and the development of a more refined and readily applicable analytical method (An Afrocentric

Manifesto 2007) furthered largely by the paradigmatic contribution of Mazama (2003). Asante provided a detailed Afrocentric method that the present researcher will implement as a critical foundational component of this textual analysis of selected speeches given by President Obama.

A focus on agency, location, and an ideological perspective has helped to define the

Afrocentric Method and set this approach apart from the traditional literary analytical process consistently challenged by the centering and location of this organic methodology. It is organic because it relies on the internal components of the text to reveal whether or not the creator of the text is centered or not. This researcher utilized the far-reaching potential of the Afrocentric method as a strategy of location for the rhetoric of President Obama. The procedure included the

49 locatation of the speaker within a situational spectrum. Within this inclusive, Afrocentric methodological process, the researcher classified "text" as phenom because it possesses an inseparable link to the author, time, space and location. In the Afrocentric Manifesto Asante

(2007) explained,

Finally, the Afrocentric method locates the imaginative structure of a system of economics, bureau of politics, policy of government, expression of cultural form in the attitude, direction, and language of the phenom, be it text, institution, personality interaction or event. To locate a phenom as peripheral or central to the African experience allows the researcher to begin from an orientation that will have meaning for the ultimate analysis of a situation or condition.

This methodological approach proves increasingly useful when analyzing an incredibly polarized figure like Barack Obama whom many detractors have repeatedly critiqued for representing a different location politically than the one he occupies symbolically and phenotypically.

The Afrocentric method offers a broad-based analytical lens that will aid in effectively analyzing President Obama's patriarchal link to Africa, in relation to his support of Africom and his often (tragically ironic) paternalistic stance towards the continent. The Afrocentric method is the ideal analytical tool to interrogate the president's speeches and the apparent contradictions between President Obama's rhetorical persona and his real political agenda. Disparities between the president’s articulations and actions become increasingly problematic when analyzed within the rhetorical lineage of Fredrick Douglas and Martin Luther King Jr. Professor Anthony

Monteiro (2013) expressed a critical opinion of the attempts made by many to compare President

Barack Obama to Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. In a presentation titled, "The Revolutionary

King, In the Era of Obama,” Dr. Monteiro declared, "Everything that King was and will be,

Obama is not."

50 When unparalleled inspiration clashes with inconsistencies and political polarization, an array of analytical questions arise. On the occasion that one presents these conflicting realities in remarkable rhetoric the opportunities for Afrocentric methodological, exploration increase exponentially.

Has the moderate, compromising nature of the first African American president’s politics overshadowed the symbolic impact of his election? What are the effects of avoiding issues of race on African Americans under the leadership of an African American president? How does

President Obama’s rhetoric appear through the intellectual lenses of thinkers like Marcus

Garvey, Ama Mazama, Molefi Asante, Harold Cruse, W.E.B. Dubois, Anthony Monteiro, and

Kwame Nkrumah? This study explored these and other questions using the Afrocentric method and provides an analysis of how President Obama (through symbolic metaphors in text and person) locates himself in the context of multiculturalism, political expediency, economics, religion, and war in order to discover his own special place.

51

CHAPTER 3

AFRICAN GEOGRAPHY VS. AFRICAN GEOPOLITICS:

PRESIDENT OBAMA’S SPEECH IN TANZANIA

The benefits that President Obama’s example can provide African people’s quest for liberation is one of the questions that I continuously recalled throughout this rhetorical analysis.

The question of what Obama is saying to African people held particular ironic significance

On July 1, 2013, as a part of his tour of Africa, President Obama made a stop in Dar es

Salaam, Tanzania to deliver a message of economic prosperity and corporate optimism to a business leaders’ forum. After a close review of the president’s address, I reflected upon the message of the address within the context of my primary research questions; 1) How can African people benefit from Barack Obama’s example regardless of their personal and political perspectives. 2) What is President Obama saying to African people when his words are analyzed through an Afrocentric lens? 3) How can the life of Barack Obama be transfigured into an operationalized movement? Some of the overarching themes of this address included the positive potential of collective cross-continental corporate investment and impoved living conditions that working class Tanzanians could expect as a result of strengthened, re-structured economic markets.

McDonald, Lande, and Matanda (2013) provided a current example of international business deals that proved detrimental to Africa’s quest for self-determination and economic prosperity. The authors focused on the illusion of African advancement that members of the international business community often promote. McDonald et al. detailed the sacrifices that can

52 result from some of these international business arrangements and provided the following explanation:

Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) are legally binding bilateral contracts

between the European Union and individual African countries. Once signed, EPAs

warrant that within a decade, about 80% of that country’s market should open to

European goods and services…But this is as much a pyrrhic victory as any, since

prematurely opening markets translates into African agricultural and non-

agricultural production finding it very difficult to compete with the most likely cheaper,

perhaps better quality and even larger supply of goods and services from European

countries. (p. i)

Incidents involving the exploitation of African nations through international engagements are not limited to recent history (e.g., the past 100 years). On the contrary, a long history of outside impositions and manipulations has left the African continent destabilized, culturally dislocated, and dependent upon outside assistance. The Arab enslavement of African peoples, for example, was one of the earliest processes of the conquest and subjugation of Africa. The

Arab slave trade represented a more obvious example of callous opportunistic oppression, minus many of the subtleties, proxies, and contractual complexities that often accompany modern means of outside manipulation in Africa.

The extent of these negative relationships between Africa and outsiders would only increase with the initiation of the European conquests on the continent. Asante (2011) described the negative impacts of these slave trades in The African American People: A Global History.

Asante explained,

53 Africa has experienced two foreign invasions in search of humans for slavery—the Arab

Slave Trade from the East and the European Slave Trade from the north. Both began as

interactions for trade, with Africa being the principal reservoir for goods. The two

penetrations were equally damaging to the African community and each had its own

peculiar method of attacking the trajectory of African history. Although the Arab Slave

Trade started earlier than the European Slave Trade, the first beginning in the fifteenth

century CE, they were both catastrophic for African people and their culture. (p. 33)

The 1884-1885 Berlin Conference represents a second example of outside forces profiting from their economic plans for Africa. At this meeting, representatives of 13 European countries gathered to decide how they would designate geographic areas of Africa to distinguish which European power would colonize and control the resources of each region. The propaganda associated with this initiative centered largely on a proposed desire of the European powers to “help in suppressing slavery…In truth, the strategic and economic objectives of the colonial powers, such as protecting old markets and exploiting new ones, were far more important” (David 1904) The Berlin Conference set in motion a colonial usurping of Africa’s natural recourses later termed “The Scramble for Africa.”

This meeting initiated a historic shift for Africa that had lasting cultural implications that extended well beyond physical and economic factors. One of the components that presented lasting challenges to African-centered cultural location is language. Asante and Karenga (2006) described the lingering impacts of African people operating within a linguistically European paradigm in The Handbook of Black Studies:

More than half a century after independence, commerce and government business are

still largely conducted in the languages of the colonists, and there are not many

54 indigenous African languages in use as official languages of the colonialists, and there

are not many indigenous African languages as lingua franca is a serious handicap to

national development and the nurturing of indigenous thought, because Africans are

forced to think and express themselves in foreign languages that symbolize oppression

and loss of self-prestige. (p. 32-33)

Many depictions of the nation have focused on the culture and contributions and relegated the colonizers of the land to footnotes in the larger historical context. In Tanzania: The

Land and Its People Ndembwike (2006) began by providing background information on the country:

Tanzania is the largest country in a region that is generally known as East Africa. The

other countries in the region are Kenya and Uganda and they were all once ruled by

Britain. Tanzania is also known as the origin of mankind following the discovery of

human-like fossil remains by British anthropologists, Dr. L.S.B. Leakey and his wife

Mary, in the Olduvai Gorge in Ngorongoro Crater in1959…” (p. 10)

African anthropological discoveries, cultural contributions, and political shifts in power are of interest to governments around the world, particularly their various intelligence agencies. The

Central Intelligence Agency of the United States, for example, described the economic situation in Tanzania on the organizations official website:

Tanzania is one of the world's poorest economies in terms of per capita income; however,

it has achieved high overall growth rates based on gold production and tourism. Tanzania

has largely completed its transition to a liberalized market economy, though the

government retains a presence in sectors such as telecommunications, banking, energy,

and mining. The economy depends on agriculture, which accounts for more than one-

55 quarter of GDP, provides 85% of exports, and employs about 80% of the work force. The

World Bank, the IMF, and bilateral donors have provided funds to rehabilitate Tanzania's

aging economic infrastructure, including rail and port infrastructure that are important

trade links for inland countries. (https://www.cia.gov/search?q=Tanzania&site)

A voice from within Tanzania offered significant insight into reasons why the country was a major stop for the President during his visit to Africa. When President Jakaya Kikwete sat down with journalists from Urban Pulse media, he commented on the Relationship between

Tanzania and the United States:

We have big programs with them in the U.S., from the time of President Bush. We have

the millennium challenge corporation account programs. And the largest program they

have, it's a seven hundred million dollar project. They've never given this money, so

much money to any country, which is participating in the MCA [Millennium Challenge

America] program. We have a huge program in the US.

(http://www.urbanpulse.tv/presidential-visits/)

The country of Tanzania was the first African nation to sign on to the Power Africa initiative that President Obama promoted during his U.S. tour. Although the president made many stops throughout his tour, many people were surprised that a visit to Kenya was not on his itinerary. The last time the president visited his father’s hometown of Nyang'oma Kogelo,

Kenya (where members of his family continue to reside), was as a Senator in 2006. Kenya

Television Network (KTN) reporters raised a question about his decision not to stop at Kenya.

While speaking to a gathering of students at the University of Johannesburg, Soweto Campus via satellite, a student named Margaret asked President Obama about the planning of his African tour. She inquired, “Given the shift in trade ties of Kenya to the East, how does this impact on

56 American foreign policy towards Kenya, and has the ICC indictment of our President and his deputy prevented the US from engaging with Kenya both politically and economically?”

(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T3J-VN17WKI). Obama delivered a measured, yet candid response to the suspicions that the omission of a stop in Kenya was politically motivated:

Kenya just had an election, I was very proud to see the restraint in which the election was

held. We did not see a repeat of the violence that we saw in the last election. But with

the new administration that also has to manage some of the international issues around

the ICC I did not think it was the optimal time for me to visit.

(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T3J-VN17WKI)

During President Obama’s speech, the American flag flanked his podium, and a nearby banner read, "Now is the Time to Invest in Africa: The Corporate Council on Africa is your bridge to conducting successful business in Africa." The unambiguous messaging expressed through this advertisement, emphasized the commercial intentions and perceptions of the African continent from the vantage point of American politics and consumerism.

"The Corporate Council on Africa is a non-profit organization that was formed in 1993 with a primary goal of fostering stronger business relationships between the United States and the many nations of Africa” (http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/07/01/remarks- president-obama-and-president-kikwete-tanzania-joint-press-confe). Ron Brown, David C.

Miller, Frank H. Kennedy, Kevin Callwood, and Jack Edlow formed The Corporate Council on

Africa (CCA) during the Clinton administration. A cursory analysis of the organization provides additional insight into the political climate of the time and the national interests that led to its creation. In a 1999 interview with the online magazine The African, founder Kevin Callwood

57 explained the factors that led him to bring together the first group to discuss his vision of creating an organization that would later materialize into CCA.

Callwood felt, in 1991 and early 1992, the newly democratic countries of Africa such as

Benin (in the west) didn’t really have a strong background in dealing with American

businesses. So Callwood would invite African leaders to OPIC to meet with American

corporate leaders to talk about business opportunities, due to the lack of an organization

specifically charged with such a mandate…Today, CCA’s member companies range

from Fortune 100 and 500 companies to small and African American-owned businesses

which, together, represent nearly 85 percent of total U.S. private sector investment in

Africa. (http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/07/01/remarks-president-

obama-and-president-kikwete-tanzania-joint-press-confe)

The CCA plans to play an increasingly important role in the future of international business that correlates their efforts with the rapidly expanding economic potential spreading across the African continent. The Economist documented the critical role that Africa will play in the future of international business in “Africa’s Impressive Growth.” The article explained, “An analysis by The Economist finds that over the ten years to 2010, six of the world's ten fastest- growing economies were in sub-Saharan Africa. On IMF forecasts Africa will grab seven of the top ten places over the next five years…” (http://www.africacncl.org/about). According to

CCA’s official website,

CCA is the premier American organization devoted to U.S. – Africa business relations

and includes as members more than 160 companies, which represent nearly 85 percent of

total U.S. private sector investments in Africa. The Corporate Council on Africa

members range from America’s smallest to largest corporations. They represent a diverse

58 pool of industries from more than 20 key sectors, including agribusiness, energy,

infrastructure, security, power, health-care, telecommunications and finance.

(http://www.africacncl.org/about)

Analysis of President Obama’s Speech

President Obama began the address by greeting all attendees and specifically recognizing certain individuals for their support and political/professional contributions, including President

Kikwete, the people of Dar es Salaam, and others. President Obama shared the main idea of his address and stated, “Now, we just had an opportunity to have a terrific conversation with some of you about what we can be doing together—investment between our countries and economic growth here in Africa. And that's what I want to just speak on briefly today”

(http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/07/01/remarks-president-obama-and- president-kikwete-tanzania-joint-press-confe). President Obama used this moment to utilize the ideas of hope and change, so prevalent during his election campaign, to encourage meaningful, tangible, political transitions across the continent. Interestingly, this optimistic quote dealt with the link between agency and empowerment. The president’s acknowledgement of the importance of agency creates a remote link between his address and Afrocentricity, however there exists a significant difference between the cultural libratory agency expressed in

Afrocentricity and the President’s promotion of capitalistic, economic agency.

In Afrocentricity, Asante (2009) stated, “Afrocentricity is a paradigm based on the idea that African people should re-assert a sense of agency in order to achieve sanity” President

Obama described the future relationship between Africa and the United States as a partnership that relied greatly upon the genuine opportunity for Africans to assert their agency in a way that would increase their potential to become major figures in the world of international business.

59 The popularity of the President appears to give greater legitimacy to his vision for Africa’s international business potential.

Barack Obama and Political Opposition

Despite the rhetorical capabilities and optimistic focus on agency, President Obama remains a politically polarizing figure who attracts both criticism and praise. Many of these critiques come from members of the Republican Party and the Tea Party. One of the reproaches that may be more of a political strategy than a genuine assessment casts President Obama as an elitist who talks down to African Americans. Two such examples that categorized him as out of touch or snobbish came from Rick Santorum, a Republican senator from Pennsylvania, and the

National Rifle Association (NRA). On February 25, 2012, a crowd of Tea Party activists in

Troy, Michigan met Senator Rick Santorum’s categorization of President Obama as a snob with rousing applause. Santorum stated,

President Obama once said that he wants everybody in America to go to college--what a

snob. There are good decent men and women who go out and work hard every day who

put their skills to test, who aren’t taught by some liberal college professor that wants to

indoctrinate them. Oh, I understand why he wants you to go to college; he wants to

remake you in his image. (https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2012/02/27/santorums-

views-higher-education-and-satan)

Even the NRA, one of the most powerful lobbies in American, opted to frame President

Obama as an elitist and even used his children as political fodder. The Washington Post published an article on January 15, 2013 that detailed the negative campaign advertisement:

“The National Rifle Association released a new video on its Web site Tuesday calling President

Obama an "elitist hypocrite" for having Secret Service protection of his daughters at school but

60 saying he was "skeptical" about installing armed guards in all schools”

(http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-politics/wp/2013/01/15/nra-obama-ad/). It appeared that individuals, organizations, and major corporations all had an interest in portraying the president as disconnected from the African American community. A number of mainstream media outlets ran stories which included descriptions of Obama being an elitists/snob, including

The New York Times (“Elitism: The Charge Obama Can’t Shake”), The Washington Post

(“Obama the Snob”), and U.S News & World Report (“Obama’s Ivy Elitism on Display”). Baker

(2010) noted that such sentiments represent “a perception promoted by his critics that he is a

Harvard-educated millionaire elitist who is sure that he knows best and thinks that those who disagree just aren’t in their right minds” (Gerson (2010) put forth the argument that, “He is an intellectual snob” (para.2), and Stiehm (2013) alleges that “Obama’s penchant for Larry

Summers is just one way in which he displays his Harvard-bred snobbery” These types of disparaging depictions are par for the political course, where thick skin and strong words play an everyday role.

Presidents Obama’s visit to Africa represented a consistent effort to shift attention away from personal critiques and onto his desire to implement political policies that he perceived as advantageous to the national interests of the United States. The president focused the conversation at the July 1st meeting in Tanzania by making the following statement:

This is the final leg of my visit to Africa. And at every stop, one of my main messages

has been that, even as this continent faces great challenges, this is also a moment of great

promise for Africa. And it’s a tribute to the extraordinary drive, and talents, and

determination of Africans all across the continent. (http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-

61 office/2013/07/01/remarks-president-obama-and-president-kikwete-tanzania-joint-press-

confe)

In a 2009, famed Civil Rights proponent Jesse Jackson, a purported Obama supporter, harshly and publicly criticized the president in a situation that became international news just one year into Obama’s presidency. During an interview with Fox News, Jackson failed to realize that his microphone was on, and it captured controversial whispered comments about his displeasure with Obama's seemingly condescending approach to the Black community. Jackson stated that

Obama was "talking down to Black people" and went so far as to threaten Obama with castration because of his displeasure (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/07/16/jesse-jackson-caught-on- m_n_111732.html). During a telephone interview with CNN’s Don Lemon, Jackson apologized for his comments and provided additional context about what motivated his remarks by sharing part of a conversation he had with a fellow guest on the Fox News program:

He asked about Barack’s speeches lately at the Black churches. I said they could come off as speaking down to Black people. The moral message must be a much broader message. What we need really is racial justice and urban policy and jobs and health care.

(http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/07/16/jesse-jackson-caught-on-m_n_111732.html)

Jackson's proposed means of assault (castration) presented greater tragic irony when one considered the historic racial implications of this cruel and unusual practice. In The Devils Lane:

Sex and Race in the Early South, Clinton and Gillespie (1997) provided numerous motivations for the horrendous act of castration. The authors stated,

Specifically, the punishment of castration enabled colonial and state governments to

spare their treasuries and the exorbitant costs of compensating salve SLAVE owners for

condemned slaves convicted of serious crimes, among which were rape and attempted

62 rape. Castration served the dual purpose of saving money while maintaining control over

the slave population; it allowed colonial authorities to punish felonious slave behavior

and deter future slave crime while minimizing the financial loses to individual slave

owners or the colonial or state governments. (Clinton & Gillespie, 1997, p.86)

Jesse Jackson's choice of words when critiquing Obama might have revealed a level of cultural dislocation. This type of occurrence can negatively impact Black psychology, politics, and even preferred methods of punishment. The traumatic history of castration and its relationship to chattel enslavement and European oppression of African people begs the question, why would one Black man make such comments (suggesting castration) about another?

President Obama attempted to counter negative perceptions about his rhetoric towards

Black people and his economic intentions regarding the future of US and African relationships during his speech in Tanzania. Obama expressed his vision by stating the following:

So, I see Africa as the world’s next major economic success story. And the United States

wants to be a partner in that success. That’s why OPIC [Overseas Private Investment

Corporation] has tripled its investments in Africa, from hospitals in Ghana to biomass

power generation right here in Tanzania. We launched a campaign to encourage more

American companies to do business here. (http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-

office/2013/07/01/remarks-president-obama-and-president-kikwete-tanzania-joint-press-

confe)

These optimistic initiatives and professional projections have not prevented critical descriptions of Obama as a Black promoter of overwhelmingly White American interests, or as a president who takes his political support from African Americans for granted. The primary promoters of this representation of Barack Obama tend to be Black Republicans. Raynard

63 Jackson, an African American who runs a blog titled, Black Republican, published an article on

July 16, 2013 that he called, “Obama is a ‘Do-Nothing’ (For Blacks) President.” Jackson began his article with a rhetorical statement that asked, “What type of return on their votes has the

Black community received? Zero. They have received lectures, been talked down to, and, more often, totally ignored” (http://www.blackvoicenews.com/commentary/more-commentary/48906-obama-is-a-do- nothing-for-blacks-president.html)

He continued by articulating a contrast between various interest groups/political demographics that Barack Obama met with and addressed periodically. Jackson made the following accusation:

Let’s compare the White House’s official readout from the meeting with the

Congressional Black Caucus from 2010, 2011, and 2013. Notice that there is always at

least a year in between meetings with the Black Caucus, but he meets with Hispanics and

homosexuals on a regular basis. (http://www.blackvoicenews.com/commentary/more-

commentary/48906-obama-is-a-do-nothing-for-blacks-president.html)

Jackson identified certain factors as evidence that the Obama administration placed political importance on certain demographic groups. This evidence included the frequency of the administration’s political engagement and their focus on the specific concerns of different demographics. Jackson noted, “Every time Obama meets with homosexuals or Hispanics, it’s always to discuss specific legislation of interest to them, not to have some broad, free-wheeling conversation” (http://www.blackvoicenews.com/commentary/more-commentary/48906-obama- is-a-do-nothing-for-blacks-president.html). Judging from certain policy initiatives, Supreme court Justice nominations and racial rhetoric, there appears to be some legitimacy to the critical perception of President Obama that Jackson expresses

64 This depiction of Barack Obama as someone who is disinterested in the concerns of Black

America is very different from the alternate persona of Obama as a great international symbol of unity or a political prodigal son who would restore a new level of self-determination and productivity to the homeland of his ancestors. The positive political spins that dominated

Obama’s presidential bid were part of a carefully controlled imaging campaign. These strategic representations helped Barack Obama become president in 2008 (Gerstrin, 2008; Ngourney,

2008).

Since he has been in office, President Barack Obama has utilized his diverse image to the advantage of his administration and the United States, and he has identified with international communities of color by addressing them as part of a shared international community. In

Tanzania, he blended affability with a trust in the potential for African self-empowerment.

Obama stated,

But let me be candid, improving AGOA [The American Growth and Opportunity Act,

President Clinton 2000] is not going to be enough. The real answer to unlocking the next

era of African growth is not in Washington, it is here in Africa. And during the

discussion with business leaders, we’ve got some terrific ideas about how we can release

that energy. (http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/07/01/remarks-president-

obama-business-leaders-forum)

President Obama directed this address toward men and women who had taken part in the 2013

Tanzanian forum. The message of collective advancement through capitalistic cooperation was a far cry from Marcus Mosiah Garvey's earlier international declaration of "Africa for the

Africans" (Garvey, 1922). Instead of the Garveyite incentives that urged men and women to take a nationalist approach to the control of natural resources of Africa; Obama, addressing the CCA,

65 stressed the importance of progressive business relationships between Africa and other members of the international business community, without mentioning the overwhelming degree of foreign control of Africa’s natural resources.

The speech Obama delivered in Tanzania highlighted economic and capitalist methods of empowerment rather than addressing cultural deficiencies akin to those that Black intellectual

Harold Cruse (1967) highlighted in his text, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual. Cruse advanced the following idea:

[A] Cultural revolution by a critical assault on the methods and ideology of the old-guard

[Left wing, integrationist] Negro intellectual elite. The failures and ideological

shortcomings of this group have meant that no new directions or insights have been

imparted to the Negro masses. (p. 99)

Asante (2009) responded to Cruse’s intellectual analyses using the agency-centered ideology of

Afrocentricity. Asante explained the importance of Cruse’s work and its connection to

Afrocentricity in the following statement:

I believe his contribution rests in several places and at several levels of inquiry. Cruse is

concerned with culture, politics, education and economics. By virtue of his concern with

the African American community exercising its own volition in terms of culture and

economics he is a cultural nationalist. The plea he made in Rebellion or Revolution

(Cruse, 1969) for a radical cultural theory indicates that he was a forerunner of the

Afrocentric idea. He sees these issues from the standpoint of African American history

and investigates the various dimensions of the issues from the standpoint of political

maturity and cultural consciousness. (p. 48-67)

66 The cultural consciousness that Cruse and Asante emphasized throughout their respective works was not a major focus of the president’s address in Tanzania, or of his overall political rhetoric.

Obama’s emphasis on industrial/economic advancement may be evidence of his pragmatism as much as it reveals a potential cultural dislocation which emphasizes commerce over community.

Many of the fastest growing economies in the world are on the continent of Africa, including

Ghana, Rwanda, Mozambique, and Libya (Kristoff, 2012). President Obama’s proposed plan for

African economic development, largely devoid of a cultural component, is reminiscent of the strategies for economic advancement promoted by Booker T. Washington.

On September 18, 1895, Booker T. Washington delivered one of his most renowned addresses, The 1895 Atlanta Compromise Speech. In this speech, Washington recommended that

Blacks in America to focus their energies on the potential benefits of pragmatic industrial vocations rather than abstract theoretical intellectual pursuits or the acquisition of political representation. A reprint of Washington’s famous address is available in the Encyclopedia of

African American Society (Jaynes, 2005). During his speech, Washington made the following statement:

To those of my race who depend on bettering their condition in a foreign land…I would

say: Cast down your bucket where you are…Cast it down in agriculture, mechanics, in

commerce, in domestic service, and in the professions. And in this connection it is well to

bear in mind that whatever other sins the South may be called to bear, when it comes to

business, pure and simple, it is in the South that the Negro is given a man’s chance in the

commercial world, and in nothing is this Exposition more eloquent than in emphasizing

this chance. (p.174)

67 The President utilized similar themes of pragmatism and personal accountability to those that brought fame and diverse support to the rhetoric of Booker T. Washington. In this vein, Obama asserted the following:

First of all, African governments are going to have to take the lead -- not because the

United States says so, but because that’s what works best. And for those willing to do the

hard work of the necessary reforms to create a vibrant market economy and business

environment, the United States is going to be a steady and eager partner. So, for example,

the vast majority of Africans working in agriculture, that’s potential that has not been

fully tapped. So we need country-led plans that can attract private capital so we’re

boosting the income of small farmers, which can fuel broad-based economic growth and

lift 50 million Africans from poverty, putting some money in the pockets of the

agricultural sector -- small farmers, small shareholders. (http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-

press-office/2013/07/01/remarks-president-obama-business-leaders-forum)

One of the primary differences (aside from the obvious geographic distinctions) between the rhetoric of Booker T. Washington and this speech given by President Obama in Tanzania is the scope of the inspiration provided. While Washington spoke almost exclusively of a massive blue collar uplift, Obama discussed the cooperation between members of the working class and corporate class in an effort to bring about a positive economic shift across the African continent.

The most sweeping critique of both men’s rhetoric and symbolic, metaphoric representation has been the way their critics have labeled them as overly accommodating of White America.

The critiques of Barack Obama’s political compromises extend beyond the domestic racial paradigm into the sphere of international politics. The Hoover Institution at Stanford

68 University produced an article entitled, The Accommodator: Obama’s Foreign Policy. In the article, writer (Collin Dueck 2011) made the following deduction:

The centerpiece of Obama’s overall foreign policy strategy is the concept of

accommodation. Specifically, the president believes that international rivalries can be

accommodated by American example and by his own integrative personal leadership.

The problem is not that Obama has no grand strategy. The problem is that it is not

working. (pg 211)

Booker T Washington received criticism for his accommodating tendencies generations before

President Obama met with similar depictions. Washington’s critics primarily included Blacks who believed that Washington’s perceived pandering and compromises ranged from representations of racial naiveté to outright acts of betrayal. In an article entitled, Booker T.

Washington and W.E.B. Dubois: The Problem of Negro Leadership, Gibson (1978) characterized

Washington as an accomodationist:

The philosophy of Washington was one of accommodation to white oppression. He

advised blacks to trust the paternalism of the southern whites and accept the fact of white

supremacy. He stressed the mutual interdependence of blacks and whites in the South,

but said they were to remain socially separate. (pg72)

The thrust for African American vocational accountability has run through the rhetoric of both

Washington and President Obama. The address given by the president in Tanzania displayed a similar theme of self-sufficiency. The focus from the beginning of the address was on personal responsibility and characteristics like optimism and fortitude, rather than the historical atrocities committed against African people or strategies for repairing racially stratified and institutionalized inequities.

69 There is a Eurocentric method of viewing history that does not pay much attention to the importance of historical context. This psychological negation of previous (and in many cases existing) racial realities often leads to the creation/maintenance of a mythological historical identity that focuses, in great measure, on the power of the present and potential for the future.

The resulting mentality is evident throughout popular narratives of American history. Whether examining the genocide of the indigenous peoples of North America or the terrors of the

European slave trade, there exists a tendency on the part of revisionist Eurocentric historians

(and others) to romanticize, omit, or distort these types of events, traditions, and institutions.

This “reservation psychology” represents a cognitive detachment from foundational historical/contemporary realities that create an ultimately fragile, contradictory worldview.

The early colonists pushed members of indigenous groups to the outskirts of various parts of what would later become North America and attempted to decimate their populations while developing a self-perception of being civilized. Centuries later, the Reservation Psychology manifests today in a number of belief systems, including hyper-patriotism, denial, ahistorical outlooks, mythology, revisionist history, and xenophilia. This was polarized during the

Administration of George W. Bush and afterwards thrown into the leadership lap of Barack

Obama like a political hot potato.

Faced with the tremendous task of ridding the White House of the problems exacerbated by the previous president and repackaging the American image into an ironically kinder and gentler one was no easy task. President Obama donned the hats of mediator, messiah, and moralist (just to name a few) in an effort to represent a new America. This versatility was useful because despite having spent five years in the office of the presidency, the tumultuous nature of the previous 400 years of African and American interaction required the masterful oratorical

70 skills of framing and persuasion in selling the type of partnership that the president was in

Tanzania to promote. President Obama explained,

I believe this creates opportunities for new kinds of relationship between the United

States and Africa -- a partnership rooted in equality and shared interests. And it starts by

building on the progress that we’re seeing and empowering Africans to access even

greater economic opportunity…So more growth and opportunity in Africa can mean

more growth and opportunity in the United States. And this is not charity; this is self-

interest. (http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/07/01/remarks-president-

obama-business-leaders-forum)

This quote shows that President Obama was encouraged by the possibility of improved interactions between the United States and Africa. This new relationship of which the president speaks would mark an age of unprecedented industrial/economic reciprocity. This cooperative arrangement would be a remarkable change from generations of enslavement, colonization, apartheid, exploitation, and economic manipulation. President Obama’s plan ideally would improve upon the efforts of his recent presidential predecessors.

The Clinton Administration Record in Sub-Saharan Africa provided a year-by-year analysis of the events that took place in Africa during the Clinton administration and detailed the

U.S. international policies that directly impacted the sub-Saharan region of the continent

(Promoting U.S. Investment in Sub-Saharan Africa, Roshen Hendrickson described key legislation and efforts at conflict resolution. According to, “African Growth and Opportunity

Act, AGOA, in May 2000, a landmark piece of legislation which will boost trade with reforming

African nations and benefit Americans and Africans alike” went on to discuss issues of conflict mediation:

71 The U.S. was instrumental in promoting conflict resolution in many parts of Sub-Saharan

Africa, working through the United Nations and other multilateral and bilateral fora in

support of mediation efforts. The U.S. played key roles in brokering peace in

Mozambique in 1994 and in Liberia in 1997. (Distributed by the Office of International

Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)

Critics of the Clinton administration’s interaction with Africa often highlight the tragic atrocities that took place in Rwanda during the Clinton years. The former president discussed those tragic circumstances during a CNBC interview with Reporter Tania Bryer. Clinton admitted to Brywer

,“If we'd gone in sooner, I believe we could have saved at least a third of the lives that were lost...it had an enduring impact on me" (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RpKV8psvnaQ)

President Obama stressed the importance of taking a more proactive approach to the issues that plagued US-Africa relations. George W. Bush supporters often touted his administration’s record with U.S.-Africa relations as one of the best in recent history. The White

House website casts the Bush legacy in a most favorable light stating, “President Bush Helped

Save Millions Of Lives Through The President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief And The

President's Malaria Initiative”

(http://georgewbushwhitehouse.archives.gov/infocus/bushrecord/factsheets/globalhealth.html)

Other reports have described George Bush’s record in Africa less favorably. In one such article, The Indelible Stain, The Real Story About Bush, HIV/AIDS and Africa, Author Rob

Prince (2013) asserted,

By emphasizing Bush’s Africa anti-AIDS campaign, most recent explanation for this

award, the Korbel School is not doing anything original. A look at the mainstream

72 American media over the past months – starting in the early Spring – suggests nothing

short of a coordinated media campaign to reshape Bush’s image. (p.87)

Through a firm partnership with investors and working class Africans, President Obama has expressed his desire for a relationship that will prevent the need for image control or reactionary foundation forming. The president has attempted to achieve what he framed as “a mutually beneficial connection” by drawing links between shared interests and shared prosperity.

This brief section of Obama’s early rhetorical engagement of investors merges the interests of international big business with the desired destiny of the working class/agricultural community of Tanzania. This rhetorical strategy technique is slightly different from the popular salesperson strategy described as “bait and switch.” In this practice, salespersons bait potential purchasers/investors into becoming interested in a particular product only to later discover that the desired merchandise is unavailable. At that time, the salesperson redirects their attention to a different (often higher-priced) option.

The President’s strategy in this address can be described as being different in form yet similar in function to the bait and switch strategy. This rhetorical device employed by Barack

Obama could be more accurately described as a bait and shift. The bait in this scenario is the potential for economic growth and increased opportunity. The shift (as opposed to a switch) takes place with the expansion/merging of the target audience instead of any changes in the availability of the promoted product. The true intended target of this proposal (the investors) is amalgamated (shifted) to connect with the larger African population through the propagation of the illusion of common interests between the two targets. The bait in this instance (economic prosperity) is not being substituted with a separate promise yet the initial guarantees of the pitch appear to possess the potential for optimism and compromise that may not necessarily translate

73 into a significant adjustment of the existing power dynamic that currently exist between America and Africa (borrower and lender). A shift in consciousness occurs by leaving the excitement of the ideal to the sobering ensuing reality. Furthermore, the idea of economic empowerment becomes a relative concept if in fact those who poses more than others are economically growing at similar (or exponentially faster) rates.

In many business arrangements, the interest of big business is rarely shared with the long- term interests of the lower level workers who perpetuate its profits. President Obama drives the idea of a unified, mutually beneficial economic destiny with terms like; “self-interest,” “shared interest” and “it’s not charity”. Obama refers to this proposed direction that is “rooted in equality” as marking a new interaction between Africa and America. This indirect implication of potential prior difficulties could represent some awareness of the legacy of exploitation and inequality that are largely responsible for many of the current detrimental conditions that continue to plague the African continent. Unfortunately we are left to contrast Obama’s potential allusion with his undeniable direct sell. In my analysis, the information that is clearly stated speaks more powerfully than what could possibly be inferred in this instance.

Obama further positions himself as a consummate seller of the American dream rather than the political prodigal son from Africa that many on the Continent hoped for upon witnessing his election. Obama continues his attempts to persuade stating, “We need to make sure more

Africans are taking advantage of the opportunity to export to the United States. And one of the best ways to do that is to make sure more African goods can compete in the global marketplace.

And that means more opportunities for small and medium-sized companies, and entrepreneurs, and merchants and farmers, including women. Globalvoicesonline.org covered the Tanzanian response to Barack Obama’s 2008 electoral victory over Republican candidate John McCain.

74 The thread of hopefulness that was woven through the many positive responses on the site represents a consistent theme that extended throughout much of the continent. One optimistic Tanzanian wrote, “Obama! Obama! Kila mtaa hapa bongo watu wote ni Obama,

Obama kufuatia ushindi wake wa kishindo huko Marekani,”2 to begin a message that could be translated to reveal the depth of the optimism many Tanzanians possessed regarding international politics. Translation, “In every street here in Bongo (a slang for Tanzania) everybody talks about

Obama following his emphatic win in the US. After every sentence the second one must have the word ‘Obama'. It is possible that while his supporters celebrate world over, he is thinking about a strategy to steer America (and other parts of the world) from the present state to a far better place.”3

The hope that many people in Africa (and around the world) sought through Obama’s victory was connected to a desire to do away with politics as usual at home and abroad). The idea of Obama possibly becoming a refined darker skinned representation of western imperialism was perhaps their worst nightmare. Many Afrocentric scholars have taken a less idealistic approach to the potential cultural implications of the election of Barack Obama. Such pragmatism leads many members of the Afrocentric community to be unfazed when Barack

Obama promotes the existing American Eurocentric and/or Imperialistic agenda. In 2007. Ama

Mazama served as Guest Editor for a special issue of The Journal of Black Studies. In a section entitled, “The Barack Obama Phenomenon Mazama writes, “As President of the United States,

2 Tanzania: Obama Fabrics, http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/02/tanzania-obama- fabrics/ (accessed December 30, 2013). 3 Tanzania: Obama Fabrics, http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/02/tanzania-obama- fabrics/ (accessed December 30, 2013).

75 Obama would also be expected to promote and defend White hegemony, nationally and internationally.”4

Other perspectives of Barack Obama were even more damning. Some claimed that

President Barack Obama is more the son of Perdition than Commander in chief as illustrated in the scathing documentary entitled, The Executive: Obama’s Real Reason He Wants Your Guns.

The documentary’s creator Christopher Greene cites numerous actions of Obama and his administration that he feels helps substantiate the argument that the majority of Obama’s political rhetoric is little more than empty promises and propaganda used to distract the unsuspecting on either side of the aisle. Greene condemns Obama by stating, “He has armed

America’s enemies through Benghazi, violating his oath of office by sending monies and weapons of war to insurgents in Syria by Al-Qaeda terrorists…He has violated federal law by overseeing a cover-up surrounding Attorney General Eric Holder’s operation Fast and Furious and the running of guns to Mexican Drug Cartels.”5 This type of opposition must be understood and effectively deconstructed in order to effectively operationalized.

The speech delivered in Tanzania, however, gave no attention to the subjects of any of these critiques. Obama instead used his campaign messaging of Hope and Change to promote the expansion of American empire while utilizing the velvet glove of his Kenyan ancestry as a primary weapon of persuasion. Some key components of African strength and independence were unfortunately absent from Obama’s optimistic dialogue with his audience in Tanzania.

President Obama rejoiced in stating that, “Africa is home to many of the world’s fastest-growing economies. Sectors like retail, telecom and manufacturing are gaining speed. And here in East

4 Ama Mazama, JSTOR: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 38, No. 1 (Sep., 2007), pp.3-6, Sept 2007, December 2013 Path: Mazama; Obama; Black Studies 5 Christopher Greene, The Executive: Obama’s Real Reason He Wants Your Guns., Documentary, 2013.

76 Africa, in just over a decade, the region’s economy quadrupled. The world is investing in Africa like never before. In fact, we’re close to reaching a historic milestone where foreign aid to

Africa is surpassed by foreign investment in Africa. And that’s great news.”6

The issue of historical contextualization in the shaping of cultural and intellectual location is evident in the enthusiasm of President Obama as he describes the economic opportunities possible in the new deal that he is proposing in Tanzania. A divide often occurs between people who locate their roots on a slave ship rather than on a throne or in an ancient

African University or simply in harmony with nature (Ma’at).

African people who achieve are often viewed as novelties instead of representing a glimpse of former greatness that existed in vast abundance in times past. Obama appears to exclude the weight of Africa’s classical past and present position as the world’s leader in the possession of many natural resources when he states, "And that growth is changing lives.

Poverty rates are coming down. Incomes are going up. More Africans are joining a growing middle class. African consumers are spending more and creating new markets where we can all sell our goods."7 Obama continues, “And we’ve seen progress. Over the past decade, under the

African Growth and Opportunity Act, African exports to the U.S. have surged, and support jobs across the continent. Our exports to Africa have tripled -- with Caterpillar, for example, from my home state of Illinois, selling mining trucks to Mozambique. Boeing is selling airplanes to

Kenya -- Kenya Airways.”8 An element that is absent from these excerpts is a push for an

African economic self- determination that could be considered the first step on the road to true independence. The American leadership that Obama represents in combination to the focus of

6 Tanzania: Obama Fabrics, http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/02/tanzania-obama- fabrics/ (accessed December 30, 2013). 7 Obama. 8 ibid.

77 his address creates interesting contrast with an African who was extremely optimistic about his plan for Africa, Kwame Nkrumah. Born inNkroful on September 21 1909, Nkruhma became a leader of the Gold region, which later became Ghana. Dr. Zizwe Poe, a Professor at Lincoln

University wrote an article entitled, Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, A Lincoln University

Alumnus:

His Profound Impact on Pan-African Agency. In this article Poe details some of Nkrumah’s significant contributions including;

• Nkrumah linked the traditions of West African nationalism and Pan-African

nationalism.

• Nkrumah initiated and developed the first Pan-African liberated state in modern

history.

• Nkrumah elevated Pan-African movement to the level of nation-states.

• Nkrumah developed the notion of socialist African union as the optimal zone for the

African personality, genius.

• Nkrumah offered a formal philosophy to defend the ideology of the African

Revolution.

• Nkrumah initiated the first African state sponsored effort for Afrocentric research.

(http://www.lincoln.edu/history/journal/millette.htm)

There are a number of parallels between the lives of these two sons of Africa, despite the glaring differences in political perspective and cultural orientation. One notable comparison could be made in the realm of education. Kwame Botwe-Asamoah discusses Nkrumah’s dedication and contributions to education. In a chapter entitled, Nkrumah’s Cultural Policy: The

National Theater Movement and the Academy, Asamoah reminds readers, “We must always bear

78 in mind that Nkrumah’s educational policy at the University of Ghana was crucial to his cultural policy, in terms of African-centered orientation towards intellectual and artistic pursuits.” Both of these internationally known political figures emphasized the impact that studying abroad had on their worldview and lives in general.

Barack Obama discusses the significance of having his intellectual and experiential horizons broadened by the opportunity to be educated in a variety of diverse settings around the world. In a speech that Obama delivered in Jakarta where he was once educated he expressed how meaningful his time spent there was as he began by addressing the audience in their native tongue stating, “Indonesia is a part of me”. This opening is a far cry from the difficulty Obama encountered pronouncing the African names he recognized during his Tanzania visit. The potential impacts of Kwame Nkrumah’s international education are explored by independent researcher Marika Sherwood in her text entitled, Kwame Nkrumah: The Years Abroad (1935-

1947). Sherwood explores Nkrumah’s time in America and in the United Kingdom in contrast to his African educational foundation and his eventual pivotal returns home to Africa.

An important chapter in the Sherwood’s text, details the extent to which Nkrumah was involved with various events and organizations on the campus of Lincoln University in

Pennsylvania. The activities listed were substantial despite numerous reports that Kwame

Nkrumah could be a bit of an introvert who was socially awkward at times. Sherwood touches on Nkrumah’s extra curricula collegiate participation stating,

During his undergraduate years, Francis Nkrumah, as he called himself, lived on the

Lincoln campus on the fourth floor of Cresson Hall. He joined the Fireside Club,

described as a 'contemplative group' the Philosophy and Science Clubs, and briefly the

Dramatic Society. He was also elected a member of the business and education oriented

79 Phi Beta Sigma fraternity, which annually held a Bigger and Better Negro Business week

and conducted an Educational Observance Program.9

Obama dealt with periods of introversion and social awkwardness as well. Barack Obama was also involved in a number of organizations in school including the Harvard Law Review before being elected the first African American to head the organization.

The fact that President Obama mentions Nkrumah’s homeland of Ghana ("So as part of our partnership for growth, we're working with countries like Tanzania and Ghana to make sure rules and regulations are encouraging investment, not scaring it away.”) is interesting but not the most glaring juxtaposition found in this speech as it relates to these two leaders. The primary economic selling point of Obama’s address is however, eerily correlated to the legacy of the man often considered, one of Ghana’s greatest politically conscious leaders. One of the most popular economic initiatives that Nkrumah is remembered for is his visionary Volta River Project. In author David Rooney’s text entitled, Kwame Nkrumah, Vision and Tragedy he discusses the grandeur of the Volta River project. Rooney explains, “Through the Volta River Project, he set out to make Ghana the nucleus of an industrial Base for the whole of Africa, and to save the continent from the debt-creating attentions of the capitalist world.”10

The fact that Nkrumah’s grand vision for Ghana and for Africa never came to fruition has been attributed to a variety of factors. Poe explained the derailment when he writes,

“Against the backdrop of that relationship the BBC spent little time and space in

explaining why Nkrumah was elected but chose to highlight Nkrumahs authoritarian style

and coup d’etat that toppled his Ghanaian government. The British, USA, French, and

9 Marika Sherwood, Kwame Nkrumah: The Years Abroad (1935-1947) (Legon: Freedom Publications, 1996). 10 David Rooney, Kwame Nkrumah: Vision and Tragedy (Legon: Sub-Saharan Publishers, 2008).

80 Israeli secret services have been implicated by various sources in the orchestration of that

police and military usurpation of civilian authority in 1966.”

(http://www.lincoln.edu/history/journal/millette.htm)

The idea of independence through invention and innovation is a concept that appeared to drive Nkrumah's political consciousness. The irony of Obama's business proposal at this forum is found in his desire to introduce a plan that deals with energy in a very different vein. Obama states, "We also know that unleashing Africa's economic potential demands more access to electricity. That’s how businesses keep the light on. That’s how communities can literally connect to the global economy. And more than two-thirds of the people in sub-Saharan Africa have no access to electricity, even as Africa's potential to produce energy is vast. And that’s unacceptable in 2013. So that’s why, yesterday, I announced Power Africa -- our initiative to double access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa."11 The use of the term sub-Saharan Africa indicates a specific analytical location that divides the African continent according to a European influenced view of Africa. When this region is described as Sub Saharan

The most obvious difference found in Obama's sales pitch is from that of Nkrumah is who the primary beneficiary of the plan is upon coming to fruition. In Obama's proposal the focus is on the many ways that Africa can benefit from a reciprocal economic initiative while partnering with countries and companies on other continents who ultimately stand to benefit more from these affiliations. There are undeniable aspects of severe dislocation throughout this address. I offer no defense for any political rhetoric, actions or policies of the Obama administration that negatively impact African people. I am aware of the ways in which such

11 Ibid.

81 flaws can be polarized by enemies in a way that come to completely characterize a person’s entire analytical value if left unchecked.

My concerns are however with the potential appropriation of the memory of Obama’s

Presidency which results from the numerous legacies of African American leaders that remain the subjects of continued struggles for differing historical perspectives. These conceptual contentions occupy a significant portion of debates within the academic and public spheres. In an article by Molefi Kete Asante entitled, Afrocentricity and an Approach to Peace in the World, an argument is made that casts the legacy of Nkruhma as a Philosopher, working towards world peace in the tradition of his classical African ancestors. Asante writes, “…there have been political Philosophers who have proposed enterprises that create the conditions for world peace.

Kwame Nkrumah is one of such philosophers. He is, in fact, in a long line of such philosophers dating back to Imhotep, whose very name means, “He who comes in peace.”

(http://www.unisa.ac.za/news/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Molefi-Asante-article1.pdf)

Possessing a greater understanding of how certain traps are avoided can empower

African/African American historic personalities and historians alike to develop pre-emptive resistance to the expected attempts to reduce and remove their retrospective impacts/eminence.

The maturation of racial analysis and the refinement of pragmatic cultural paradigms are discussed at length in Michael Tillotson’s text entitled, The Invisible Jim Crow. In this work,

Tillotson commented of concerns regarding the idea of Obama’s election somehow ushering in a post racial society. Tillotson writes, “In other words, while the principal propaganda will be the issue of a post racial society, as long as we see this as the Obama era, there will be the advancement of white privilege in reality. It is wrong to assume that society has undergone the transformation that is needed to reduce racism.” (Michael Tillotson African World Press 2011)

82 Through the implementation of the Beneficial Extraction Method my intention is not to assist Barack Obama in topping any post Presidency or posthumous popularity lists. The purpose of my research and the utilization of this analytical instrument (beneficial extraction) are to draw out what is productive from Barack Obama’s example in order to empower African people regardless of their cultural location in a way that will assist in developing the level of confidence and strategic awareness needed to achieve greater degrees of meaningful progress for the movement to center African people as primary agents of their own history, present and future. The ability to access the meaning and momentum of Barack Obama’s symbolic and rhetorical potentialities offer a number of valuable tools that can stifle the negative possibilities of appropriation and revisionist history. At times throughout his Tanzanian address Obama appeared to offer ample ammunition to those who seek to relegate his legacy to that of a racially detached, politically disastrous puppet of western imperialism.

When Obama discusses African accountability, a chink in his rhetorical armor of equality seems to widen. President Obama shows an edge of political patriarchy when he advises the

African people on the best method of achieving African progress, through the stepping up of

African leadership. The lack of historical context regarding the role of Western Imperialism

(neo colonialism, covert military involvement in political and economic destabilization and specifically the “aid” programs waged by the World Monetary Fund) leaves statements of accountability by the commander in chief ringing hypocritical. Through to his conclusion

Obama maintains a focus on capitalism, consumerism and African accountability, never once directly addressing economic independence, apartheid, colonialism, Reparations or historical racial inequities in Africa. Obama States, “And, finally, we’re going to sustain our efforts. I’m making this trip early in my second term, because I intend for this to be the beginning of a new

83 level of economic engagement with Africa. So I’m announcing today that my new Commerce

Secretary, Penny Pritzker, will lead a major trade mission to Africa in her first year.”12

The political interplay between President Barack Obama and the political legacy of his predecessor George W. Bush intersected on a tangible level during the end of Obama’s tour of

Africa. The flashbulbs of cameras briefly overshadowed these contrasts and comparisons as both men were in Dar es Salaam for a Photo opportunity the day after he gave his address in

Tanzania. The pictures of the two men together were taken as President Obama and his

Republican antecedent stood together at a memorial that was erected in memory of the eleven

American citizens who lost their lives in a massive coordinated multi targeted terrorist plot.

NBC news reported, “In the attacks, which seared the names “Osama bin Laden” and “al Qaeda” into Americans’ consciousness, terrorists detonated massive truck bombs on Aug. 7, 1998, outside the U.S. embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. The Nairobi attack killed more than 200 people, while the Tanzania attack killed 11.”13 In an age of unmanned military drones, nuclear and biological weapons of mass destruction, the pen and the spoken word remain some of the most powerful weapons abounding in modern society.

Towards the conclusion of President Obama’s speech in Tanzania, he utilizes his rhetorical weaponry as an instrument to dismantle unflattering and false perceptions about

African people and their productivity while securing American interest through one final direct sale. President Obama stated, “And the bottom line is this: I want to make sure we’re doing everything we can to encourage the new growth we’re seeing across Africa, and more trade

12 July 1, 2013, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/07/01/remarks- president-obama-business-leaders-forum (accessed December 30, 2013). 13 Slow-motion Manhunt, October 8, 2013, http://investigations.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/10/08/20857044-slow-motion-manhunt-us- relentlessly-pursues-98-embassy-bombing-suspects (accessed December 30, 2013).

84 between our countries. And that’s what your companies represent. That’s what the incredible young men and women from across Africa who I met at our town hall in Soweto represent. I was hearing their stories and the impact they’re already having, and listening to their hopes and seeing their determination to build their lives and their communities and their countries. And it just reinforced everything I believe about Africa and its people. The full impacts of this speech may take years to truly manifest but if the confidence and optimism Barack Obama displayed is any indication of how well this address will be received, there is significant hope for economic change.

85 CHAPTER 4

BARACK OBAMA AND BLACK AUDIENCES VS. BLACK AGENCY:

THE MOREHOUSE COMMENCEMENT SPEECH

On May 19, 2013, President Barack Obama addressed a group of graduating college seniors at Morehouse College. His audience on this particular day was more demographically reflective of himself than any other group that he had previously addressed, as he gave the commencement speech to students at a historically Black college. In this address, President

Obama discussed personal accountability, the value of education, and the responsibility that accompanies the privilege of graduating from such a prestigious institution. He stressed the importance of characteristics like determination and compassion throughout the speech, and he encouraged the students to carry on the rich Morehouse tradition while making a point to serve their fellow man.

The president seized many opportunities to recognize the rich tradition of excellence that had come to define the institution. The President connected with the audience by stating the following:

[T]he “Morehouse Mystique” still endures. Some of you probably came here from

communities where everybody looked like you. Others may have come here in search of

a community. And I suspect that some of you probably felt a little bit of culture shock the

first time you came together as a class in King’s Chapel. All of a sudden, you weren’t the

only high school sports captain; you weren’t the only student council president. You were

suddenly in a group of high achievers, and that meant you were expected to do something

more. (http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2013/05/19/president-obama-delivers-

commencement-address-morehouse-college,)

86 According to the Encyclopedia of African American Education by Kofi Lomotey (2010

Sage Publishing, Lomotey),

“Morehouse College is a private, 4-year men's historically Black liberal arts college

located in the West End neighborhood of Atlanta, Georgia. It is one of only four 4-year

men's colleges in the United States, and the only historically Black college that is a men's

college. The mission of Morehouse College is “to develop men with disciplined minds

who will lead lives of leadership and service.” The school's motto is Et facta est lux, Latin

for “And then there was light,” a reference to Genesis 1:3, which harkens back to Morehouse’s

connection to the Baptist church and spirituality that is a hallmark of the institution.” (Lomotey

2010) page 208.)

The uniqueness of the school’s academic tradition and the demographic composition of the institution (all-male and almost exclusively African American) create a distinctly powerful connection with the genealogy of African American education. The history of education in

America for African Americans includes numerous precedents and a long list of legislative obstacles and advances.

In, Self-Taught, Heather Andrea Williams (2005) explored the question, “What did ordinary African Americans in the South do to provide education for themselves during slavery and when slavery ended?” (Introduction) A number of texts have explored the legacy of African

American educational pursuits and the role Black Colleges and Universities have played in this story (Betsey, C. L., 2008; Gasman, M. & Tudico, C., L., 2008; Roebuck, J. B. & Murty, K. S.,

1993).

87 Brooks and Starks (1993), for example, explored the origins of Morehouse College, writing that in “1867, Morehouse College was founded in Augusta, Georgia, as the Augusta

Institute. Later it moved to Atlanta, Georgia. It was named after Henry L. Morehouse.”

The president’s acceptance of the Morehouse College invitation to speak at the commencement ceremony may have been more politically than personally motivated—a form of clubhouse politics--due to the nature of his working relationship with the current President of

Morehouse College, John Silvanus Wilson, Jr. The college’s official website, www.morehouse.edu, provided the following report about the presidential connection between Wilson and Obama:

The U.S. Department of Education announced that John Silvanus Wilson Jr. ’79 has been

appointed executive director of the White House’s Initiative on Historically Black

Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), a post that makes Wilson the President’s main

liaison between the administration and the nation’s HBCUs. (Morehouse College, pg 74)

President Obama’s supporters may cite the Congressional appointment of Wilson and Barack

Obama’s appearance as the 2013 Morehouse College commencement speaker as further evidence of his dedication to uplifting African Americans through education. During his speech,

Obama raved, “That’s the unique sense of purpose that this place has always infused — the conviction that this is a training ground not only for individual success, but for leadership that can change the world” (Wall Street Journal, 2013)

The most highly touted example of the president’s official support for the mission and traditions of HBCUs is The White House Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and

Universities. During HBCU week in 2011, President Obama discussed the intended results of his supportive legislative initiative that set numerous markers for success by the year 2020. The president stated the following:

88 HBCUs continue a proud tradition as vibrant centers of intellectual inquiry and engines

of scientific discovery and innovation. New waves of students, faculty, and alumni are

building on their rich legacies and helping America achieves our goal of once again

leading the world in having the highest proportion of college graduates by 2020.”

(http://www.ed.gov/edblogs/whhbcu/)

The president has long viewed education as a great equalizer and the best way to remedy historic inequalities caused by enslavement and its many enduring manifestations. President

Obama’s opinion that education is an emancipating force took center stage on July 23, 2007, during the first presidential debate of the Democratic Primary. When Anderson Cooper (CNN correspondent and the evening’s moderator) asked Senator Obama for his position on African

Americans receiving reparations for slavery he responded, “I think the reparations we need right here in South Carolina is investment, for example in our schools” (Cable News Network, 2007).

The president’s decision to speak at the Morehouse commencement may have resulted from his political passion or his cultural concerns about uplifting the African American community (or both).

Since his presidential campaign began, Obama has often served as a great source of inspiration for the American people, in the same way that men like the Reverend Jeremiah

Wright inspired him years earlier with a sermon entitled, The Audacity of Hope, which would later become the title of the president’s well-known book. His experience as a young man in search of inspiration and direction himself, as well as the time he spent working within underserved communities similar to the ones in which many of the Morehouse graduates grew up, gave President Obama the ability to identify with provide empathetic insight during his commencement speech. Obama shared the following statement with the graduating class:

89 In troubled neighborhoods all across this country — many of them heavily African

American — too few of our citizens have role models to guide them. Communities just a

couple miles from my house in Chicago, communities just a couple miles from here —

they’re places where jobs are still too scarce and wages are still too low; where schools

are underfunded and violence is pervasive; where too many of our men spend their youth

not behind a desk in a classroom, but hanging out on the streets or brooding behind a jail

cell. (The Wall Street Journal, 2013)

After closely reading President Obama’s autobiography, Dreams of My Father, A Story of Race and Inheritance, I concluded that his emphasis on the saving potential of education for people oppressed and marginalized by racial discrimination was a critical aspect of his psychological make-up and weighed heavily on the construction of his political consciousness and world view. In his memoirs, Dreams from My Father, the president recalled a dialogue about the educational potential and paradox that Black students in the inner city struggle to reconcile. In the text, President Obama recounted a personal conversation, where a friend made the following statement while casually discussing obstacles to African American education:

[T]he public school system is not about educating black children. Never has been. Inner

city schools are about social control. Period. They're operated as holding pens- miniature

jails, really. It's only when black children start breaking out of their pens and bothering

white people that society even pays any attention to the issues of whether these children

are being educated…It would start by giving a child an understanding of himself, his

world, his culture, his community. That's the starting point of any educational process.

That's what makes a child hungry to learn…" (Obama, 2004)

90 Elements of this more radical disenfranchised perspective appear to have had some impact upon President Obama's current educational ideology, while he has chosen to discard other aspects. This example of Obama engaging and analyzing opposing opinions can benefit

African people interested in refining their arguments and understanding a wide range of ideas that could increase awareness about a multitude of topics relevant to their pursuit of liberation.

In this regard, President Obama’s life can be understood as a high yielding blueprint for ascension fueled by exposure and a desire to make ones rhetoric more relatable. The notion that education is a necessary, liberating, empowering, critical component of individual and societal development is evident in aspects of Barack Obama's policies on education and learning, as well as in his public remarks. For example, during a speech given to the New Economic School in

Moscow in 2009, President Obama declared, “The future belongs to young people with an education and the imagination to create” (The White House, 2009 (pg. 153) Here we see the

President connecting the grand inheritance of our global community with individual’s ability to merge their intellectual capacities with their creative faculties. These inspiring antidotes are often devoid of references to race or the impact of institutionalized racism on American and global education.

President Obama described his role as follows:

My job, as President, is to advocate for policies that generate more opportunity for

everybody — policies that strengthen the middle class and give more people the chance

to climb their way into the middle class. Policies that create more good jobs and reduce

poverty, and educate more children, and give more families the security of health care,

and protect more of our children from the horrors of gun violence. That’s my job. Those

are matters of public policy, and it is important for all of us — black, white and brown —

91 to advocate for an America where everybody has got a fair shot in life” (The Wall Street

Journal, 2013)

This statement exemplifies a movement from racially polarized, historically contentious approaches to educational inequalities and other societal disparities to a more widely palatable philosophical framing that focuses on the metaphoric potential for a rising educational tide to lift all intellectual boats.

I argue that President Obama's deliberate attempts to express a more mainstream educational agenda are evidence of strategic calculation within the unfortunate context of cultural dislocation. This American rather than African-centered approach to international affairs is prominently evidenced through his domestic and international rhetorical engagement.

In his commencement speech to the Morehouse graduates, President Obama utilized the intellectual mystique of being a Morehouse man to promote his inclusive ideas:

[It won’t matter whether they’re black kids or brown kids or white kids or Native

American kids, because he’ll understand what they’re going through. And he’ll be

fighting for them. He’ll be in their corner. That’s leadership. That’s a Morehouse Man

right there. (Applause).” (The Wall Street Journal 2013, pg 134.)

There is a consistent oratorical grounding in the optimism over our collective potential to conceptualize and bring into existence a new world. The geo-political transformation represented by the president’s rhetoric is not rooted in the ideologies of Ancient African wisdom,

Black Power, or Pan-African theories and methodologies rather Eurocentric, American

Patriotism. This location was made distinctly evident during the President’s visit to Tanzania.

During visits to Africa, President Obama has failed to reference classical African periods of civilization and development during his many addresses and writings. One exceptional

92 incident that presented a divergence from the president’s dominant cultural/political location took place during his visit to the Great Pyramids in Giza. While touring the pyramids, the president identified strongly with a deified ancestor’s appearance and stated, “That looks like me, look at those ears.” (The Root 2009)

(http://www.theroot.com/articles/politics/2009/06/american_sphinx_obama_sees_self_in_hierogl yph.html) Despite this refreshing locative departure, in the majority of his stops throughout

Africa he made little to no references to the greatness of African civilization, as it relates to the development of contemporary the global civilization.

The classical African contributions that the contemporary American experiment continues to exploit in the areas of education, science, math, arts, spirituality, and agriculture have historical links that remain wholly ignored by President Obama. Whether these omissions are intentional or not is in question, particularly in light of the president’s high level of intelligence and the many different sources of knowledge that were at his disposal on his way to the White House.

In his autobiography, President Obama recounted his limited and often disappointing interaction with African history:

I had visions of ancient Egypt, the great kingdoms I had read about, pyramids and

pharaohs, Nefertiti and Cleopatra. One Saturday, I went to the public library near our

apartment and, with the help of a raspy voiced old librarian who appreciated my

seriousness, I found a book on East Africa. Only there was no mention of pyramids…I

left the book open-faced on a table and walked out without thanking the librarian.

(Obama, 2005, pg. 89)

93 This quote illustrates a common experience of many young African Americans who seek to obtain information about African history only to have their interests crushed by the negative and often false revisions of racist and uninformed historians. President Obama was fortunate enough to have a hunger for education that propelled him beyond the typical falsehoods about Africa that limit or prevent others from ever learning accurate information about the continent.

The diversity of information that Obama acquired was enough to impress upon him the importance of knowing how to navigate various professional and social situations despite the racial and cultural make-up of the groups involved. This rhetorical tailoring was especially evident during his Morehouse commencement address. During his speech, President Obama explained the following:

But along with collective responsibilities, we have individual responsibilities. There are

some things, as black men; we can only do for ourselves. There are some things, as

Morehouse Men, that you are obliged to do for those still left behind. As Morehouse

Men, you now wield something even more powerful than the diploma you’re about to

collect — and that’s the power of your example. (The Wall Street Journal, 2013)

This address demonstrated President Obama’s ability to code switch, “[t]he practice of moving back and forth between two languages or between two dialects or registers of the same language”

(“Code switching, n.d.). Perhaps his code switching and notable comfort with the graduating class of 2012 at Morehouse was due, in part, to a belief that he was in the company of other men who delved beyond the negative stereotypical definitions of society’s perceptions. The president admonished,

So what I ask of you today is the same thing I ask of every graduating class I address:

Use that power for something larger than yourself. Live up to President Mays’s

94 challenge. Be “sensitive to the wrongs, the sufferings, and the injustices of

society…[and] be willing to accept responsibility for correcting (those) ills. (The Wall

Street Journal, 2013)

This common realization is extremely significant when analyzing the overarching impacts of racism on the everyday lives of millions of African Americans. President Obama discussed the idea of an ingrained American superstructure of racist perception in his memoirs:

I had begun to see a new map of the world, one that was frightening in its simplicity,

suffocating in its implications. We were always playing on the white man’s court. (…)

Whatever he decided to do, it was his decision to make, not yours, and because of that

fundamental power he held over you, because it preceded and would outlast his

individual motives and inclinations, any distinction between good and bad whites.

(Obama, 2005)

Provocative passages like this one reveal a significant degree of exposure to and understanding of a more frustrated Black male perspective, and the impact of race on the power relationships in America. However, President Obama sets himself apart from the masses of

African people who have experienced the social, economic, spiritual, and physical imposition of a racially polarized, stigmatizing society with his reaction to this challenge and his determination to live beyond the confines of established racial stereotypes. It appears that the president’s perspective embodies political strategy and pragmatism more than it does historical ignorance; however, this observation does little to remove the detriment of President Obama’s cultural dislocation within the context of Afrocentricity.

This question of where President Obama is culturally located has been a continuing theme that has played a role in his political life since its inception. Men like State Representative

95 Bobby Rush have critiqued the authenticity of President Obama’s Blackness (or his dislocation).

Author Jill C. Wheeler documented these events in her work entitled, Barack Obama; 44th

President of the United States. “When then-state Sen. Barack Obama challenged him for his congressional seat, Rush had his allies call Obama ‘the white man in blackface’ and question his affiliation with ‘elite’ institutions such as Harvard and the University of Chicago” (Wheeler

2009).

These continued battles over Blackness further complicate President Obama’s personal quest for cultural grounding and the effectiveness of his public persona as it relates to challenges faced by the African American community. An interesting contrast arises, however, when one views these racial obstacles through the lens of the president’s own words. This criticism that he is less a part of the struggle of the masses of African people or less understanding of the needs of the African American community appears less relevant when balanced with his more candid racial rhetoric. In his memoirs, Obama (2005) recalled the following experience:

I kept finding the same anguish, the same doubt; a self-contempt that neither irony nor

intellect seemed able to deflect. Even DuBois’s learning and Baldwin’s love and

Langston’s humor eventually succumbed to its corrosive force, each man finally forced to

doubt art’s redemptive power, each man finally forced to withdraw, one to Africa, one to

Europe, one deeper into the bowels of Harlem, but all of them in the same weary flight,

all of them exhausted, bitter men, the devil at their heels. (pg. 211)

Such excerpts lead one to the conclusion that though President Obama is obviously dislocated from an African center, he is well-intentioned, with a very unique perception of what it means to struggle for, assist, and overcome with African people. The president has become a highly polarizing, relevant figure in contemporary African American discourse not because of

96 his acknowledgements regarding White supremacy, racism, and bigotry, but rather because of his skillful, successful, and provocative reactions to these constructs that garner such significant attention. These outlooks and actions have allowed him to cement a notable political and racially polarized place in history. President Obama recognizes the importance of acknowledging his place in history as one inextricably linked to the ancestors that came before him and made his presence at Morehouse possible. In the African tradition of evoking the ancestors through verbal recognition, he gave the graduating class the following charge:

You now hail from a lineage and legacy of immeasurably strong men — men who bore

tremendous burdens and still laid the stones for the path on which we now walk. You

wear the mantle of Frederick Douglass and Booker T. Washington, and Ralph Bunche

and Langston Hughes, and George Washington Carver and Ralph Abernathy and

Thurgood Marshall, and, yes, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. These men were many things to

many people. And they knew full well the role that racism played in their lives. But when

it came to their own accomplishments and sense of purpose, they had no time for

excuses. (The Wall Street Journal, 2013)

President Obama’s response to racism in society has often included the use of the iconography and rhetoric of famous African Americans. One such example of his penchant for harnessing political momentum from the legacy of African American intellectualism is evident in

Niall Stanage’s (2009) Redemption Song: An Irish Reporter inside the Obama Campaign.

Stanage provided an account that highlighted the president’s degree of political calculation in his pursuit of electoral success:

It was called Project Vote, and its Slogan was 'It's A Power Thing.' Obama invoked

Malcolm X in a bid to grab the attention of young African Americans who were far

97 removed from the traditional political system. “Today we see hundreds of young blacks

talking 'Black Power' and wearing Malcolm X t-shirts,” he [Barack Obama] told the

Chicago Sun-Times in August 1992, “but they don't bother to register to vote. We

remind them that Malcolm once made a speech titled ‘The Ballot or The Bullet' and that

today we've got enough bullets in the streets but not enough ballots." (p. 43)

President Obama took a “by any means necessary” (Malcolm X. Speaks; Selected

Speeches and statements), Betty Shabazz approach to the political arena years before making his presidential bid. The president’s decision to manipulate the persuasive potential of historical

African American legacies rather than explicitly further their proposed agendas and philosophies raises additional questions about his perspectives on such notable figures as Malcolm X and

Morehouse graduate Dr. Martin Luther King. Is President Obama’s pragmatic usage of Martin

Luther King Jr.’s memory and rhetoric representative of a subtle fulfillment of one aspect of Dr.

King’s vision for racial fairness in America? Does his usage of Malcolm X’s legacy outside of the context of self-defense, self-determination, and human rights exist in conflict with the memory of prolific Muslim messenger? Are these references simply a way to politically capitalize on the memory of men that factions of the United States government worked so diligently to destroy during their lifetimes? Does Barack Obama’s utilization of African

American history represent an evolved definition of Black Power or the greatest enemy of the concept? The answer may be in how his rhetoric is interpreted, internalized and implemented in the future

There are many incidents where President Barack Obama appears to display a reduction of the racial significance of historical and political life-shaping events when making statements like, “Nobody cares how tough your upbringing was. Nobody cares if you suffered some

98 discrimination” (The Wall Street Journal, 2013) There are, however, rhetorical exceptions where he speaks directly to the existence and impacts of racial realities. Despite these exceptions, the president has come under fire for using many of these more candid moments of racial rhetoric to convey messages of needed accountability and self-examination within the African American community. Articles like Obama tells Morehouse students to shun excuses during commencement speech in the Global Post (2013) and Obama’s Morehouse commencement speech causes controversy in Clutch Magazine (Dionne, 2013) have critiqued Obama’s rhetorical approach and described it as controversial. Dionne made the following statement:

Several tweeters viewed Obama’s remarks as elitist and an attempt to speak at the

graduates rather than speaking to them. Some were also disappointed with Obama’s “no

excuses” mantra, noting the inequalities people of color with degrees face in the

American job market.

Obama’s critics have expressed an interest in hearing the Commander in Chief take a decidedly critical stance on the institutionalized racism that continues to negatively impact Black communities throughout the country in a variety of ways, including the rise of privatized prisons

(the prison industrial complex). One such critic of Obama’s adherence to a condescending narrative of African American male accountability was author and journalist Trevor W.

Coleman. In an interview with The Huffington Post, Coleman (2013) posed the following question, “[I]nstead of telling them, no more excuses and don’t blame racism, why not talk about some of the challenges that they really have, challenges such as structural inequities that create poverty. You know, challenges such as institutional racism, challenges such as poverty, discrimination.” (Coleman 2013) The structural inequities on which Coleman urged Obama to

99 focus have remained topics of consistent conversation in Black America, highlighted by a number of public events and figures.

Author Michelle Alexander (2010) offered one such analysis of institutionalized racism in her discussion of the prison industrial complex. Alexander detailed a number of glaring racial disparities present in the U.S. criminal justice system. From numbers of arrests to sentencing and time served, Alexander explored numerous examples of institutional racism that she suspected of creating a contemporary cast system that relegated countless ex-offenders to a lifetime of second-class citizenship. Alexander provided the following explanation:

The current system of control permanently locks a huge percentage of the African

American community out of the mainstream society and economy. The system operates

through our criminal justice institutions, but it functions more like a caste system than a

system of crime control. Viewed from this perspective the so-called underclass is better

understood as an under caste- a lower class of individuals who are permanently barred by

law and custom from mainstream society. (p. 13)

Alexander went on to describe the historical context and racial ramifications that have contributed to the rise of the privatized prison system and the increase in the incarceration rates of generations of young African Americans.

Despite criticism about President Obama’s failure to identify enough with everyday struggles, he seemed to defy these judgments in this address to the Morehouse graduates. The president internalized the plight of millions of Black men and their concerns about a racially unjust, pernicious prison industrial complex while offering an expression of faith linked to an undying obligation to service:

100 And I will tell you, Class of 2013, whatever success I have achieved, whatever positions

of leadership I have held have depended less on Ivy League degrees or SAT scores or

GPAs, and have instead been due to that sense of connection and empathy — the special

obligation I felt, as a black man like you, to help those who need it most, people who

didn’t have the opportunities that I had — because there but for the grace of God, go I —

I might have been in their shoes. I might have been in prison. I might have been

unemployed. I might not have been able to support a family. And that motivates me.

(Wall Street Journal 2013)

In 2010, President Obama, with his Attorney General Eric attempted to move towards remedying racially-polarized, unjust sentencing that appeared to target African Americans when he signed into law The Fair Sentencing Act designed to address the disparity between the mandatory sentences for crack and powder cocaine. The American Civil Liberties Union’s (n.d.) official website described the details of this progressive legislation:

In 2010, Congress passed the Fair Sentencing Act (FSA), which reduced the sentencing disparity between offenses for crack and powder cocaine from 100:1 to 18:1. The scientifically unjustifiable 100:1 ratio meant that people faced longer sentences for offenses involving crack cocaine than for offenses involving the same amount of powder cocaine – two forms of the same drug. Most disturbingly, because the majority of people arrested for crack offenses are African

American, the 100:1 ratio resulted in vast racial disparities in the average length of sentences for comparable offenses. On average, under the 100:1 regime, African Americans served virtually as much time in prison for non-violent drug offenses as whites did for violent offenses. (“Fair

Sentencing Act, n.d., para. 1)

101 Despite evidence of certain legislative changes that impact the racial inequalities caused by centuries of institutionalized racism, many critics have argued that President Obama should utilize his voice in a more direct and meaningful way to help right historic injustices. These critics continue to debate the most effective method(s) of political progression, but the president has remained steadfast in his stance towards racial obstacles. Regardless of his chosen method of engagement, he has held firm to the opinion that racial challenges are no excuse for inactivity, quitting, or cowardice.

President Obama reiterated this position of perseverance during his commencement speech at Morehouse as he discussed the example set by Martin Luther King Jr. During the address, the president encouraged the audience to consider the power of determination despite difficulty:

Think about that. For black men in the forties and fifties, the threat of violence, the

constant humiliations, large and small, the gnawing doubts born of a Jim Crow culture

that told you every day you were somehow inferior, the temptation to shrink from the

world, to accept your place, to avoid risks, to be afraid, was necessarily strong. And yet,

here, under the tutelage of men like Dr. Mays, young Martin learned to be unafraid. He,

in turn, taught others to be unafraid. And over the last 50 years, thanks to the moral force

of Dr. King and a Moses generation that overcame their fear, and cynicism, and despair,

barriers have come tumbling down, new doors of opportunity have swung open; laws,

hearts, and minds have been changed to the point where someone who looks like you can

serve as President of the United States. (The Wall Street Journal, 2013,)

In this excerpt, President Obama urged the graduates to strive to achieve, despite the racial obstacles they may face. He admonished Black men to define themselves and their destiny. This

102 principle is one that the president implemented in his own life and continues to support for the advancement of others.

During the Morehouse commencement address, President Obama was unusually candid about the many struggles that come with being a Black man in America. The fact that this level of honesty was most apparent during moments in the speech that dealt with the need for increased Black accountability was unfortunate. For example, Obama made a statement about excuses:

We know that too many young men in our community continue to make bad choices.

Growing up, I made a few myself. And I have to confess, sometimes I wrote off my own

failings as just another example of the world trying to keep a black man down. But one of

the things you’ve learned over the last four years is that there’s no longer any room for

excuses. I understand that there’s a common fraternity creed here at Morehouse: “excuses

are tools of the incompetent, used to build bridges to nowhere and monuments of

nothingness.” We’ve got no time for excuses – not because the bitter legacies of slavery

and segregation have vanished entirely; they haven’t. Not because racism and

discrimination no longer exist; that’s still out there. (The Wall Street Journal, 2013)

The African/African American community has long debated the best method for interacting with racist realities. Throughout history, a number of prominent African American intellectuals have attempted to conceptualize, organize, and strategize about issues of advancement for African people. President Obama is no stranger to many of the more popular

African/African American theorists, writers, and activists who have addressed these issues.

Throughout President Obama’s life, he has engaged the works of some of America’s most renowned African American intellectuals and Pan-Africanists. Ironically, one of the most

103 Prominent African American organizer/activists, Marcus Garvey, expressed a political analysis in 1922 that is extremely relevant to some of the opposition that the president has faced just under 100 years later. Garvey provided the following conclusion:

A terrible mistake was made between 40 and 50 years ago when black men were elected

to legislative assemblies all over the country, especially in the southern states and even at

the national capital when representatives of this race occupied seats in Congress. The

mistake was made as far as the white people were concerned. (…) This opened up to the

eyes of the white nation the possibility of the black man governing the white man in these

United States of America – This possibility drove them almost to madness. (Melshim,

2014)

In an additional ironic twist, President Obama attempted to relieve some of the current societal madness (similar to that which Garvey predicted) utilizing the inspirational instructions of one of Garvey’s harshest critics, W.E.B. Dubois. The president made the following declaration:

I want you to set your sights higher. At the turn of the last century, W.E.B. DuBois spoke

about the “talented tenth” — a class of highly educated, socially conscious leaders in the

black community. But it’s not just the African American community that needs you. The

country needs you. The world needs you. (The Wall Street Journal, 2013)

As inspirational as such quotes may have been, there remained throughout this address an absence of certain African cultural and historical elements that problematized the cultural and historical references throughout the speech. This emphasis on recent historical examples and motivations could have contributed to what some critics may have perceived as a “lack of Black”

104 in President Obama’s rhetoric regarding the referential deficiency of classical African examples of greatness.

The president consistently failed to note the significance of ancient African contributions to humanity—e.g., the first book ever written (The wisdom of Ptah hotep); the first university and educational structure; the first great thinkers to wrestle with universal ideas about life, death, and human existence, which later became the cornerstone of philosophy; and the first writing system. These omissions of Africa's universal historical significance continue to exist despite the president’s appearances in Black churches and addresses during Black history month or on the

African continent. It would be difficult to attribute the absence of such references to the idea that the president is ignorant of such subjects as the glory of early African civilization and its connection to modern civilizations and governance throughout the world.

The strongest evidence to support President Obama’s awareness of Africa’s place in global history is apparent in his own writings. In Dreams from My Father; Obama (2005) candidly discussed his extensive exposure to African historical greatness. This exposure came in large measure from his mother’s urging and emphasis on educating her son in a way that would empower him and give him a greater sense of agency in a world that otherwise left a Black son of a White mother with more questions than answers. He provided the following explanation:

My mother, she said to herself, “You know, my son, he's an American, and he needs to

understand what that means.” She'd wake me up at 4:30 in the morning, and we'd sit there

and go through my lessons. And I used to complain and grumble. And she'd say, “Well

this is no picnic for me either, buster.” (Obama, 2005)

Education. The President‘s rhetoric has consistently endorsed the benefits of education, however this support has not included the promotion of African-centered education. This

105 evidence of the president’s academic dislocation is a departure from the Afrocentric understanding that dealing with Kemet, classical Africa, and Ma’at are necessary aspects of

Afrocentric location. This example illustrates the intimate connection between culture and worldview. Without an understanding and appreciation for Ma’at that one consequentially implements as a cultural reality, dislocation is inevitable. Without grounding in classical African civilizations, the president’s rhetoric has continued on a predictably general course.

During the president’s Morehouse address, he espoused mainstream (Eurocentric) education as a critical component of the positive development of society. Through this belief in the transformative potential of intellectual ascension, President Obama (possibly unknowingly) was closely adhering to ancient understandings of the importance and power of learning. The view of education as the means by which people achieve liberation has its roots in the African traditions that reached their intellectual/academic zenith in Egypt with the formation of the mystery schools/system. In this ancient system of education, scholars added a holistic, multidimensional approach to their scholastic regiment that influenced myriad areas, from spiritual laws to dietary laws.

In The Egyptian Mystery School of On (Annu or God), author George Washington

Singleton (2004) Indianapolis, IN

Enlightenment Publication Inc. Limited Edition explained that academics and nutrition combined to facilitate a path to higher degrees of consciousness. Singleton provided the following explanation:

The Ancient Egyptian Mystery School of On (Annu) adhered to a vegetarian/vegan diet,

prospective students as Pythagorus had to be able to follow this vegetarian/vegan diet

regimen to gain entrance and maintain the vigorous scholastic pace required in their study

106 of the esoteric 42 Books of Thoth/Hermes and successful Priests and Priestesses followed

this vegetarian/vegan diet regimen as part of the Spirituality System of the Path of the

Aten.

A contemporary conceptualization of knowing the self, played a role in President Obama’s

Morehouse commencement address in a non-traditional manner.

Levity. There is a stroke of irony in the president addressing the sea of educated Black men at Morehouse. The original basis of pursuing enlightenment was rooted in a greater understanding of the self, and President Obama has notoriously wrestled with issues of race and identity despite receiving his education according to popular Western standards. After the traditional greeting of professors, trustees, visiting politicians, and family members, the president proceeded to congratulate the pending graduates, “Most of all, congratulations to the distinguished group of Morehouse men, the class of 2013” (The Wall Street Journal, 2013) The president immediately moved into an icebreaker to cut through any tension caused by anxiety generated from collective excitement and the momentous weight of the moment. The president remarked, “Some of you are graduating Summa Cum Laude, some of you are graduating Magna

Cum Laude and I know some of you are just graduating thank you Lordy” (The Wall Street

Journal, 2013) The joking comments were fairly well-received by the crowd.

One can view this reliance on wit and satire in a variety of ways. Some observers believed that the relaxed ease with which President Obama humorously connected with his audience evidenced his increased comfort level when among his own people. Some of these positive views cast the president as an academic prodigal son who beamed at the site of a gathering of African American male graduates after personally experiencing no such ebony-hued hegemony at Columbia or Harvard Universities. One can also draw dramatically different

107 conclusions from this humorous introduction from a decidedly laidback president. Critics may perceive this attempt at a humorous rhetorical approach as an implication of the president’s lack of seriousness about institutions like Morehouse, particularly in comparison to his perception of the aforementioned Ivy League schools. For some detractors, the choice of icebreaker provided further substance to their critical opinions of the president.

Critics levied a number of reproaches against President Obama’s oratorical approach at

Morehouse, despite the fact that when describing the opportunity to deliver this commencement, the president considered it “one of the great honors of [his] life” (Wall Street Journal 2013).

After some investigation, it became evident that many of the critical assessments about the president’s commencement address were politically motivated and often inaccurate or misguided. Journalist Jack White (2013) echoed these findings in an article entitled, Obama at

Morehouse, Try Another Listen. In the article, White rebuffed critics of the commencement address and provided the following analysis:

They're determined to find fault with Obama even when he does something right -- and in

this case at least, they are as out of touch as the president's right-wing opponents. That's

the conclusion I reached after rereading Obama's Morehouse remarks in light of the

strong critiques from Coates and Kai Wright, my esteemed former colleague at The

Root. I didn't hear the "convenient race talk" that Coates detected or the browbeating that

troubled Wright. I didn't even hear the voice of a politician. I heard the voice of my

father. (White, 2013) A sense of familial obligation and inspiration has proven to be

reoccurring themes in President Obama’s autobiographical rhetoric.

108 Family. President Obama’s tone during the address was familiar and familial. He acknowledged the importance of family support and asserted that the attainment of a higher degree is seldom (if ever) a purely individual effort. The president stated,

I want to congratulate all of you — the parents, the grandparents, the brothers and sisters,

the family and friends who supported these young men in so many ways. This is your

day, as well. Just think about it — your sons, your brothers, your nephews — they spent

the last four years far from home and close to Spelman, and yet they are still here today.

So you’ve done something right. Graduates, give a big round of applause to your family

for everything that they’ve done for you. (The Wall Street Journal, 2013)

This familial perspective on achievement has deep roots in the African tradition. The proverbs of the Akan often describe the strength of family. Among the Akan, “a family tie is like a tree, it can bend, but it cannot break” (African proverb, author unknown).

The idea of extending family far beyond the contemporary sense and into the greater context of community is a popular conceptualization that permeated much of early African societies and continues to resonate today, in light of Africa’s historic/contemporary interaction with numerous foreign entities. The concept that all people are all parts of a greater, less formally connected human family is an extension of an originally African concept of kinship.

The contemporary politicized interpretation of this ancient African concept of human solidarity helped to promote an image of Obama as a great unifier of the diverse populations of the nation.

As one article in The World Outline noted, “After President Obama was elected in 2008, many news commentators and journalists argued that the United States had overcome its racial obstacles” (“Race in American Politics,” 2013). The author may have based this conceivably naïve optimism on the president’s tendency to find ways to look beyond the very color line that

109 intellectual giants like W.E.B. Dubois described as the most pressing issue of his time: “The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line” (Dubois, 2008).

Belonging. President Obama continued his speech with a compliment, which the audience met with significant applause, as he categorized his recognition as a Morehouse man as a definitive marker of status and success. Obama stated, “Now, graduates, I am humbled to stand here with all of you as an honorary Morehouse Man. (Applause.) I finally made it” (The Wall

Street Journal, 2013) This statement appeared to carry added complimentary weight, coming from a graduate of Columbia and Harvard Universities who occupied a seat of power that many have described as the most powerful in the free world. When considering the racial demographics of Morehouse, in relationship to the continued struggles with race and social adjustments that President Obama has candidly admitted in the past, one can view this compliment within a very different context. It is possible that the idea of “making it” after receiving an honorary degree from this distinguished university did not hold the typical notions of academic or popular recognition for the president. Rather, the true value of the accomplishment for the president may have its roots in the fact that he finally felt accepted into a group of self-assured, educated, high-achieving African American men.

Did President Obama truly believe that this was a moment of closure that brought his search for racial stability to a more secure, popularly affirmed plateau? Throughout his childhood his early political career and even his presidential campaigns struggles with racial identity and belonging have plagued his personal and professional life. Perhaps this commencement address symbolized the president’s inclusion into a rich tradition of racial pride, educational excellence, and service.

110 Benjamin Mays, who served as the president of Morehouse for almost 30 years…said —

and I quote — “It will not be sufficient for Morehouse College, for any college, for that

matter, to produce clever graduates — but rather honest men, men who can be trusted in

public and private life — men who are sensitive to the wrongs, the sufferings, and the

injustices of society and who are willing to accept responsibility for correcting (those)

ills. (The Wall Street Journal, 2013,

This quote from Benjamin Mays aligned the mission of Morehouse University more closely with the ancient African purpose of education (the ascension of the inner man/woman towards superior moral conduct and character in addition to the development of superior intellect).

Perspective. The difference between the Eurocentric and Afrocentric paradigms regarding affirmations of humanity and purpose are seldom more glaring than they are in the world of education. Molefi Kete Asante (2007) explored the deeper meanings and functions of education and stated, “Education is fundamentally a social phenomenon; it consists in socializing children” (p. 79).

This disparity in traditions and perceptions is evident in a number of examples, including the tumultuous and arduous nature of the origins of Black studies classes/programs/departments at White universities. Ibrahm Rogers (2013) detailed the broad scope and political fervor that surrounded the movement (1965-1972) for a more inclusive college education. Rogers described the political shift, stating,

Lived, since they [students/protesters at City College] wanted a firm commitment that

day, 300 black and Puerto Rican Students swarmed into the administration building and

ejected its workers. They plastered their demands on walls and ceilings, and one student

waived a sign that read, Free Huey:Che Guevara, Malcolm X. University. While City

111 college students occupied the building for three and a half hours, in the Deep South, more

than 90 percent of students at Mississippi Valley State avoided classroom buildings.

(Rogers, 2013, p. 3)

These movements to increase African American agency and inclusion at the university level are emblematic of the greater, long-standing struggle of Africans/African Americans to obtain an education on their own terms. Williams (2010) discussed the longstanding opposition to African American education. She wrote, “In addition to forbidding any person to teach any free person to teach any free person of color or any slave to spell read or write, it forbade salves to associate with free blacks without permission of their owners” (Williams, 2010, p. 18).

There has always been a peculiar relationship between traditional education in America and the

African/African American community. When the Europeans enslaved the first Africans and brought them to America, they forbade anyone to teach them to read or write. Soon after, unwritten social norms regarding the education of enslaved Africans became documented legislative measures.

[An excerpt] from Virginia Revised Code of 1819 [reads] That all meetings or

assemblages of slaves, or free negroes or mulattoes mixing and associating with such

slaves at any meeting-house or houses, &c., in the night; or at any school or schools for

teaching them reading and writing, either in the day or night, under whatsoever pretext,

shall be deemed and considered an unlawful assembly. (Goodell, 1853)

While the majority considered education a means of increasing ones intelligence, individuals in the African American community saw education as a means of escaping physical and mental bondage and enslavement. The Black community has long held to the idea of collective uplift through the production of educated men and women who will rise from its ranks

112 with a mission and a recognition of the debt owed to their brothers and sisters who were not fortunate enough to take advantage of educational opportunities. There exists an additional

African obligation of ancestral recognition and continuance of the work of those who sacrificed to pave the way for their opportunities and success. This multifaceted approach to common

African, African American understandings purpose of education (including, uplift, empowerment, self-determination and African agency) helped to shape institutions like

Morehouse. In this vein, Obama made the following statement:

It was that mission — not just to educate men, but to cultivate good men, strong men,

upright men — that brought community leaders together just two years after the end of

the Civil War. They assembled a list of 37 men, free blacks and freed slaves, who would

make up the first prospective class of what later, became Morehouse College. Most of

those first students had a desire to become teachers and preachers — to better themselves

so they could help others do the same”. In this grand tradition of helping others a young

Martin Luther King Jr. was transformed and inspired by his experience as a young

student at Morehouse. His legacy of excellence and service to mankind was shaped by

the courage and challenges that he experienced during his at time there. (The Wall Street

Journal, 2013)

When Discussing Dr. King’s time at Morehouse the president noted,

It was here that he was introduced to the writings of Gandhi and Thoreau, and the theory

of civil disobedience. It was here that professors encouraged him to look past the world

as it was and fight for the world as it should be. And it was here, at Morehouse, as Dr.

King later wrote, where “I realized that nobody — was afraid. (The Wall Street Journal,

2013)

113 It is worth analyzing the American sources of inspirations highlighted in the previous quotes Thoreau) and Indian (Gandhi). These international authors (and the lack of comparable

African examples within the quote) are emblematic of the continued need for increased African- centered agency within higher education. In many instances, the racial demographics of a university do not provide any reliable evidence of the degree of African-centeredness present within the curriculum of the institution in question. Despite the numerous contributions that

Morehouse has made to the African American and global communities, and the rich tradition of

African American excellence, issues of cultural dislocation in the educational system continue to play a significant role. The disparities between the mythical legacies of Ghandi and the early presidents further illustrate this academic decentering, particularly when compared to the more factual descriptions of these historical figures. President Barack Obama has often articulated an affinity for the founding fathers of the U.S., (who were also slave holders) (Finkleman 2014) and

Martin Luther King Jr., and he has expressed his appreciation for the strategic example set forth by Ghandi, despite the racially disparaging opinions that Ghandi expressed about African people.

Ghandi revealed his prejudice in the following statement:

A general belief seems to prevail in the Colony that the Indians are little better, if at all,

than savages or the Natives of Africa. Even the children are taught to believe in that

manner, with the result that the Indian is being dragged down to the position of a raw

Kaffir. (Ghandi, 2008, p. 193)

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s reverence towards Ghandi and the personal connection to the founding fathers that Obama has articulated give rise to the following question: to what extent do these men display naiveté in their choice of models, and to what extent are these exercises in political strategy? In the case of Dr. King, the answer may be more ambiguous than

114 in President Obama’s instance, due to the candid and introspective analysis presented in his memoirs (Dreams From my Father). It appears that President Obama’s extensive exposure to various viewpoints and historical examples has encouraged him to develop a pragmatic strategy that has worked with a high level of efficiency, considering the international political paradigm within which he operates. During the commencement address at Morehouse College, this strategic pragmatism was given a voice to inspire members of the nearly all Black audience.

The president designed the speech to present more than a Black voice; he instead seemed to offer a voice of excellence and global citizenship rooted in the unwavering traditions of

Morehouse, propelled by a higher vision than the present produced, and accentuated by the empathy of selfless service. Obama proclaimed,

And it won’t matter whether they’re black kids or brown kids or white kids or Native

American kids, because he’ll understand what they’re going through. And he’ll be

fighting for them. He’ll be in their corner. That’s leadership. That’s a Morehouse Man

right there (Applause). (The Wall Street Journal, 2013)

The question of whether this emphasis on a universal (rather than nationalist) rhetorical approach marks a major misstep in political strategy or evidence of an evolving notion of Black power will become clearer in the future shaped, in-part, by the graduating class that the president addressed on that rainy day in May. In light of the cultural de-centeredness of the speech, when analyzed from an Afrocentric perspective, room exists for the Afrocentric analyzer to extract a great deal from this address with the intention of promoting Afrocentric ideas of improvement and prosperity.

A great degree of potential for beneficial extractions exists throughout this address. One can easily extract lessons on the importance of education, the power of community, the value of

115 following the examples set by notable ancestors, and significance of being of service to others who may not have had an opportunity to attend college. These positive aspects exist without regard for the cultural location of the speaker.

116 CHAPTER 5

PRESENTING A FUTURE HISTORY MAKER:

OPTIMISM, IDENTITY AND POWER

BARACK OBAMA’S 2009 INAUGURAL ADDRESS

On January 20, 2009 the world was given their initial opportunity to experience the rhetoric of the newly installed President Barack Obama. In this address President Barack Obama was called upon to be confident, compassionate and conscious regarding national security, economic and social issues. He was located very firmly on the extreme end of a Patriotic continuum. President Obama served as the shinning symbol of American ultra nationalism while delivering this speech. He was required to transcend the faith that the voting public placed in his potential and truly become Presidential. This address, despite having an inevitably Nationalist drive contains numerous international implications that gave the address increased global relevance.

This expansive significance was interrogated in an article published in Africa Today entitled, Obama Made in Kenya: Appropriating the American Dream in Kogelo by Karin van

Bemme (Vol. 59 No. 4 2013) Bemmel explains, “This article focuses on the consequences of

Obama's presidency over four years in western Kenya—where Obama's father was raised—and argues that the appropriation of Obama serves multiple purposes, including the negotiation of identity, enabling social and political change, facilitating processes of healing and harmony, and creating conditions for peace after the 2007 postelection violence.”

(http://hdl.handle.net/1854/LU-4096426) The numerous global impacts that are represented within the Bemmel article reveal the very distinct separation that must be made at times between

Obama as President, Public speaker and symbolic public figure.

117 At the same time the symbol of the first African American President took on almost mythical characteristics for many around the world seeking a symbol of hope, Barack Obama the newly installed President was forced to deal with some immediate, tangible pressing national issues. Obama explained, “That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.” (Obama http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text-obama.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0)

President Barack Obama had towed many political dividing lines in order to reach this inaugural moment and was charged to further present himself within the complicated context of a Pro

American, Universalist visionary.

A common thread that appears to unite the vast majority of Barack Obama’s rhetoric is his optimism. This address was no accept ion as Obama assured the audience, “Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real, they are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this America: They will be met.” This address marked an interesting turning point in Barack Obama’s rhetorical legacy. This was not a rhetorical display of the worldly eclectic everyman, here we witnessed something slightly different. This speech presented the President as the epitome of the melting pot man. This manifestation was a far cry from an alternative narrative of a first generation American (on his father’s side), but rather Obama presented himself as the every generation American who possessed the ability to repair political damage while reducing the contemporary relevance of the nations sorted racial past. The potential improvements that Obama proposed in this address

118 appeared to be attempts to achieve a sound foundation of diverse connectivity, ironically blended with the promotion of American individualism.

Obama seamlessly weaves the rhetoric of past Presidents with a present promise that will remain as an example of uniquely American determination that will last for years to come.

Obama assured, “America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words; with hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come; let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.”

Obama again posits himself directly in-line with the Patriotic legacy of mainstream

America and the concerns that many share as citizens of the United States. The less broadly based obstacles that stem from racial discrimination and institutionalized racism are not the challenges that President Obama is highlighting throughout the majority of this address.

Although Obama’s oratorical capabilities were a critical component that contributed to his electoral victory, it was also often a target of disparaging remarks and critiques by those opposed to his political ascension. Throughout the campaign Obama was criticized by many of his political opponents for being a candidate that was able to give a good speech but lacked the substance and experience to truly implement the lofty visions espoused in his campaign rhetoric.

These criticisms came from both sides of the political aisle. “A couple of noted liberal political activists, first Howard Dean and now Noam Chomsky, have found common ground with the most unlikeliest of individuals — former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin — and admit she’s right on at least one key view: President Obama doesn’t have a whole lot of substance.”

119 (http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/aug/21/leftists-say-sarah-palins-right-obama- lacks-substa/)

One of Obama’s political rivals that consistently attempted to frame him as being more rhetorical than substantive was former First Lady, Hillary Clinton. On February 13, 2008, during a rally in San Antonio Texas. Democratic Presidential candidate Hillary Clinton remarked,

"That's the difference between me and my opponent. My opponent makes speeches. I offer solutions. It is one thing to get people excited. I want to empower you,"

(http://in.reuters.com/article/2008/02/14/idINIndia-31956820080214)

Obama’s perseverance beyond criticism and other acts of political opposition present numerous examples of strategies and attributes that can be beneficially extracted. The 2009 Presidential inauguration speech marked a pivotal turning point in Obama’s political life. This speech represented a period where political rubber met the metaphoric road of national leadership.

President Obama approached the microphone to address the swelling audience who had braved the blistering cold to witness this historic event. Obama began his address with a very telling introduction that helped to manifest his historic, cultural and political location. Obama began by stating, “My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President

Bush for his service to our nation”.

This introduction revealed elements that I find necessary to expound upon for the sake of thoroughly interrogating the complex elements of Barack Obama’s location and rhetoric. The first aspect that I will elaborate upon is the inclusive perspective of the political process and

Eurocentric political history that Obama emphasizes and identifies with as he uses words such as

“fellow” “we” and “our”. The collective view of potential political progress articulated through

120 phrases Obama uses including “our nation” represents a worldview possessing similarities to many African ideas and cultural practices regarding the importance of communal thought and activism. A Swahili proverb that illustrates such collective principals states, “Unity is strength, division is weakness” (http://afritorial.com/the-best-72-african-wise-proverbs/) The traditional

African concept is different in that it applies to a more Universal concept of Unification that is not confined by national borders.

President Obama’s inclusive approach provided him with a rhetorical advantage over his political rivals who were viewed by Obama’s as being representative of a stagnant, unproductive state of affairs that embodied a National political identity in need of change. ACBS news article entitled, Obama’s First Day Not Business As Usual” discusses how President Obama immediately attempted to separate the image of his administration from that of his predecessor.

The article details, “A day after celebrating his historic inauguration, President Barack Obama spent his first full day in office instituting policies that "represent a clean break from business as usual." (http://www.cbsnews.com/news/obamas-first-day-not-business-as-usual/)

American History has never before Obama yielded a President who presented himself as a racial symbol of the cooperative, collective that could transcend the color line that W.E.B. Dubois described in his Seminal work entitled,

In, The Souls of Black Folk. DuBois explained, “Herein lie buried many things which if read with patience may show the strange meaning of being black here at the dawning of the

Twentieth Century. This meaning is not without interest to you, Gentle Reader; for the problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color line.” (DuBois, Arc Manor Publishing,

Rockville Maryland 2008) Despite the well-studied racial assertions of Dubois, the issues surrounding race, racism and racial segregation have never come close to occupying a Duboisian

121 level of importance in terms of Presidential rhetoric. At times during Obama’s inaugural address, he details (what he believes are) many of the obstacles that we as a nation have overcome and others that we continue to fight against. The subject of institutionalized racism is often marginalized or omitted throughout this address. Political, military and ideological concerns take precedent as Obama addresses the world from Washington. Obama states, “Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.”

(http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text-obama.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0)

Upon inspection of numerous inaugural addresses and other Presidential speeches I uncovered very few instances where sitting Presidents prioritized racial equality. More often than not, in the event that race became a topic of the inaugural dialogue of various Presidents throughout history, the direction of the rhetoric was often reactionary, suggestive of incremental reform or serving to further marginalize the populations addressed. The limited instances of

American Presidents appearing to reconcile America have spotted racial past serves to reveal a degree of naiveté at best and blatant acts of deception at worst when thoroughly interrogated.

Two Presidents that are often heralded as particularly racially progressive with their rhetoric and politics are the 16th President Abraham Lincoln and the 35th President John F. Kennedy. http://www.whitehouse.gov/about/presidents/abrahamlincoln http://www.whitehouse.gov/about/presidents/johnfkennedy

Barack Obama channeled the rhetorical spirit of Lincoln in his 2012 State of the Union address. The President explained, “I believe what Republican Abraham Lincoln believed: That government should do for people only what they cannot do better by themselves, and no more.”

http://dailycaller.com/2012/01/25/the-significance-of-obamas-lincoln-quote/#ixzz2vTrI0wKV

122 This reference seemed to be an attempt to bolster President Obama’s image as a bipartisan leader who esteems progress over political affiliations.

Since the 2004 speech that Obama delivered at the Democratic National Convention, he has been compared to both President Lincoln and President Kennedy. Lincoln was labeled, “The

Great Unifier” for his alleged attempts to navigate the tumultuous racial terrain that characterized the Civil war period. In an article featured in US News and World Report entitled, The

Comparisons Between Barack Obama and Abraham Lincoln, Historian Matthew Dallek discusses the political role model that Abraham Lincoln appears to be for Barack Obama.

Dalleck writes, “Obama apparently wants to model himself after Lincoln as a unifying national figure—a repairer of the breach.

Obama is looking to Lincoln as a brilliant politician who understood the public's mood, the temperaments and desires of friends and foes alike, and when to strike out in bold new directions. (http://www.usnews.com/opinion/articles/2008/11/20/the-comparisons-between-barack- obama-and-abraham-lincoln) In the 2009 Inuagural address, President Obama touched on similar themes as Lincoln, when he stressed various topics including: unity, overcoming conflict, having faith and utilizing Biblical references. Obama states, “On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics. We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.”

123 (http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/Inauguration/president-obama-inauguration-speech- transcript/story?id=6689022)

Obama places narratives from various generations into a collective context of brave visionaries who did not allow the obstacles they faced to deter them from exhibiting transformative degrees of strength and fortitude. Obama states, “Rather, it has been the risk- takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;

Normandy and Khe Sahn. Although, Barack Obama attempts to utilize his rhetoric as a means to connect with esteemed political figures like Lincoln, there exist numerous obstacles to the solidification of such comparisons.

I noted two possible inhibitors to how an Obama, Lincoln connection will be positively reflected upon in the years to come. The first of these concerns stems from the tendency for academic distortions and omissions (that my research reveals occurs disproportionately in the instances where the figure being analyzed is African American). My second concern involves the discrepancies between Lincoln’s popularly promoted legacy and his documented rhetoric

Despite numerous disparaging, racist comments made by Abraham Lincoln, revisionist often described him as a sympathizer to the condition of enslaved Africans during the time of his

Presidency. Historian Allen C. Guelzo wrote, “Lincoln recognized the injurious impact of slavery on both whites and blacks: "This slavery was what he experienced as a young man under his father, and he came to associate it with subsistence farming, (…)' I used to be a slave,'

124 Lincoln said in an early speech; in fact, 'we were all slaves on time or another.' Lincoln interestingly assessed. (http://www.mrlincolnandfreedom.org/inside.asp?ID=5&subjectID=2)

The fact that Lincoln considered his personal experiences with hard work and servitude as being tantamount to experiencing chattel slavery is very telling in terms of his lack of understanding about the true nature of this institution. This quote by Lincoln begs the question; what do you have in common with someone who was put in chains, whipped, rapped, bought and sold if none of these characteristics are a part of your experience.

Abraham Lincoln is also popularly referred to as “The Great Emancipator” as a result of his signing the Emancipation Proclamation. This historical document itself and Lincoln’s personal and political rhetoric do not speak of racial unification or African emancipation. The extent to which these efforts may have been purely political is often the subject of scholarly analysis.

Some of the most racially provocative points of this political discussion are prompted by quotes

Lincoln made on the subject of racial equality. Author, James Mellon in his text entitled, The

Face of Lincoln provides insight into the rhetorical and psychological thrust of Abraham

Lincoln.

The book contains revealing quotes concerning Lincoln’s thoughts on the institution of

Slavery. Lincoln made his perspective abundantly clear when stating “My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and sell them to Liberia, -to their own native land” (Mellon, pg. 23,

Bonanza Books Modesto CA 1982.), and “What I would most desire would be the separation of the white and black races.” (Mellon, pg. 28, Bonanza Books Modesto CA 1982.). Perhaps the most definitive depiction of President Abraham Lincoln was delivered in Charleston Illinois on

September 18, 1858. During the fourth Lincoln vs. Douglas debate, Lincoln shared his response to being questioned about his true stance on racial equality. Lincoln states, “I will say then that I

125 am not, nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races, that I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of Negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people”

(http://www.nps.gov/liho/historyculture/debate4.htm)

These quotes illustrate the power of revisionist history and the manipulation of prominent political legacies that often dominate the historical political landscape. I find it necessary to extensively examine the disparity between Abraham Lincoln’s rhetoric and the subsequent imagery that defines much of his legacy because of the comparisons between Lincoln and

Obama. If the actual and the retrospective vary so significantly, the potential for a future perception of Obama that bears no resemblance to the actual President exists.

Abraham Lincoln is a name considered by many synonymous with freedom and equality while much of his personal commentary during the time period on the subjects of abolition and racial equality pointed to the contrary. The Emancipation Proclamation did not actually free any slaves who were in bondage at the time the document was created. The announcement spoke to men and women who were part of a region that had already seceded from the union who Lincoln and the North had no authority to Legislate on behalf of. A Proclamation by definition is “a public or official announcement, esp. one dealing with a matter of great importance.”

(http://www.thefreedictionary.com/proclamation).

In the instance of the Emancipation Proclamation, there appears to have been more importance placed upon the preservation of the Union as opposed to the abolition of slavery.

The politically strategic incidental nature of the production of the Emancipation Proclamation was substantiated by Lincoln’s quotes on the topic of racial differences (covered earlier). The revisionist historical shift that helped to elevate the legacy of Abraham Lincoln could easily have

126 an opposite effect in the instance of Barack Obama. The consistent references that Obama makes regarding the courage of previous generations is perhaps an attempt to position himself among the company of similar greatness. These rhetorical exhalations made by Obama may also be a means of subtly petitioning to be judged in a similarly generous way as Lincoln and others.

Obama states, “Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions as; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today”. (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text- obama.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0)

Although some degree of difference between historical reflections from third party analysis and contemporary/firsthand accounts is to be expected, the predictability of the type of impact that may result should be assessed on an individual basis. The power relationship between Europeans and Africans/African Americans that has played out in the context of recording history creates cause for concern regarding the ways that the first Black President will be remembered. These types of historical distortions were documented by African Studies

Historian John Henrik Clarke in an essay entitled, Why African History? Clarke stated, “This condition started in the 15th and the 16th centuries with the beginning of the slave trade system.

The Europeans not only colonialized most of the world, they began to colonialize information about the world and its people. (http://www.hunter.cuny.edu/afprl/clarke/why-africana-history-by-dr.- john-henrik-clarke) This usurping of historical narratives for the purpose of rearranging them in order to promote a Eurocentric agenda as a universally accepted point of reference appears to have taken hold in the rhetoric of Barack Obama on this day in January. Obama identifies with the struggles of the early colonist stating, “In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of

127 months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned.

The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

Let it be told to the future world that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet it." Here we witness the President identifying a common struggle among early Americans, men and women who shared a common enemy, and now are attempting to super impose this historical paradigm (filled with political nuances and various historical perspectives) onto a contemporary diverse American audience. This oratorical interrogation may be less of an indictment regarding the President’s rhetoric and more of a telling sign concerning the extent to which the particularism of the European perspective has been communicated as Universal in

America and throughout the world.

Obama displays the idea of a universal perspective on history again when he states, “In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.” (http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/Inauguration/president-obama-inauguration-speech- transcript/story?id=6689022) In this quote Obama apparently attempts to go beyond simply identifying with the European perspective on American and perpetuates a fictional propaganda surrounding early America. When the President remarks about our journey not involving shortcuts, this statement has the ability to undermine the essential power relationship that

128 allowed generations of slave owners to completely exploit the Labor of millions of enslaved

Africans. In my historical analysis, the evidence appears to support that the exploitation that defined chattel slavery in America represents the epitome of a short-cut. These elements are the type of rhetorical devices that often help to shape a politicians legacy.

Perhaps, investigating the connections and comparisons as they relate to Barack Obama,

Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy will provide some insight as to the ways that Barack

Obama may be remembered throughout history. When analyzing the potentialities of Obama’s symbolic and rhetorical legacy I seek to gain useful understanding of how variations of his historical narrative could help or hinder African/African American people. Barack Obama is often compared to Lincoln and (Franklin D. Roosevelt) as a result of the multiplicity of high profile adverse circumstances that were previously faced. The historical symbol of political hope and change that is most often contrasted with the energy of The Obama campaign (if not the

Obama administration) is that of President Kennedy.

John Fitzgerald Kennedy served as President during a time when the nation was on the brink of a very different type of Civil War. The political unrest and massive demonstrations of

Civil disobedience that occurred in the United Stated during the 1960’s called for a leader who could quell racial tensions while navigating the country through crucial periods of international diplomacy such as the Cuban Missile Crisis. On January 20 1961 John F. Kennedy took office.

In his inaugural address, Jhon K Kennedy made one of the most famous quotes ever spoken in any Presidential inaugural address when he advised the citizens of the United States, “ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.” This famous line was preceded by words that defined the confidence and appreciation for the weight of the historical moment that Kennedy brought to the office of The Presidency. Kennedy stated, “In the long

129 history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.

The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.”

(http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=8032) The rally cry for Patriotic optimism in times of exceptional societal challenges is a message that the inaugural rhetoric of Barack Obama has in common with Kennedy. Obama confronts the ideas of those who may doubt the potential of his supporter’s positive outlook. Obama declares, “Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.”

Obama more recently displayed that the influence of the Kennedy legacy on his political approach is not limited to Former President JFK when he quoted Robert Kennedy during his

2011 State of the Union Address. Obama stated, “The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can't just stand still. As Robert Kennedy told us, "The future is not a gift. It is an achievement."

Sustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has required each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a new age.”

(http://rfkcenter.org/president-obama-quotes-robert-f-kennedy-in-state-of-the-union-address)

The rhetoric of Barack Obama differs from his predecessors in that the national interest of Americans are blended with their personal experiences and dreams in a way that candidly acknowledges the very differences that he seeks to transcend. Kennedy’s inaugural, for example utilized terms like “fellow Americans”, “change” and “our forbearers” which appear unifying

130 yet he fails to acknowledge the racial diversity that will threaten to destroy the established order in years to come if it remains exploited, unrecognized and exploited.

Kennedy continues the Eurocentric viewpoint that the historical experience of the original colonizers and designers of modern American government are qualified to serve as the universal perspective for all those considered American in later generations. Naturally, the progeny of enslaved Africans or the indigenous inhabitants of North America would not typically identify with early colonist more than their own direct ancestors without the aid of severe cultural dislocation taking place. The tragic consequences of presenting the European experience and worldview as universal is one of the tragic cultural conceptualizations that

Afrocentricity seeks to counteract Kennedy states, “We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.

Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage.” The portion of this inaugural quote that reads “proud of our ancient heritage” is perhaps the most culturally and historically problematic for a number of reasons. According to the most recent Census information (insert 1960 Census data possibly chart opportunity. This diverse population, living in a nation that existed in its current political configuration for less than 200 years (1776-1960) could not logically share in any homogenous ancient heritage throughout the various groups of people that developed in various parts of the planet unless John F. Kennedy was referring to the shared ancient African heritage of all humanity. Any suspicions that President Kennedy may have been alluding to a shared glorious classical African past can be quickly dismissed upon a cursory analysis of his inaugural speech.

131 Obama likewise does not link himself or the country to an African past of influence, exploitation, suffering or otherwise. The history referred to in Obama’s rhetoric remains the

Governmental narrative about freedom and Democracy. Obama asserts his responsibility to protect and promote this popular American political narrative stating, “We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.

The lead writer for Kennedy’s famous address was a lawyer from Nebraska named Ted

Sorenson. Ted Sorenson is a renowned speechwriter and he reportedly studied a number of great

American Speeches before crafting Kennedy’s impactful address.

In the book entitled, Sound the trumpet; the Making of Kennedy’s Inaugural Address, author, Richard J. Tofel touches on the seemingly unavoidable contrasts and comparisons to Dr.

Martin Luther King Jr.’s, “I Have a Dream considering the major role that the struggle for Civil

Rights played during the Kennedy Administration. Sorenson explained that one television critic,

“…declared that Kennedy’s Inaugural address was the second greatest speech in the history of television, trailing only Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr’s, “I Have a Dream” speech at the March on

Washington in August 1963. Three years later, a survey of 137 scholars asked them to name the greatest American speeches of the twentieth century, based on the criteria of historical impact and rhetorical artistry. Again Kennedy’s inaugural followed only King’s “I Have a Dream”.

The only other inaugural address on the list of the ten greatest speeches was FDR’s first inaugural, which was ranked third overall.” (Toefel, 2005, Ivan R. Dee Publishing Chicago, IL)

Sorenson needed to understand Kennedy as well as the times/cultural climate that produced him in order to effectively compose such a notable address.

132 Barack Obama draws from historical political rhetoricians in a similar fashion that

Kennedy’s speechwriters did decades earlier. Sorenson “discovered that Lincoln’s Gettysburg

Address had very few polysyllabic words. The result was those thrilling two syllables, “ask not!”

(…) Not just the “ask not,” but the important pause that came after, with an index finger jabbing the frosty air. That was political theater of the highest order.”

(http://punditwire.com/2010/11/12/more-than-rhetoric/). Just as Kennedy asked a famous question of the American people, (“Ask what you can do for your country”, Kennedy Inuagural address

January 20 1961) http://www.ushistory.org/documents/ask-not.htm), Obama presented a question of his own. Obama urged, “The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end.”

The political theatre Kennedy created was unfortunately absent of a diverse supporting cast for the undeniably focus of foreign policy. The polarized national contentions concerning segregation and racial unrest that would play such a defining role for the coming decade would be forced into a proverbial backseat throughout Kennedy’s inaugural address as he only once alluded to the struggles for Civil Rights, never directly addressing this most pressing African

American concern. Obama does not note these apparent weaknesses in Kennedy’s rhetoric and instead alludes to the Kennedy administrations ability to avoid unnecessary military engagement during the Cuban missile crisis, holding this era of diplomacy in exemplary esteem. Obama states, “They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and

133 restraint.” (http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/Inauguration/president-obama-inauguration-speech- transcript/story?id=6689022&page=3)

Despite the neglectful dismissive rhetorical posture of the Kennedy administration on this defining day, the President, in a stroke of tragic irony, invites all under the sound of his voice to collectively engage in paying homage and taking pride in our shared mythical ancient heritage.

The omission of the African worldview existing lock step with a phenomenon that can best be described as possessing a false father identity. This cultural/historical distortion occurs when people affectionately align themselves with a legacy of the founding fathers of the United States although this legacy existed in violent opposition to the life liberty and pursuit of peace underwent by their ancestors (or themselves if the victim of said psychosis existed during the inception of this Constitution forming period). As John F. Kennedy before him, Barack Obama similarly contends that there is critical significance to the future of the nation to be found in the examples and sacrifices of the founding fathers and the generation that they led. Obama states,

“Our founding fathers faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.

Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.”

(http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text-obama.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0)

This theme of having a personal Patriotic connection to the Founding Fathers is an often repeated sentiment that appears to be a necessary historical alignment in order to give Obama a credible chance to ascend to the office of the Presidency. Beyond having a strong academic background and experience with electoral politics as well as grass roots organizing. As a candidate for the office of the Presidency, the adherence to and public support of a rather traditional historical narrative appeared to be of critical importance. It may have played an even larger role for the

134 first African American President to be certain to let an uncertain and racially paranoid percent of the American electorate know exactly where he stands on the dominant American narrative.

This Patriotic historical conceptualization is one that often omits any reference to Native

Americans and minimizes the exploitation of the African Slave trade. A very specific distortion is necessary to effectively establish the type of cultural location that will garner enough votes to become Commander in Chief. One of the paramount components of this political positioning that is evident throughout the inaugural address involves a simultaneous exhalation of colonialism that accompanies the aforementioned omissions and reductionist ideologies. An example of this complex confidence gaining process is expressed when Obama states, “In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.

It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.” Interestingly here Obama appears to historically align himself with a main-stream American idea of a “we” that does not appear to include enslaved Africans or Indigenous peoples of North America. Ironically however while locating himself and his supporters within this historical context under the pretense of a collective patriotic we he mentions that this group was not taken to shortcuts or limited to the pursuit of riches. Analyzing this quote by Obama about the brave, industrious we that Barack Obama refers to is problematic on many levels when interrogated from an Afrocentric perspective. The only groups that accurately fit the description given [we] are the very people of color often excluded from political historical narratives. Indigenous people were not traditionally seekers of riches and fame but rather sought harmony with nature and positive relations between the ancestral and living plains of existence.

135 This practice by the Indigenous peoples mirrored the pursuit of balance that defines the

Ancient African understanding of the principal of Ma’at. This concept is articulated in Maulana

Karenga’s text entitled, Ma’at The Moral Ideal in Ancient Egypt: A Study in Classical African

Ethics. Karenga explains the history of the concept stating, “The etymology of Maat suggests an evolution from a physical concept of straightness, evenness, levelness, correctness, as the wedged shaped glyph suggests, to a general concept of rightness, including the ontological and ethical, sense of truth justice righteousness order-in a word, the rightness of things.

(Karenga 2004 Routledge Farmer publishing, London UK)

In Obama’s depiction of the early colonial era the humility and fortitude described ironically applies to those who could be considered plunderers, conquerors and exploitative economic opportunists from the Indigenous or Afrocentric perspective. Obama also remarks about how these men (his Founding Fathers) were not given to shortcuts and opted for work over leisure. From an Afrocentric perspective I would ask the question, what greater shortcut that leads away from engaging in work and towards creating more opportunity for leisure than the enslavement of other human beings? If someone else is doing the work and you reap all of the profits from their labor that could definitely be considered by some standards as a shortcut.

Interestingly, one of the only times in this address that the particular perspective of African

Americans is allude to involves the further promotion of the National perspective as

Eurocentrically normative, yet extremely inclusive for any willing to adopt the dominant historical narrative. Obama states, “This is the source of our confidence: the knowledge that

God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed, why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall. And why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been

136 served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.”

(http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text-obama.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0)

Obama’s affinity for the men he called the Founding Fathers again manifest what I commented on previously as an example of what could be considered a manifestation of a False

Father Identity. This possible phenomena is one element that remained fairly consist throughout my close readings of the numerous Presidential Inaugural addresses given over the years

This False Father Identity that Kennedy attempted to persuade Blacks in the 1960’s to accept as their own historical context, was later rehashed and repackaged in the mouth of a Black man in

2008 when Barack Obama gave his inaugural address. Another point to note from President

Obama’s remarks in which the President described himself as being “mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.” The questions that this phrase inspires are; what are the “sacrifices” that the newly installed President is referring to and what group (or groups) can be included in the term “our ancestors” when Obama mentions ancestral inheritance.

Barack Obama has placed himself within the historical lineage of the “Founding Fathers” of America on several occasions. This description illustrates a peculiar dislocation as it connects

Barack Obama more intimately to the former slave masters of his ancestors than to the enslaved

Africans themselves who may have come from the very area of Africa that his own father was born in. Many African American’s experience some form of dislocation resulting from attempting to rival the Patriotic enthusiasm of their Euro-American counterparts. This racially codified power relationship has presented a psychological problematic that my research seeks to help to remedy. Various African American intellectuals throughout history have wrestled with this reality (Cruse, King, and Dubois). Barack Obama never appears haunted by the pressure

137 committing any form of ancestral blasphemy through his efforts to support the American

Experiment.

When Supreme court justice John Roberts asked Barack Obama on the day of his inauguration whether he was prepared to “preserve protect and defend the Constitution of the

United States” (ref of transcript) he responded in the affirmative (ref) and has been remaining true to his oath to defend, maintain and even expand the influence of the American experiment.

Towards the end of his inaugural address, Barack Obama frames his patriotism in the most traditional American sense, by divine right (Manifest Destiny).

Obama states, “These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character than giving our all to a difficult task. This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence: the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.” (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text- obama.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0)

The Eurocentric, Patriotic allegiance that President Obama displays towards his country was firmly and definitively expressed in the opening statements of his inaugural address.

Another aspect of Obama’s remarks that my research revealed, affirms the Presidents political perspective and location as he states, “I thank President Bush for his service to our nation.”

Some political analyst and others who hear/read this statement from President Obama may view it as a fairly immaterial political formality or deferential courtesy that reflects the Presidency

138 affinity for proper orderly recognitions and professionalism. My analysis yielded a very different conclusion. As part Yale University’s Avalon Project; Documents in Law History and

Diplomacy, a rich, thorough collection of various forms of historical documents have been collected that assisted me in contrasting the inaugural addresses of years past with the inaugural rhetoric of Barack Obama.

Throughout my investigation of over forty inaugural addresses, the two primary elements of these speeches that I noted were; 1) to what extent were African/Indigenous populations mentioned/addressed and 2) what references were made by the incoming President about his political predecessor. The extent to which homage is paid to previous Presidents far exceeds the amount of attention paid, or mentions made about indigenous or enslaved populations. Obama’s inaugural address does not deviate from this tradition of marginalizing peoples of color. When issues of race are presented in this address it usually serves a larger political purpose than bringing light to subjects that require greater national and international attention.

Obama alludes to the Jim Crow era and the Civil Rights as a way of promoting the progressive potential of a nation that has long struggled to reconcile difference and Democracy.

Obama states, “We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and nonbelievers.

We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth. And because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.”

(http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text-obama.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0) This

139 inclusive, multicultural approach to race is indicative of large amounts of American political rhetoric.

The symbol of Barack Obama as the first African American President often speaks louder than the calculated, often race neutral (Tillotson, African World Press 2011) oratory that apparently appealed to many of his supporters. The imagery of global African American leadership, in addition to positive attributes like articulation and calculated, strategic oration are all elements of this address and the symbol of Barack Obama that could be beneficially extracted.

An article printed in the Journal of Black Studies, written by Pearl K., Telka A. Johnson and Angie Maxwell entitled, “Yes We Did”: Prospective and Retrospective Change in the

Obama Presidency 2010“ (Volume 40 #3) address similar questions that my research attempts to interrogate, including the potential and possible lasting impressions of Obama’s Presidency. The article asks, “But will Obama’s election cloud the structural inequities that contribute to racism and Black exclusion? As Obama stands on the world stage, we argue that his ascent was based on prospective expectations of what his Presidency would mean and that it was affected by the retrospective context of the changing social, economic and political global economy. Further, by analyzing what contributed to his victory, we can speculate what impact his administration will have on African American candidates planning for their own ascension.” (Ford, Johnson and

Maxwell 2010).

140

CHAPTER 6

POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON RACE AND RACISM

“A MORE PERFECT UNION” SPEECH

March 18th 2008, Philadelphia Pennsylvania

Obama's speech on Race has been heralded as one of the most honest addresses ever given by a

Commander in chief. This address was a response to the mounting political pressure surrounding the Reverend Jeremiah Wright controversy and became a breakthrough moment for some. Others viewed this moment as a turning point in American politics regarding governmental analysis of racial disparities. Critics of the address highlight the fact that it was only after significant negative political polarization that the then Senator stepped up to the plate and recognized the problems of race and racism that have been. For many years, African

American intellectuals have written about the dilemma of attempting to define and express

African/African American/Black humanity within the context of a racist white supremacist

American society.

These struggles have resulted in a number of socio-psychological side effects that have adversely impacted children of the African Diaspora for generations. Few authors, sociologist or political theoreticians have effectively articulated the contradictory challenges of existing and excelling beyond the potentially limiting confines of institutionalized racism, more effectively than W.E.B. Dubois. In his signature text entitled, The Souls of Black Folk, Dubois details an interesting perspective on what it means to be Black in America. Dubois explains, “After the

Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teuton and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world, —a world

141 which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness, —an American, a Negro... two thoughts, two un-reconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body” (Dubois 1903,

Chicago A.C. Mclurge & Co).

The focus on race and racism in the search for self-hood that Dubois discussed is extremely relevant to the address delivered in Philadelphia by Presidential candidate Barack

Obama. As candidate Barack Obama began his speech, he wasted no time in noting the significance of the historic city of Philadelphia and the rich political history of the Nation’s founding documents composed there. Obama begins, "We the people, in order to form a more perfect union”. Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787. ”

(http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/03/18/obama-race-speech-read-th_n_92077.html).

There is peculiar irony present within the introduction of a speech dealing with race, contrastingly, beginning with information from solely European colonist perspective/experiences. The qualifiers that denote inclusion and ownership, including "we" and

"our" further locate Obama as emerging directly from the Patriotic ethos of American historical

Propaganda. Within this context, the institution of slavery is treated as a seemingly inevitable evil that was necessary for the evolution of American power. The oratory that dominates

142 Presidential campaign trails in the United States often deals with historical propaganda, issues and interest driven concerns and political promises. Concerns about slavery and issues such as reparations for the enslavement of Africans, however, are seldom (if ever) part of the Pantheon of special interests/social concerns that are discussed while politicians travel throughout the country soliciting support. In American politics the minimizing of the importance and impacts of the slave trade is accompanied by a complete omission of the Genocide committed against the indigenous inhabitants of the Continent. Obama states, "The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.”

This gentle handling of Constitutional contradictions and omissions are accompanied by similar descriptions of the enslavement of Africans. Obama's rhetoric regarding slavery is perhaps where he makes his furthest departure from the perspectives that are typically produced within the Afrocentric perspective. Optimism and national trust in America’s potential have heavenly influenced the trajectory of Barack Obama’s life and are evidenced in this brief excerpt. Obama confidently asserts, "Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution- “ A differing, Afrocentric opinion may view the Constitution of the United States as a document produced by rich, white, land owners and slave holders, who constructed the document in order to maintain a hegemonic ruling class under the guise of

Freedom and Liberty. This document [The Constitution] influenced the patriotic perspective and location of Barack Obama.

143 Barack Obama's relationship to mythologized Eurocentric national propaganda appears to be strongly reinforced by the distance between his reality and that of the majority of people of

African descent. The oppressive history between white power and black oppression has created a legacy of imbalance with vestiges of racial disparities that continue to infect every segment of society. Obama’s personal/psychological development has not escaped the ramifications of institutionalized racism. Despite a number of unusual aspects of Obama’s upbringing (time spent living in Indonesia and being raised in an all white household) there were events and realities that suggested to a young Barack Obama that he somehow existed on the periphery of both the traditional Black and White experiences. His racial and cultural complications were magnified by the fact that he was a direct genetic product of the two groups with which he wrestled to reconcile his worldview and sense of belonging.

In many of Obama’s addresses exist the potentially negative implications of presenting the European perspective as universal. The traditional American educational system’s promotion of a collective patriotic cultural consciousness often creates a challenging analytical byproduct of national naiveté that could negatively impact the international perspective of America. Many cultural and conceptual contradictions result when attempting to reconcile U.S. Constitutional propaganda with the lack of agency inspired by historical denials of Constitutional protections to many American citizens.

When one of the most often promoted traditional notion of America (a great multicultural melting pot which prides itself in the unparalleled diversity and opportunity for all) is juxtaposed with the disproportionate attention paid to the European perspective (often at the expense of minimizing or omitting many other cultural locations), the issue of a shared national history is further complicated.

144 This challenge represents the type of problematic that Obama would need to overcome in order to give this address the necessary impact that would cause political analyst to consider this speech as a positive turning point in his campaign. (Obama’s Speech: A Turning Point by David

E. Kaiser (http://hnn.us/blogs/2.html) Historian Douglas Brinkley referred to Obama’s, A More

Perfect Union speech as, “a brilliantly crafted speech” and “one for the ages”

(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ylBpPWpoRVE) Barack Obama begins by employing his usual rhetorical approach of locating himself within the cultural context of the Founding Fathers when discussing the history of the Nation. After beginning with “We the people”, he continues on to explain which people he is referring to (“Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution”). Absent from this ironically exclusive We as described by Barack Obama are the countless African men and women who were brought to the colonies against their will as kidnapped prisoners of war and held as property, forced to become slaves for this new nation.

Despite Obama’s typical historical identifications found within the introductory portion of his political oratory, the content of this address presented an interesting departure from the usual subject matter that has fueled Obama’s Presidential campaign until this point. The most glaring difference in rhetorical direction came just after the initial introduction where the

Constitutional contradictions (ex. The three-fifths compromise, a document of Liberty in a slave nation), and hypocrisy embedded in much of American patriotism were elucidated. Obama states, “…a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a

Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time. (http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2008/03/18/text-of-obamas-speech-a-more- perfect-union/) This was a new side of Obama’s rhetoric being presented to many observers of

145 this address. As a student of Constitutional law who rose to become the first Black President of the Harvard Law Review a Constitutional critique of this type may have been unexpected for supporters and critics alike.

The promise of America may not have been so articulately critiqued on an international stage since August 28th 1963 during Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s, I Have a Dream. In King’s speech, he made distinct separations between the Constitution (September 17, 1787) and the

Emancipation Proclamation regarding significance to the African American community. King focused heavily on the hypocrisy and contradictions of American Democracy particularly as it dealt with the African American community.

King explained, “In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of

Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

This note was a promise that all men -- yes, black men as well as white men -- would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned” (http://www.foxnews.com/us/2013/08/27/transcript-martin-luther-king-jr-have-dream- speech/)

This connection was one of many comparisons that could be made between these speeches that dealt with a variety of racial issues from segregation to the impacts of unseen prejudices. Obama’s approach was less candid and accusatory than King’s, yet there exists many similar issues surrounding race progress and accountability. Obama’s speech included a conversational tone that attempted to cut through the typical calculated political rhetorical posture that has come to define much of traditional American political rhetoric. Obama

146 personalized his National critiques giving them a personal touch while suggesting participatory effort on the part of Blacks and Whites.

Obama went as far to claim that such disparities between America’s promise and practices was an issue that his campaign planned to be intentional about remedying. Obama states, “…to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign — to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together — unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes.” Here Obama infuses his political optimism (an expressed belief that these racial problems are solvable) with his desire for collective advancement of the nation. There is also a familiar ancestral acknowledgement of the struggles of past describing our past sacrifices within the African/African American context of “a long march”. It is interesting to note that Obama refers to sacrifice and struggle while seemingly making historical references to an African American context while discussing the creation of national regulations and the advancement of American civilization through the lens (and with a personal connection) to a Eurocentric (Founding Fathers) context.

Obama's cultural location is influenced by his Bi-racial American identity. The impact of his adolescence and search for self in a racially polarizes constantly changing America influences the foundational perspective that drives the balance and structure of this address.

Obama shares, “This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the

American people. But it also comes from my own American story. I am the son of a black man

147 from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather

(…) and a white grandmother (…) I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, (…) It’s a story that hasn’t made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts — that out of many, we are truly one. The uniqueness of Obama’s family background, racial makeup and well-traveled adolescence all appear to have contributed to his abounding optimism and ability to connect to members from diverse populations during his Presidential campaign. Although the benefits of Obama having a unique adolescent experience may have significantly contributed to his eventual political victories, they have apparently, also influenced the extent to which his rhetoric displays overtones of dislocation.

There is a seemingly unavoidable degree of cultural and historical dislocation present when a descendant from Africa attaches themselves more intimately with the Founding Fathers than with the enslaved African that the Founding Fathers owned. Such a connection relies on distortion and/or omission of information which establishes a rare form of racial dislocation when it is contrasted with the unique experiences that molded Barack Obama throughout his adolescence. In Obama’s memoirs entitled, Dreams From my Father he discusses various challenges inspirations and defining moments where race played a central role. Obama explains,

“My identity might begin with the fact of my race, but it didn't, couldn't end there. At least that's what I would choose to believe.” Later he wrote, “Whether because of New York's density or because of its scale, it was only [there] that I began to grasp the almost mathematical precision with which America's race and class problems joined; the bile that flowed freely not just out on the streets but in the stalls of Columbia's bathrooms as well, where, no matter how many times

148 the administration tried to paint them over, the walls remained scratched with blunt correspondence between niggers and kikes.” (Obama 1995)

These identity-influencing experiences helped shape the racial rhetoric that characterized what became known by many as Obama’s, Race Speech or Speech on Race. The pursuit of racial reconciliation that Obama discusses in the text seemed far more difficult to navigate than it was for him to accept general patriotic mythologies regarding America’s founding. These cultural juxtapositions are perhaps what many white voters were able to relate to Barack Obama throughout his campaigns. A book by John Heilman and Mark Halperin (2010 Harper Collins publishing) entitled, Game Change, includes a controversial quote regarding Obama’s crossover political appeal that was made by Senator Harry Reid. National Public Radio (NPR) discussed the quote that lead to many Republicans calling for Harry Reid to step down from his position as the Senate Majority leader amidst cries of racism.

In an article entitled, What is Being Light Skinned With No Negro Dialect? Journalist Lee

Hill investigates the quote that started the backlash including “a reference Reid made regarding then-presidential candidate Barack Obama as a "light-skinned" African-American "with no

Negro dialect, unless he wanted to have one." The chosen pattern of Obama’s speech in this instance is apparently emblematic of a larger psychological and cultural connection to traditional, Patriotic, White America. Reid’s comments about Obama’s rhetoric and apparently more politically acceptable skin tone indicates a level of assimilation that possibly led his political colleagues to view him as more responsible, respectable and worthy of their trust and political support. What is different about this address are the elements of candidness and historical context that have shaped and continue to impact race relations in the United States.

149 Perhaps the most powerful aspect of Obama’s delivery is the way he personalizes racial conflicts in the United States.

Here Obama implements a similar strategy that he utilized during his 2004 Democratic

Convention address where he presented himself as a microcosm of national experiences and interest. This time, however, his personal testimony served as a revelatory template, manifesting an often hidden history and collective consciousness that often divide sharply along racial lines.

Obama states, “At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either

"too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every single exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.”

Obama illustrates the necessary historical negations that the American inclusive aesthetic is predicated upon when describing the potential realization of the nation's founding rhetoric.

Within this ideological framework, issues including; reparations for chattel enslavement and honoring treaties that early colonists made with indigenous nations are never discussed with any degree of seriousness. Early atrocities are often dismissed as unavoidable prices paid for patriotic notions of progress. This rhetorical approach operates under the common (American) assumption that the lives of citizens around the world have been improved by the international ramifications of Americans inception. This perspective of colonial benevolence allows for the offer of full participation in the American experiment to be viewed as greater than (or at least equivalent to) the benefits citizens around the world would enjoy without the birth of this nation.

150 Obama admits, "And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States". This statement displays Obama's understanding of the possible limits of American propaganda when the issues like Abolishing bondage and the enslavement of African people are the topics at hand. This realization does not, however, extend to a consideration of the possibility that some nations and their citizens may have been far better off if the conquering colonization that is America's founding had never occurred. The address continues with a valuable lesson that resonates with the African/African American community regarding the importance of incremental geo political growth and progress.

(Reference Akan proverbs the journey of a million miles and standing on the shoulders of giants).

President Barack Obama rhetoric indicates that he realizes that this generation of African

Americans did not get to where we are solely based upon our own merit, ingenuity intellect, and industriousness. There are three key, very telling points that can be made regarding Obama's generational deference that help to locate and logically interrogate his rhetorical approach.

These are; 1.) The extent to which Obama identifies with national political founding fatherhood in contrast to biological or actual experiential fatherly connections, 2.) His overwhelming tendency to connect himself with a political lineage and legacy that has historically excluded and oppressed his ancestors and the chronological and geographic limitations of his appreciative, rhetorical posture.

In this speech Obama cites his African patriarchal lineage in a manner that illustrates the diverse nature of his adolescent experience. This familial mention does not serve to connect

Obama with his father’s; home, cultural traditions or ideological perspectives. Rather, this

151 international (Universalist) acknowledgement is utilized to create a more endearing national political image. Obama's father is emblematic of the beneficial aspects of American freedom with his displays of academic and amorous independence evident in his choice. The tragic irony of Obama's usage of family experiences is revealed when the African father is seemingly being offered up by the son. This rhetorical arrangement presents a symbolic twist on an ancient

African naming ceremony like the one popularized by the Alex Haley movie Roots (Haley

1977).

In the film, the father offers up the son to the wonder of the cosmos and powerful ancestral connection shortly after the child is born (roughly a week after the birth of the child as is customary in many African traditions). The book Roots (Haley 1974), Haley details, “Moving to his wife’s side, he lifted up the infant and, as all watched, whispered three times into his son’s ear the name he had chosen for him. It was the first time the name had ever been spoken as this child’s name, for Omoro’s people felt that each human being should be the first to know who he was. (…)Out under the moon and the stars, alone with his son that eighth night, Omoro completed the naming ritual. Carrying little Kunta in his strong arms, he walked to the edge of the village, lifted his baby up with his face to the heavens, and said softly, “Fend kiling dorong leh warrata ka iteh tee.” (Behold—the only thing greater than yourself.) http://www.rootsthebook.com/index.html

In Obama’s contemporary rhetorical familial offering his father's landmark was used as a political stepping stone during the speech that was delivered at the Democratic National

Convention in 2004. In the opening lines of a speech that served as his political introduction to most of the nation, Obama referenced his father to illustrate the unlikelihood of his current political opportunity. Obama declared, "Tonight is a particular honor for me because-let's face

152 it- my presence on this stage is pretty unlikely. My father was a foreign student, born and raised in a small village in Kenya. He grew up herding goats, went to school in a tin-roof shack.

"My parents shared not only an improbable love, they shared an abiding faith in the possibilities of this nation" (Obama 2004 DNC speech).

Obama's critique of the contradictory nature of a "land of the free" that was built from the hands of enslaved Africans is progressive and fueled by his unique optimism. While others describe these foundational flaws of America as the catalyst for the country is inevitable destruction, Obama's approach is more in line with another popular Black progressive reformist,

The Reverend, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. During the March on Washington Dr. King described,

“In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. "It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation." http://www.usconstitution.net/dream.html

Dr. King differs from Obama in that his rhetoric takes a more aggressive turn regarding how progressive segments of this fundamentally flawed society should be dealt with. King called for a direct, immediate grass roots movement that he believed could shake the ivory towers and reach the heights of political power in a transformative way. "So we have come to

153 cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. ”http://www.usconstitution.net/dream.html

The term “the fierce urgency of now” that Barack Obama would later implement as part of his own political rhetoric was a phrase that Dr. King used during a speech titled, “Beyond Vietnam:

A Time to Break Silence. Declaration of Independence from the War in Vietnam”. King urged,

"We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.” http://www.milestonedocuments.com/documents/view/martin-luther-king-jr-beyond- vietnam-a-time-to-break-silence

Obama finds a way to invoke Dr. King’s rhetoric while not evoking his spirit when he states, “I’m running because of what Dr. King called, “the fierce urgency of now”, cause I believe there’s a such thing as being too late, and that hour is almost upon us. We are at a defining moment in our history. Our nation is at war,, our planet is in peril and the dream that so many generations fought for feels like it’s slowly slipping away”

(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7CIquPCHiY0) Here Obama presents the words of Dr. King in a race neutral, multicultural patriotic paradigm devoid of racial specificity or historical economic inequities. This new urgency was related to voting instead of vindication. There is also a subtle converging of historic perspectives that were typically divided significantly along racial lines present in Obama’s speech. The uniqueness of the African American experience is lost in the shadow of our collective National dream and legacy of struggle. Dr. King acknowledged that a stark contrast existed between the majority of Blacks and Whites regarding their respective struggles and expectations of their Government.

154 Obama expresses the reality of an unfinished ideal and an unrealized American dream in a more sanitized and less agitated way. Both display a clear understanding that it will take more than idealistic language to truly help America to live up to her lofty creeds. Obama takes a more academic approach and shy away from indicting America and instead opts for an analysis that focuses on the structure and historical context of the Constitution of the United States. After gently critiquing the Constitution by describing it as an unfinished document and discussing the institution of Slavery as, “a question that divided the colonies and bought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least 20 more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.”(Source here) Obama places his current political agenda and the social challenges of the nation within the context of these generations charged to be a part of the solution to the previously unsolved racial dilemma’s he describes.

One of the primary focuses of this address deals with Obama’s attempt to frame the conversation about his Pastor Jeremiah Wright in a way that minimizes and or helps to move past the situation.

An article in The Western Journal of Black Studies entitled, Barack Obama’s (Im)perfect

Union: An Analysis of the Strategic Successes and Failures in His Speech on Race, (Utly, Emily

Hayes Amy L, The Western Journal of Black Studies 2009, Fall, 33, 3 interrogates the initial controversy and Obama’s subsequent response. The article explains,

“One of those sermons, originally titled,"Confusing God andthe Government" delivered on April 13, 2

003, was retitled "God Damn America"on YouTube. Wright preached that the United States government

enactedgenocide against Native Americans and African Americans, helped imprisonNelson Mandela, and manipulated God's word and will to sanction slavery and segregation.” In response to the continuous replaying of sound bites containing the more provocative aspects of Wrights sermon the Obama campaigned fashioned a rhetorical counterattack that would pit candidness against controversy, Obama

155 warns, “But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The intention behind dedicating a significant portion of this speech to the Jeremiah

Wright controversy is apparently to refocus the attention away from this political challenge and onto Obama’s campaign platform, the Nations potential to move in a more unified direction after he is elected and the optimism embodied in his campaigns trust in Hope and faith in the possibility of positive change. Obama explains, “… we've heard my former pastor, Reverend

Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.” Here we see a racial convergence of opinion

(Black people and White people being “rightly offended”) regarding Jeremiah Wright’s comments about America that did not necessarily correlate with the video of the sermon where his rhetoric was met with rousing applause from an almost exclusively African American

Congregation.

Obama’s declaration describing the rhetoric of his former Pastor as having comparable impacts within both the White and Black communities perhaps represent the type of wishful thinking that continue drive many of his perspectives and politics on race. Other reports, described the magnitude of the Jeremiah Wright factor in the 2008 election as representative of a racial and political divide rather than an issue that most Americans agreed was offensive as

Obama described. A May 17, 2012 article that appeared in U.S News and World Report, entitled

The Rights Particular Obsession With Jeremiah Wright. The article interrogates what reporter

Robert Schlesinger characterizes as a Partisan fixation on Jeremiah Wright on the part of

Republicans who continue to prompt political attacks in 2012 that could best be described as too

156 little too late. Schlesinger argues; “If there was a time to play the Jeremiah Wright card it was in

2008. (…) Judging by a leaked "super PAC" ad campaign apparently being contemplated against

President Obama, some Republican political strategists have the same problem. After nearly four years of an Obama presidency, they're still fixated on Rev. Jeremiah Wright.”

(http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/robert-schlesinger/2012/05/17/the-rights-peculiar-obsession-with- jeremiah-wright)

Obama moved from an exaggerated collective perception of Jeremiah Wright’s rhetoric and delved into a fairly lengthy attempt to dispel all doubts and concerns from the voting public regarding his connection or approval of Jeremiah Wright’s more provocative preaching. Obama assured, “I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy and, in some cases, pain. For some, nagging questions remain.

Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in the church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely. (….) As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems”.

This quote includes a perspective on race that fuels racial minimization and descriptions of racial emphasis as counterproductive to racial progress. When Obama describes Wright’s comments as

“racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems.”

Particularly concerning methods of seeing the world are manifested. First, the comment implies that there are inappropriate times to address issues of race, and inopportune moments for ones rhetoric to be racially charged regardless of the personal experiences or circumstance influencing those who craft such rhetoric. Secondly, that racially charged rhetoric can’t be a part of the

157 coming together process for various racial groups. Lastly, Obama juxtaposes the provocative racial rhetoric of Wright with what he prioritizes as “monumental problems”, which by default categorizes issues of race, racial divisions and disparities as less than monumental problems/issues. Over 100 years ago (1903 Souls Of Black Folk) W.E.B. Dubois described the problem of the color line as the most monumental issue of the century yet the first African

American President feels very differently about the importance of race during this era.

In a similar yet more pronounced and dramatic fashion Obama again sacrifices the image, narrative or connection concerning someone from his past in order to gain politically.

A similar rhetorical political strategy that was previously implemented regarding

Obama's biological father was utilized later to manipulate the connections and Influence of his

Spiritual father (Pastor). In African traditions the connections between rhetoric, spirituality and spiritual leadership are intricately connected. These elements in African societies are inter- related in a way that does not allow for the types of separations, declarations and repudiations that are found in Barack Obama's speech. In a comparative analysis that examines Obama's rhetoric within an Afrocentric context that focuses on ancient African traditions and values, an extremely important element to examine is Nommo. Nommo is the creative power of the spoken word, which brings about harmony and balance (Cummings & Roy, 2002). Asante (1998).

In the Journal of Black Studies, edited by Ama Mazama (February 22, 2011) a revealing article was written by Sheena C. Howard entitled, Manifestations of Nommo: Afrocentric Analysis of

President Barack Obama. The primary goal of Howards work as she describes it is, “to uncover how the African oral element of nommo is manifested in President Obama and how his use of nommo is facilitated as he communicates across racial lines.” (Howard 2011) Howard juxtaposes two speeches given by Barack Obama in her article, an address delivered at Howard

158 University and a speech that was given in South New Hampshire. In this article Howard also cites a list of elements that separate the African rhetorical tradition from the European rhetorical tradition. Howard cites, “(…) Cummings and Roy (2002) provide a list of 10 characteristics of

African American communication. These characteristics include rhythm, soundin out, call and response, stylin, lyrical quality, improvisation, historical perspective, repetition, indirection and mythication. These characteristics are rooted in Nommo” (Howard 2011)

Barack Obama relies on these characteristics in order to make his rhetoric more persuasive. Obama implements the rhetorical device of call and response (encouraging the audience to shout his campaign slogan (Yes We Can) and the “stylin” and “lyrical quality” displayed when he is speaking at a black church sounding more like a Baptist Preacher than a

Politician. Perhaps the infusion of Nommo and its characteristics are what have given Barack

Obama a significant Oratorical advantage over his political competitors who have been less connected to this tradition. This may account for the peculiar power that has been ascribed to

Obama’s political rhetoric.

In The Encyclopedia of African Religion (Edited by Molefi Kete Asante and Ama

MAzama 2009) Nommo is described as having metaphysical, transformative potential that continue to influence new ideas about rhetoric, faith and healing in contemporary society. In the chapter written by Elizabeth Andrade entitled, Ibis, Symbol of Tehuti in the section subtitled,

The Ibis Representation, the strength of Nommo as it relates to Tehuti is discussed.. Andrade writes, “In the beginning in Africa there was the word, an oral tradition a powerful concept with the ability to breathe forth life and make all things manifest into reality. Then came Tehuti, who demonstrated the ability to transform these energetic oratory tools into symbolic representations,

(…) the power of the word such as Nommo, is believed to possess the innate ability to heal the

159 sick and resurrect the dead.” (Asnate, Mazama, 2009 Sage Publishing,Thousand Oaks

California) This depiction displays the power, potential and cultural significance of rhetoric within an African centered context.

Obama utilized this potential to resurrect the momentum that his campaign had before the

Jeremiah Wright Controversy. Obama not only separated himself from his former pastor but he identifies Reverend Wright with an outdated worldview, while positioning himself as a symbol of contemporary societal progress and future socio political racial progress. Obama assumes,

“The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change.” This quote appears to be a more desperate rhetorical stretch showing Obama feeding into the type of narrative about his campaign as an exaggerated display of racial progress that spawned ideas of a Post racial society.

Martell Teasley and David Ikard wrote an article entitled, The Myth of Post Racism in

America, which discussed the Postracial phenomenon. The article states, “Despite this claim and unprecedented enthusiasm that abounds within African American circles about the direction of race relations in this country, there seems to be a glaring ideological disconnect between the desire and reality of a race free society. Focusing attention on this disconnect and the symbolic capitol of “hope” that Obama’s Presidency constitutes for the Black community. (Journal of

Black Studies Volume 40 No 3, January 2010, page 411) Despite Obama’s focus on racial struggles, prejudice and the emphasis on the evolution of the Black experience, Obama further

160 reveals his cultural location through highlighting a personal story of a campaign supporter named

Ashley. Obama concludes, “There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named

Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, (…)

And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time.

And Ashley asks him why he's there. (…) He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley." (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/03/18/obama-race-speech-read- th_n_92077.html)

Concluding this speech with a white woman who inspires members of a largely African

American community is how Obama apparently couches the language of stark racial honesty and historical racial struggles on a platform of integrated optimism. The candidness, positive outlook and inclusion of historical context are elements of this speech that can be beneficially extracted to enhance various rhetorical expressions. The combination and implementation of these elements assisted Barack Obama through an address that I would argue was one of the most important to the viability of his 2008 Presidential Campaign.

161 CHAPTER 7

IF I HAD A SON, OBAMA SPEAKS TO BLACK MALES:

BARACK OBAMA BROTHER’S KEEPER INITIATIVE

“Because if America stands for anything, it stands for the idea of opportunity for everybody” (Cable News Network, 2014) Few people have capitalized off of the abundance of opportunity that defines America more than President Barack Obama. The extensive potentialities became evident in the historic Presidential campaign that surprised and inspired the

Nation. Paul Tiyambe Zeleza articulated the impact of the Obama election in his book entitled,

Barack Obama and African Diasporas: Dialogues and Dissensions. Zeleza wrote,

It was a dazzling performance, historic in its possibilities: a black man electrifying

America's imagination, pulverizing the ferocious Clinton, machine, collecting electoral victories with deceptive and decisive ease, seemingly unstoppable on his amazing journey to the US presidency. (Zeleza, 2009, p. 189 2009)

On February 27, 2014, President Barack Obama introduced an initiative designed primarily for the direct benefit of African American males. With a budget of 200 million dollars, the scope and funding of the project was seemingly unprecedented in American presidential politics.

One could argue that the systemic, racially stratified struggles and bureaucratic obstacles facing most African American males have not received this much political attention since

October 16th, 1995. In 1995, The Honorable Louis Farrakhan gave a keynote address at the

Million Man March specifically tailored to the concerns of Black men. Farrakhan was the lead visionary for the historic event. Twelve years later, the man discussing many of the same issues

162 was not standing outside of the White House as one of its most adamant critics; rather he stood inside of the White House as commander in chief.

The official White House memorandum about the initiative read as follows:

Over the course of my Administration, we have made consistent progress on important goals such as reducing high school dropout rates and lowering unemployment and crime. Yet as the Congress, State and local governments, research institutions, and leading private-sector organizations have all recognized, persistent gaps in employment, educational outcomes, and career skills remain for many boys and young men of color throughout their lives. (The White

House, 2014)

This move represented the type of political action that many African Americans were looking for when Barack Obama was first elected president. Their expectations may have been inspired by the racially-concentrated aspects of the Obama presidential campaigns.

Author John Davis described the demographic relevance of the Obama election in his book, The Barack Obama Presidency. Davis (2011) explained the following:

Democratic turnout increased in the following states from 2004 to 2008. Indiana (up 8.32 percentage points), North Carolina (8.3), Hawaii (6.4), Delaware (6.1), Georgia (6.1), North

Dakota (6.0), Nevada (5.9), Montana (5.4), New Mexico (0.1), and Virginia (5.0). Republican turnout increased in only 8 of 47 states and the District of Columbia. Because the turnout of minority voters increased substantially in 2008, evidence of a positive “Obama effect” exists.”

(p.148)

Six years after his Inaugural address on February 27, 2014, President Barack Obama presented to the world a comprehensive piece of legislation that provided assistance to young

African American men by addressing their struggles and the uniqueness of their place in

163 American society. Throughout the 2012 presidential campaign, Barack Obama received notable criticism for his use of lofty rhetoric that his detractors argued lacked the necessary statistical or practical elements.

Hillary Clinton offered her own criticism of Obama’s rhetorically based appeal during their competing campaigns in 2008. While visiting a General Motors plant in Warren, Ohio,

Clinton argued that her experience and practical approach should receive higher regard than the rousing rhetoric of her political adversary. According to O’Toole (2008), Clinton stated,

“That’s the difference between me and my Democratic opponent. My opponent makes speeches, I offer solutions. (http://www.toledoblade.com/Politics/2008/02/15/Clinton-takes- swipe-at-Obama-in-speech-at-GM-plant-in-Ohio.html looked up on May 20 2014.)

Obama based his response to this political attack on his pragmatic merit and professional character. The concept and value of character and reputation are highly regarded in the traditional African context. This moral measure of a man exists in sharp contrast to the value placed on individuals according to their net worth, without regard for how they obtained the wealth they possess An Ethiopian proverb states, “Because he lost his reputation, he lost his kingdom.” Obama continued in this tradition (knowingly or unknowingly), presenting himself as more than just a rhetorician to secure a position as Commander in Chief over his desired kingdom, over which he now presides from the vantage point of the oval office.

Obama continued to control the narrative about his record of achievement during his speech about the Brother’s Keeper initiative. Obama reminded the listening audience,

Just to be clear, My Brother's Keeper is not some new, big government program. In my

State of the Union address, I outlined the work that needs to be done for broad base economic

164 growth, the manufacturing hubs, infrastructure spending…And for the last four years; we've been working through initiatives like Promise Zones. (Cable News Network, 2014)

In Daniel Server Coombs book, Last Man Standing; Media Framing and the 2012

Republican Primaries, the distinction between political action and articulation is framed as

Pragmatism Versus Ideology. Coombs (2013) wrote,

The 2012 Republican primaries represent a struggle the party will continue to face moving forward: pragmatism versus ideology. Pragmatic politicians govern-they have experience working across party lines and recognize that compromise is required in a world that is not black and white. Ideologues, on the other hand, excel at campaigning rather than governing. Obama’s two terms in office in many ways have been an ongoing effort to move out of the confining description as simply rhetorically inclined and redefine himself as a pragmatic politically inclined President. The President promoted his, Brother’s Keeper initiative as yet another example of walking the campaign talk that helped him win the 2008 and 2012 elections.

During the announcement of the Brother’s Keeper initiative, a young man named

Christian introduced President Obama. The teenager was exuberant and pleasant as he offered introductory remarks that prepared the awaiting audience to receive the president. In the early portion of President Obama’s remarks, he explained that he met Christian during a visit to Hyde

Park Academy in Chicago. Christian was a participant in the academy’s “Becoming a Man” program. After explaining some of the rudimentary functions of the program, which included assistance with homework assignments and the development of basic life skills, President Obama shared a more personal aspect of his visit with Christian and the other young participants in the program. The president recalled,

165 During my visit, they're in a circle, and I sat down in the circle, and we went around, led by their counselor, and guys talked about their lives, talked about their stories, talked about what they were struggling with and how they were trying to do the right thing, and they didn't always do the right thing.” (Cable News Network, 2014)

With the exception of Obama’s speech on race, this address stood out for its personal elements and moments of racial candor. The formation of a circle during this programmatic session may have been more of a logistical formality than an attempt to access a deeper African spiritual force; however, the circle has a very significant, rich history in traditional African customs of various types. The drum circle in Africa, for example, is an age old tradition that transcends various regions, languages and spiritual systems in Africa. Many cultural aspects of this musical practice help to define various components of African culture. In African Dance, editors Kariama Welsh-Asante and Elizabeth A Hanley (2010) shared vignettes on the significance of the drum, “Dancing and drumming are rich, artistic activities that play central roles in many traditional cultures in Africa. (…) African culture relies upon a holistic integration that encourages the collective and the communal” (p. 31).

The emphasis on community that builds upon collective shared energy and accountability is critical to African cultural tradition and is evidenced in the musical, spiritual, and social practices of many classical African cultures. The circle formed with these young African

American men provided the president with an opportunity to share with these young people the types of feelings, perceptions, and obstacles he dealt with when he was younger. President

Obama shared,

I explained to them when I was their age, I was a lot like them. I didn't have a dad in the house. And I was angry about it, even though I didn't necessarily realized at the time. I made bad

166 choices. I got high without always thinking about the harm that it could do. I didn't always take school as seriously as I should have. I made excuses. Sometimes I sold myself short. (Cable

News Network, 2014)

The president’s willingness to be open and vulnerable about his poor decision making abilities as an adolescent appeared to have been a powerful rhetorical tool to cross generational boundaries. The link established through the acknowledgement of shared imperfections surprised and inspired the young men. Offering insight about his less-than-stellar adolescent period,

President Obama recalled, “And I remember when I was saying this, Christian, you may remember this -- after I was finished, the guy sitting next to me said, ‘Are you talking about you?’ I said, "Yes" (Cable News Network, 2014)

This speech may represent the strongest, clearest rebuttal to the question asked by critics about what the Obama administration is doing for young Black America. Ironically, two of

President Obama’s most outspoken critics are Black males—television host Tavis Smiley and public intellectual/college professor Cornell West—who have been vocal opponents to aspects of the president’s administration and its treatment of poor (mostly Black) young men facing challenges. Smiley apparently took issue with President Obama during the planning and production of Smiley’s program, The State of Black America. The show is a roundtable discussion in a town hall setting that gathers prominent African Americans, from activist to academics, to discuss issues, victories, and policies relevant to African Americans. The apparent riff between Tavis Smiley and President Obama seemed to originate when the president rejected

Smiley’s invitation to attend the program’s annual conference. On February 14, 2008, the

National Public Radio (NPR) website reported the following:

167 Radio host Tavis Smiley says Michelle Obama is persona non grata at his State of the

Black Union being held next week. Smiley initially invited Barack Obama to attend the symposium; but Barack, who is busy campaigning, regretfully declined and offered to send his wife, Michelle in his place. (National Public Radio, 2008)

Smiley’s subsequently rejected President Obama’s offer to have his wife represent his platform.

This dispute has continued over the years and become part of the larger critical conversation about the president’s lack of a Black agenda. The friction did not subside after

President Obama gave his address about the Jeremiah Wright controversy and the contemporary consequences that have resulted from the history of racism in the United States. Although the address was largely well-received, Smiley remained unimpressed. In an online article by Daniel

Politi (2013), Smiley insisted, “The bottom line is, this is not Libya. This is America. On this issue, you cannot lead from behind. What’s lacking in this moment is moral leadership.”

The criticism from Smiley mirrored a growing number of critical opinions that members of the Republican Party worked tirelessly to inflate. Ironically, the president noted critics like

Tavis Smiley and Cornel West in his Brother’s Keeper speech as potential co-laborers in the effort to assist young African American men. Obama stated, “[T]then it means that there are people of good faith who want to get some stuff done, even if we don't agree on everything, and that's our focus” (Cable News Network, 2014)

Cornel West, who is arguably one of the most high-profile African Americans in the country, has offered a constant critique of the Obama administration’s policies on the world stage. After George Zimmerman’s acquittal for the fatal shooting of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed teenager, President Obama famously remarked, “If I had a son, he'd look like Trayvon" (Stein,

168 2012, para. 2). According to Cornell West: Obama Is a “Global George Zimmerman’ (2013), in an interview on the Television show Democracy Matters, Cornell West responded to a question about the Zimmerman trial and President Obama’s role as a national symbol of American democracy and morality by making the following statement:

We know anybody who tries to rationalize the killing of innocent people is a criminal.

George Zimmerman is a criminal. But, President Obama is a global George Zimmerman because he tries to rationalize the killing of innocent children, 221 so far, in the name of self-defense…

Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen. So when he comes to talk about the killing of an innocent person, you say, well wait a minute, what kind of moral authority are you bringing?” (para. 2)

This type of political criticism may have contributed to the president’s decision to move forward with an initiative that promotes him as a more morally concerned and engaged leader.

Perhaps in an attempt to deter attention from some of its more controversial international engagements, the administration made a decision to promote policy initiatives with a more positive domestic spin. President Obama cleverly tied the issues effecting young Black men to the greater narrative of the larger diverse country. During his address, the president stressed,

“This is an issue of national importance. This is as important as any issue that I work on. It's an issue that goes to the very heart of why I ran for president” (Cable News Network, 2014)

President Obama’s attempt to connect the plight of a single demographic to the greater

American struggle could be difficult to promote when that demographic is African American male. The struggle to help White people recognize the humanity of Black people has existed on this continent before the official founding of the Nation. Historically, the inability of Europeans in America to empathize with Africans (free and enslaved) has proven a serious matter that, at times, determined whether someone lived or died. This dire nature of this issue was evident in

169 grand injustices like lynching and the Tuskegee experiment (African American farmers were purposely infected with syphilis and left untreated by the U.S. Public Health Service in the interest of observing the effects of the disease).

In 100 Years of Lynchings, Ginzburg (1963) sought to uncover the motivations for the racial hatred that have provoked so many individuals to exhibit gross indifference in the face of mob violence, castration, and strangulation. Ginzburg wrote:

What lies at the root of race hatred? After spending several years with the subject, I hold with psychologists that it is unconscious guilt feelings on the part of the race-hater. The person who hates Negroes usually hates other people besides Negros. He’s almost a professional hater.

If he’s poor he hates the rich. If he’s rich he hates the poor…The reason is that the race hater is inwardly a man that hates himself. (p. 5)

Acknowledging this type of racial bitterness could sway an African American president to behave cautiously in his displays of direct support for the African American community. This unfortunate reality can lead others to reject the legitimacy of many well-evidenced claims of discrimination or justifications for reparations for the chattel enslavement of Africans. In his speech on the new initiative, President Barack Obama recognized that the program was a part of a larger historical, protracted struggle. He stated, “Many of these folks have been on the front lines in this fight for a long time” (Cable News Network, 2014).

Men like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Ella Baker, Fredrick Douglas, and Fannie Lou

Hammer have all stood up for African Americans despite their varied methods of struggle.

Author, Olisanwuche Esedebe (1982), in his book, Pan Africanism: The Idea and

Movement 1776-1963, engaged a popular proposal for uplift from one of Black America’s most noted intellectuals. Esedebe wrote:

170 In the 1930's the veteran Afro-American scholar and agitator, W.E.B. Dubois, stated that the Pan African movement aimed at an intellectual understanding and co-operation among all groups of African descent in order to bring about the industrial and spiritual emancipation of the

Negro people." (p. 1)

Obama paid tribute to the ancestors in the struggle for African people; although, his particular approach to the issues facing young African American men is different from previous plans for progress.

The Tuskegee experiment is another popular historical example to which Obama may have alluded when he discussed the historical context for the current condition of disadvantaged

African American males. Many activists have argued that a similar, yet more covert, method of racial terror remains in America. Racial indifference produced an act of biological warfare that lasted from 1932 to 1972. The story of medical professionals willfully giving Black men strains of Syphilis and then withholding treatment to see the effects of the disease defies logic to this day. The official website of Tuskegee University provides a detailed description of the experiment:

The intent of the study was to record the natural history of syphilis in Blacks. When the study was initiated there were no proven treatments for the disease. Researchers told the men participating in the study that they were being treated for “bad blood.” This term used locally to describe a host of diagnosable ailments including but not limited to anemia, fatigue and syphilis.

” (Tuskegee University, n. d.)

The distrust and pain caused by this assault on African humanity still looms large in the collective African American consciousness. There remains an unfortunate relationship between systematic oppression and African American under-achievement within the educational system.

171 The popular historical narrative that dominates the majority of American history courses in the United States contributes to student’s rejection of the larger educational process. When

African/African American students are dislocated by the educational system that they trust to edify and empower them, the rate of African American students who fail to finish high school is far from surprising. President Barack Obama spoke of the racial disparities in educational performances stating, “[W]e know young black men are twice as likely as young white men to be disconnected, not in school, not in working” (Cable News Network, 2014). This disconnection from traditional society in response to societal inequalities and evidence of institutionalized racism is a problem that other prominent African Americans have addressed over the years.

In 1963, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. delivered a speech at Western Michigan University in which he discussed the psychological impacts of institutionalized racism and White supremacy.

[T]here are certain things in our nation and in the world which I am proud to be maladjusted and which I hope all men of goodwill will be maladjusted until the good societies realize. I say very honestly that I never intend to become adjusted to segregation and discrimination. I never intend to become adjusted to religious bigotry. I never intend to adjust myself to economic conditions that will take necessities from the many to give luxuries to the few. I never intend to adjust myself to the madness of militarism, to self-defeating effects of physical violence. (“Martin Luther King,” 2013, para. 3).

Despite the many different forms that the message of pain, maladjustment, and inequality have taken over the years, there appears to be a wholesale lack of acknowledgement and empathy from many both outside and within the African American community. This disconnection to Black pain often connects to mythological narratives that create disdain for

172 Black people on both conscious and subconscious levels. Forgiarini, Gallucci, and Maravita

(2011) explored suspicions about racial disparities and the degree to which White people empathize with the pain of African Americans. The study produced some interesting findings about the relationship between race and empathy. Forgiarini et al. explained their findings:

[W]e found that Caucasian observers reacted to pain suffered by African Americans significantly less than to pain of Caucasian people. The reduced reaction to the pain of African individuals was also correlated with the observers’ individual implicit racist bias.” (p.9)

This analysis may help to explain the age old promotion of certain negative pathologies that President Obama is seeking to counteract with his Brother’s Keeper initiative. The president framed the issue as an extremely relevant National concern connected to various other elements of his programmatic platform.

This emphasis is slightly reminiscent of the African proverb that instructs, “It takes a village to raise a child.” This ancient African admonishment served as inspiration for a less racially specific initiative entitled The No Child Left Behind Act (2001). President Obama chose to characterize his initiative as part of the larger mission of his administration. The president promoted the concept as one of critical importance by linking the dire need for assistance with the economic benefits that will accompany a more capable and empowered generation of young

African American men. President Obama explained,

That's the core idea. That's the idea behind everything that I will do this year and for the rest of my presidency. Because at a time when the economy is growing, we've got to make sure that every American shares in that growth, not just a few, and that means guaranteeing every child in America has access to a world class education. (Cable News Network, 2014)

173 The idea of a world class education from an Afrocentric perspective would involve a process that centers African American students within the traditions and values of their African ancestors. President Obama’s address failed to make a connection between the lack of African- centered educational opportunities and the negative circumstances that impact scores of young

African American men. Bangura (2006) discussed issues of educational opportunities and negative issues in the African community. Bangura made the following assertion:

It is ironic that African scholarship should have suffered its worst decline since independence at a time when African input is critical in the discussion of local problems...In what amounts to a crisis of analysis, some prominent political scientist of Africa have once again raised the question of the relevance of rigorous indigenous paradigms and methodological approaches in the study of African politics." (p. 152)

Although Bangura (2006) focused on the continent of Africa, one could make similar arguments about African Americans in the United States. President Obama spoke directly to the pressing problems facing young African American men when he stated the following:

The plain fact is, there are some Americans who in the aggregate are consistently doing worse in our society. Groups that have had the odds stacked against them in unique way that require unique solutions, groups who have seen fewer opportunities that have spanned generations. (Cable News Network, 2014)

Soon after making these remarks, President Obama launched headlong into an ongoing debate about the symbolic significance of his presidential position in contrast with the history of systemic institutionalized racism that has largely defined the racial history of the United States.

In classic fashion, the president proceeded to walk a fine line through this ongoing debate. He acknowledged the significance of symbolic racial progress through individual achievement,

174 while also considering the necessity for foundational institutionalized shifts to make such achievements more accessible to the masses of African Americans:

Now, to say this is not to deny the enormous strides we've made in closing the gaps that have mired our history for so long. My presence is a testimony to that. (…) But 50 years after Dr.

King talked about his dream for America's children, the stubborn fact is that the life chances, the average black or brown child in this country, lags behind by almost every measure and is worse for boys and young men. It's like a cultural backdrop force in movies, television. We just assume, of course it's going to be like that. But these statistics should break our hearts, and they should compel us to act. (Cable News Network, 2014)

This call to action is reminiscent of an admonition that President Obama borrowed from

Martin Luther King, Jr. regarding “the fierce urgency of now.” During the historic march on

Washington, King (1963) stated, “We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.”

Many pundits have stated that the election of a Black president represents a social shift in the country that is so powerful that it has ended racism as the Nation once knew it. Proponents of this racial position often describe America after President Obama’s election as a post-racial society. These individuals/ groups often focus on self-congratulatory rhetoric pertaining to their perception of vast racial progress that America has made since the era of slavery, (often described by this side of the argument as an ugly chapter in our Nation’s history). One of the primary thrusts of this argument is an underlying focus on the need for greater degrees of personal accountability. The election of a Black president becomes a symbol of National racial equality within the post-racial context, some individuals argue that this now eliminates the need

175 for any race-related excuses for socio-economic inequities Reed and Louis (2009) detailed their concerns about many African Americans’ interpretation of the Obama election:

[A]midst the euphoria of this historic event is a disturbing reaction circulating among

African Americans which has implications for the struggle against racism in America. Since

Barack Obama’s election, many African Americans across the nation are saying “now blacks have no more excuses,” in effect evoking old discredited theories that eschewed racism as a factor in African American life and blamed victims of this racism for their resulting situations.

A different side of this debate views the election of President Barack Obama as a symbolically inspiring event, at best, that bears no significant impact on greater race relations in the United States. Proponents of this argument often focus on historical and systemic/institutionalized racism as distinctly separate phenomena from the election of an

African American president. This argument urges large scale institutionalized shifts that have a greater tangible socio-economic impact than the celebrated symbolism of an election is likely to produce.

In an interview with NPR entitled President Obama...All Talk, No Action, host Michel

Martin delved deeply into this debate, which often accuses President Obama of placing too much emphasis on articulation and not enough attention on executive action. During the interview,

Martin asked guest Tracey Winbush (Assistant Treasurer of the Ohio Republican Party) to give

President Obama a grade, and she offered a “D” rating. Winbush (2013) explained, “It's about execution and it's about leadership and there are too many things that are going on throughout the United States and the world and we are not getting great leadership.”

The promotion of the Brother’s Keeper initiative was an effort to match his grass roots organizing past with his presidential present. Throughout his address on the program, President

176 Obama shared numerous pragmatic aspects of the challenges facing young Black men. This structured, statistic-based rhetorical approach provided a different approach to the lofty campaign rhetoric that received significant criticism during the 2008 presidential campaign. One of the most impactful appeals for support for this unprecedented initiative occurred when the president broadened the scope of the issues directly impacting young African American men.

President Obama framed these issues within a National, multicultural context that focused on individuals negatively affected by inactivity around the issues discussed:

And I believe the continuing struggles of so many boys and young men, the fact that too many of them are falling by the wayside, dropping out, unemployed, involved in negative behavior, going to jail, being profiled, this is a moral issue for our country. It's also an economic issue for our country. After all, these boys are a growing segment of our population. They are our future workforce. (Cable News Network, 2014,

One National story that may have prompted the development of the Brother’s Keeper initiative was the murder of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin by 31-year-old George Zimmerman.

The Martin/Zimmerman case powerfully illustrated the extent to which the Nation remains divided on racial issues. Upon hearing of the details of the killing of Trayvon Martin, President

Obama remarked, If I had a son he would look like Trayvon. This case was emblematic of two distinct worldviews divided by experience and perspectives that fall along racial lines. The president referenced the noteworthy racially polarized murder trial in his address:

And that's why, in the aftermath of the Trayvon Martin verdict, with all of the emotions and controversy that it sparked, I spoke about the need to bolster and reinforce our young men and give them the sense that their country cares about them and values them and is willing to invest in them.(Cable News Network, 2014)

177 A large portion of the African American community viewed the Martin case as a communal loss, despite the teenager victim’s lack of celebrity or notoriety prior to his killing.

The public outcry spoke to the common thread of humanity expressed in classical African periods of early civilization. Unfortunately, this ability to see one-self in the face of one another apparently takes a detrimental turn when cultural dislocation and self-hatred combine to produce violent results. When young African American men begin to internalize the negative, hostile perceptions of themselves dictated by society, this phenomenon can produce the fatal consequences described by Humphrey and Palmer (1987). Humphrey and Palmer explored the ways that various factors contribute to the issues of violence and cycles of poverty and despair.

The authors also provided statistical evidence that illustrated the racial disparities among Blacks and Whites regarding such issues. Palmer and Humphrey wrote,

The National Center for Health Statistics reports that in 1977. The homicide victimization rate for black males 25-44 was 125.2 per 100,000 compared to 14.2 for white males in the same age range Rice, (1980: 549)…While the homicidal death among Blacks is exceedingly high, the dynamics of this violence remains a relatively neglected area of research. Black homicide must be considered in its historical context (Kirk, 1982; Silberman, 1980). Black violence is not now nor has it ever been an inherent part of African culture; rather it is a consequence of the long- standing experiences of racial discrimination (Silberman, 1980). (p. 47)

The acknowledgement of these occurrences as emblematic and symptomatic of larger societal ills encourages a more holistic and less compartmentalized approach to remedying the numerous struggles that young African American men encounter.

The president reiterated the importance of framing issues that are often discussed within an African American paradigm within the broader, more inclusive national/multicultural context.

178 The rhetorical approach can be both appeasing and strategic at the same time. While an integrated initiative possesses the potential to garner greater support by identifying with a larger audience, the president’s oratorical strategy also avoids blaming the victims of historical institutionalized inequity by classifying the issues at hand as worthy of national attention. Obama stated, “In other words, broadening the horizons for our young men, giving them the tools that they need to succeed will require a sustained effort from all of us” (Cable News Network, 2014)

The advice from the ancestors and the power of their past examples are not wasted on

President Obama, as he consistently evokes the rhetoric and spirit of effective African American orators. Perhaps the most frequently-referenced Black leader cited by the president is Dr. Martin

Luther King, Jr. In this address, President Obama once again relied on the wisdom of his ancestors, stating, “In the words of Dr. King, it is not either/or. It is both/and”. (Cable News

Network, 2014) The president applies this both/and approach in his approach to concerns about racial division, as articulated in his balanced speech about race that he delivered in Philadelphia during the presidential campaign.

Many pundits have described President Obama as an extremely capable and articulate rhetorician. Throughout his political career, he has often credited his mother with exposing him to an educational work ethic that he would later rely upon for much of his academic and political success. His appreciation for early childhood intellectual development is evident in the Brother’s

Keeper initiative, as well as his speech announcing the effort:

First of all, we know that during the first three years of life, a child born into a low- income family hears 30 million fewer words than a child born into a well-off family. And everybody knows, babies are sponges. They just soak that up. A 30 million-word deficit is hard

179 to make up. And if a black or Latino kid isn't ready for kindergarten, he's half as likely to finish middle school with strong academic and social skills. (Cable News Network, 2014)

This acknowledgement of just how early children can become negatively impacted by institutionalized disparities in education and quality of life is a reality seldom discussed within the higher rungs of political power in Washington, DC. The deep relationship between race and economics in America speaks to the larger connections between economics and culture. Diop

(1991) spoke to this connection in his book, Civilization or Barbarism. Diop stated, “The economic functions of a state have a direct relation to the conditions and reasons of its creation”.

The honesty with which President Obama addressed these concerns for fairness and equal opportunity are virtually unseen throughout presidential rhetorical history. One of the most notable exceptions to the typical congressional neglect of the historically separate and unequal living standards for Black and White Americans came in the late 1960s, when President Lyndon

B. Johnson assembled a commission to investigate the racially charged civil unrest of 1967 that threatened the future stability of the Nation. Hershberg, Burstein, Ericksen, Greenberg, and

Yancey (1979) described the motivation behind Johnson’s formation of a commission on racial civil unrest. The authors argued, “Significant differences in socioeconomic condition characterize the experience of black and white Americans. Why and how this happened, and what exactly should be done about it are among the central questions of our time” (Hershberg,

Burstein, Ericksen, Greenberg, & Yancey, 1979, p. 56).

The results of the commission’s investigations yielded a clear summary of the racial realities of America. The resulting report stated, “This is our basic conclusion: Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal.”

(http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/6545/)

180 President Johnson’s administration often receives credit for advancing race relations in

America through the signing of the Civil Rights Bill, although it was President John F. Kennedy and his brother Robert who were the original architects of this legislation. Johnson’s rhetoric often sharply contradicted the legacy of his legislation. This historical context helps to identify some of the references that make President Obama’s rhetoric so unique and impactful. Caro

(2012) documented a candid and revealing moment during former President Johnson’s racial rhetoric. Caro quoted Johnson as saying,

These Negroes, they’re getting pretty uppity these days and that’s a problem for us since they’ve got something now they never had before, the political pull to back up their uppityness.

Now we’ve got to do something about this, we’ve got to give them a little something, just enough to quiet them down, not enough to make a difference. For if we don’t move at all, then their allies will line up against us and there’ll be no way of stopping them. (p. 955)

This revealing quote is indicative of the type of rhetorical discrimination that often accompanies the institutionalized discriminatory practices that President Obama’s Brother’s

Keeper initiative was devised to address.

One of the most glaring and lasting impacts of historical inequality between the Black and White races is evident in the rise of the prison industrial complex. The economic shift from funding schools to funding prisons has long been a serious concern to many outspoken activists and politicians speaking on behalf of African American communities. Fortner (2014) addressed the interwoven subjects of race and class as they are played out in the system of mass incarceration. Fortner denounced racial motivation for mass incarcerations and argued against the dominance of a class-driven system of confinement.

181 Fortner situates the cultural concepts of law and order within local contexts in order to excavate their meanings, relative importance, and relationships. It describes the “black silent majority” and argues that the individual components of law and order were united by class considerations rather than racial motivations.

182 CHAPTER 8

BENIFICIAL EXTRACTION METHOD ALPHABET: AN EXERCISE IN BENEFICIAL EXTRACTION UTILIZING AN ALPHABETICAL ANALYTICAL STRUCTURE

A-AFRICAN GREATNESS

“The worst thing that colonialism did was to cloud our view of our past.”

Barack Obama, Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance

The fact of Barack Obama being the child of an African father who was born on the

Continent of Africa can be used to further dismantles the Eurocentric propaganda of racial genetic inferiority perpetuated by promoters of the African Dark Continent myth (Africa was deemed “The Dark Continent” (most likely used in print for the first time by US journalist and explorer Henry Stanley, (http://njisworld.wordpress.com/mr-duells-articles/the-dark-continent- european-colonization-in-africa/) Revisionist historians and scientific racist have waged continuous campaigns to define Africa and it’s millions of Black inhabitants as less capable

The quest to revive a more historically accurate understanding and appreciation for classical components of African civilizations remain paramount in the attempts of many

Afrocentric scholars seeking to help locate and enlighten those that they impact. The current problematic paradigm that plagues our collective consciousness is due in large measure to the propagandized foundational, historical revisions, myths and inaccuracies that continue to negatively affect the minds and spirits of African people throughout the Diaspora. The fact that the President of the United States has a father that was born in Kenya can be used to illustrate the false premise that is used to perpetuate these destructive false notions. Two of the more popular misinformation campaigns that helped Europeans to establish their control and exploitation of

African people deal with international perceptions and inter racial passions. The myth of Africa

183 as a dark continent was used as a basis to justify the inhumane actions that perpetuated chattel enslavement of millions of African people.

The classification of the inhabitants of Africa as primitive, cannibalistic, feeble minded inferiors allowed the trans-Atlantic Slave trade to operate under far less scrutiny than the truth about African civilization and history may have allowed. The notion that a race of people were being saved from their dark, deprived devilish selves made the abuse and exploitation of the middle passage appear to Europeans (and other collaborating nations) to be a worthwhile sacrifice for the countless captives who’s final resting place was the floor of the Atlantic ocean never reaching North American shores and never to see their homeland again. According to these justification narratives, the (so-called) advancements of modern technology, capitalism, popular culture (rap music, fast food, Italian fashion and reality shows) somehow make the rapes; lynching’s and usurping of natural resources all worthwhile. The goal of this twisted paradigm appears to be the creation of a slavery helped us/Dark Continent consciousness among people who lack the understanding of accurate historical counter narratives. This perception often requires a virtual absence of knowledge regarding African civilizations that flourished, predated and contributed to the formation and maintenance of successive civilizations throughout the world.

When Obama’s Kenyan connection is properly utilized to connect the undeniable capabilities of Obama with the incomparable history of Africa a major shift in consciousness may occur. Perhaps those who once viewed Africa as an international dark blemish on the face of human history can recognize it as the cultural, scientific light of the world, father and mother of all subsequent civilizations. With this new realization the destructive, hypocritical, envy that often fueled the slave trade can be revealed. The potential for such information is not relegated

184 to the African American community. For centuries there have been historians, abolitionists, religious leaders and nobles who have recognized the debt owed to mother Africa from all of her children.

In 1787 a man named Count Constantine de’ Volney made one such defining declaration.

The Count was a French philosopher, writer and historian. He was born on February 3, 1757 of a noble family, his early intrigue about law and medicine soon shifted to Languages and History.

Throughout his life he confronted many controversial topics including the leadership of

Napoleon Bonaparte and the historicity of Jesus. He was unafraid of being academically opposed to his contemporaries. De Volney stated positions, which remained in staunch opposition to slavery and was outspoken about the African origins of Egypt/Kemet. He once urged his fellow free whites to “Just think, that this race of Black men, today our slave and the object of our scorn, is the very race to which we owe our arts sciences, and even the use of speech!” (http://www.freemaninstitute.com/sphinx.htm) The proper extraction and utilization of

Barack Obama’s international influences can be used to benefit masses of people in desperate need of an African centered global understanding of history, politics and civilization.

B-BLACKNESS

“Be Black, Buy Black, Think Black and all else will take care of itself!” –Marcus Garvey

(http://www.blackbusinessnetwork.com/MarcusGarvey/Impact/index.cfm)

The concept of Blackness and the wages of Whiteness as tools for developing contemporary strategies towards the liberation of African people.

Obama's blackness was expressed, explained and exploited in popular media throughout the 2008 election cycle and beyond. I argue that the corporate media manipulation was done in a variety of ways that failed to capture the true significance of Obama’s color within the larger

185 historical context of African/African American suffering and institutionalized racism. Of the

95% of African American voters who voted for Barack Obama, very few appeared to choose to spend much time entertaining or publicly combating false concerns propagated by media outlets about whether he was too black or if he was black enough. Whatever energies that was misdirected towards such subjects apparently lost momentum by Election Day, apparently having little to no impact on the overall outcome of the black vote. Very few commentators, analyst or reporters interrogated the structural, color-coded contradictions that have served to inhibit the success of so many of Barack Obama’s political predecessors.

A relevant issue to address is not about the President, but the troubling political paradigm that often perpetuates division and self-destruction within the black community. This damned if you do, damned if you don't social structure that appears to plague much of Obama’s Presidency is far older than President Obama. From the moment the earliest European conquerors began to decimate the African continent, this cycle of self-destructive failed rebellions verses the contradictory compromise of assimilation began. Faced with a choice whether to fight and die on native African soil or endure the cruel cowardice of the so-called brave new world must have been an extremely difficult decision for African people to make. African mothers who chose to throw their infant children into the cold waves of the Atlantic rather than rear them in a fiery furnace of European imperialism and chattel slavery may have experienced even greater degrees of internal turmoil. Sometimes mother and child would take this fatal plunge together. The term good mother can be radically redefined within the context of choosing between dying together in a salt-water grave and living apart, slowly drowning in years of salt water tears.

186 Over time these contradictory consequences of African existence have taken less polarized yet very challenging forms. Fredrick Douglas asked; what to a slave is the Fourth of

July when interrogating the African paradox of Patriotism.

Sojourner Truth analyzed the contradiction known as the American experiment on May

29, 1851, in Akron Ohio. In her appearance at The Women's Convention she confronted the hypocrisy of American racism and how sexism operated within its illogical structure. Truth proclaimed, “That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain't I a woman?”

(http://schools.nyc.gov/NR/rdonlyres/E151FA9D-6017-4556-981F-

CD076D731A72/0/SecondaryTextGuideAnswerKeyAintWoman.pdf)

Later, the Harlem Renaissance produced literary manifestations of conflicting notions of appropriate expressions of Blackness. "Scarlett Sister Mary figured in a debate among readers of the Crisis Magazine in Mach 1926. When editors, W.E.B. Dubois and Jessie Fauset asked how and by whom should African Americans be portrayed in literature. Langston Hughes, Countee

Cullen, Charles Chestnut and Walter White all responded." Page 193 (Zora Neal Hurston, an

Annotated Bibliography of works and Critisism edited by Cynthia Davis and Verner D Mitchell

2013, Scarecrow Press Lanham Maryland 207066

These discussions marked two unfortunate departures from the more militant and international focus of many outspoken African American ancestors that preceded this artistic revolution. The first difference is the notable shift from a people verses the system approach to a more trivial debate about the proper presentation of a people. This newly framed discussion appeared to place greater responsibility for change on oppressed members of the African

187 American community rather than the architects and maintainers of the structural racial status quo. The second shift is evidenced by the politics of respectability, which marked a complete departure from the more productive analysis, which centers on the inability to win a Socio- economic game where the designers (who also dictate the very prowess of the economy) are constantly changing the rules. The misguided proposing of personal/individual solutions for systematic ills has hindered the progress of African Americans incalculably.

The recognition of this misdirection in no way implies an abandonment of the importance of personal accountability or a minimizing or disregard for the potential of the individual for change and personal progress. Yet, one must accurately determine the problem to find an effective solution. The problem is the racist system, not the Blackness level of President Barack

Obama. The problem is racism/white supremacy not whether or not the President has a Black agenda or not. The problem is a continuing legacy of European Imperialism not whether or not a

Black man is the face of it or not.

C-CONQUERING CHARISMA

The power of President Obama’s poise under pressure combined with his comedic timing and all around smooth style can be summarized in one word, charisma. This level of balance and self-confidence was linked to a connection to the divine (ancestors and nature) in our African past. In American society this cool courage is often a manifestation of one’s own ability and at other times, generated from trusting in a divine source. Barack Obama discussed undergoing a life altering experience at Trinity Baptist Church in Chicago. This spiritual encounter inspired his book title, The Audacity of Hope, and apparently helped to motivate him to become more confident in his ability to be Commander in Chief. Spending Sunday after Sunday hearing about one that could command the wind and the waves, break time in half and conquer death itself

188 undoubtedly placed his potential for the Presidency in a peculiar perspective. With the mind of his Christ inside of him he was encouraged; believing there was nothing he could not achieve.

The international perspective he developed as a result of his unusually eclectic upbringing, which included extensive traveling, complimented his spiritual influences. The diversity of thought and cultural contexts that Barack Obama experienced has contributed to his ability to relate to people from varied social, economic and religious backgrounds. From a spiritual perspective, he has developed a basic understanding and empathy for differing decisions about divinity. This extensive religious regard has given him the courage to productively address the Muslim world despite the scrutiny of opposing fanatical and intolerant voices.

Obama has also resisted pressures to demonize the Islamic religion or attempts to make it synonymous with terrorism. .

This political courage under fire is used as a powerful weapon, a conquering charisma.

There are a number of instances where Obama opts to use his cool instead of lose his cool. These include; a smooth confident stride to the Presidential podium, a well-tempered rhythmic speech or a rousing closing crescendo reminiscent of an Old time Baptist Preacher. Obama wields his patience and comedic timing like a Zulu short sword that he uses to impale the idle taunts of those who threaten death daily. “Since Mr Obama took office, the rate of threats against the president has increased 400 per cent from the 3,000 a year or so under President George W.

Bush, according to Ronald Kessler, author of In the President's Secret Service.” (Toby Harnden in Washington 8:34PM BST 03 Aug 2009

(http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/barackobama/5967942/Barack-Obama- faces-30-death-threats-a-day-stretching-US-Secret-Service.html)

189 Many of Obama’s coolest moments share connections with religious traditions, jazz aesthetics and a powerful prophetic poise that can be traced to ancient Africa. These generational African cultural connections are articulated by Linda James Myers in an article entitled; “The Deep Structure of Culture: Relevance of Traditional African Culture in

Contemporary Life”. (Myers,Sage Publishing, Vol 18, Nov 1 Sept 1987). Myers discusses the potential balance between cultural transformations and generational preservation. “The outward physical manifestations of culture and it’s artifacts (i.e. specific languages, specific knowledge of tribal origins, customs, and rituals, African socioeconomic organization, and so on) are amenable to change and or destruction. However, the worldview yielded by a particular set of philosophical assumptions can be preserved in the conceptual system those assumptions structure. (Myers page 74)

What is of primary importance from the perspective of a practitioner of the Beneficial

Extraction method is the skills displayed in the process of Obama’s political journey, not his personal or partisan politics. It is the duty of the effectively located, African centered extractor to; usurp, implement, adjust, super-impose or otherwise utilize said skill or skill set for the particular and/or general improvement of African agency and inevitable liberation of African peoples throughout the Diaspora

190 D-Determination

“Negroes should be more determined today than they have ever been, because the mighty forces of the world are operating against the non-organized groups of people, who are not ambitious enough to protect their own interests.-Marcus Garvey

(http://www.blackpeopleparty.com/13.html)

There are three major areas where Obama displays his uncanny determination that I will highlight here. Those areas are adolescence, politics, and courtship. Barack Obama’s early year’s involved a consistent need to exercise adaptability to various situations, people, cultures and countries. This skill of adjusting to new and ever changing situations appears to have helped him in many facets of his later life. Throughout his early stages of maturation he was also blessed to have the ability to encounter adults who experienced extreme successes and failures that helped a young Barack begin to understand the connections between decisions, circumstances and consequences. Mastering this interplay can be of critical importance to

African people (in America particularly) who are faced with vicious Police brutality, racially biased prison sentencing and the largest prison industrial complex in the world

In Barack Obama’s book titled, Dreams of My Father, he pays particular attention to the inner workings and character of the adults in his life and remarks often about how their perspectives and implemented social strategies impacted their lives and those of their families and communities.

Barack Obama’s political life would not have stood a chance of getting off the ground without ample degrees of dogged determination. The infamous reputation of Chicago politics preceded itself prior to Obama’s entrance on the city’s political stage. The connections between political African Americans in Chicago having the potential to inspire larger change are a

191 longstanding tradition in the city-dating back as early as 1876. “It was in that election that the signal event for African American electoral empowerment took place. The election of John W.

E. Thomas to the Illinois state legislature. His election would serve as a stimulus, motivator and political symbol of electoral hope for the Southern African American electorate to attain re- enfranchisement when they had been disenfranchised…” (The African American Electorate, A

Statistical History Volume 1, Hanes Walton Jr., Sherman C. Puckett and Donald R. Deskins Jr.

2012 Sage Publications thousand Oaks California.

Barack Obama made his own early attempts to galvanize an African American political base in Chicago. He chose to take a position as a community organizer despite numerous opportunities to escape into the more lucrative less stressful world of corporate board rooms, buy outs and bonuses. The ability to seek a goal beyond the material and delay gratification for an increased likelihood of success are traits that can be extracted from this example set during

President Obama’s early political life. These strategies and qualities (when implemented from a sound Afrocentric cultural foundation) can greatly assist efforts to advance the global interests of

African people.

There is a great deal of commentary from within revolutionary political circles about how important it is to beat white supremacists at their own game. Regardless of what game you believe Obama is playing (or is being played by) he is winning against white opponents in many instances within an arena that affords his opposition considerably greater privileges, entitlements and access to a legacy varied advantages (contrary to the Black Presidential legacy that President

Obama is charged to begin and solidify with his every word and political decision).

Obama’s determination is also revealed within descriptions of his courtship to First Lady

Michelle Obama. Barack often credits a great deal of his success and stability to the strength,

192 support, candid advice and love that his wife has provided him with over the years. In an interview with the Washington Post in 2006 President Barack Obama was candid about the importance of his marital union. Obama explained, “She [Michelle] is the smartest, toughest, funniest best friend that I could ever hope for, and she always had my back. Whatever decision we make, we’ll make together.” (Barack Obama, In His Own Words, edited by Lisa Rogak 2007,

Carroll and Graf New York NY.

The determination of a love struck young man who desires to win the heart of a woman whom he can’t get out of his mind is a story as old as time. A unique aspect of this particular courtship however, comes in the fact that it eventually influenced the highest court in the land

(with Presidential providence to select Supreme Court Justice Candidates). Many aspect of this union has exponential potential to impact society for years to come. The fruit of Obama’s determination, in the form of his children, his international iconic influence and political legacy evidences the expansive impact of his determination. In the world of politics it is customary for campaign managers and many members of the voting public to prefer a candidate who is married. This is perhaps influenced by our popular perspectives on what is perceived as normal, polarized fears and political discrimination regarding homosexuality and/or our affinity for familiarity and adherence to traditions.

Obama’s selection of a strong, educated capable woman (who at the time was his professional superior) speaks to a much larger, more ancient narrative than a politician whose courtship is motivated by a desire to have a trophy wife for leverage at election time. From his unusual upbringing, Obama gained a particular interest in establishing a stable family structure for his children (put dreams of my father quote). This view of family as foundational to the strength of a community has African roots that appear to still be intertwined with the heartstrings

193 of the 44th President. The notion of a woman and child being the elements of humanity that complete a man and help him reach his fullest earthly and divine potential has always been a part of ancient African societies. An African [Baganda] Proverbs explains, “A family tie is like a tree, it can bend but it cannot break” (http://afritorial.com/the-best-72-african-wise-proverbs/)

While many members of Obama’s political opposition choose to manipulate potential voters through the exploitation of terms like “family values”, Barack remains more focused on the true value of family.

The importance of family for Barack Obama is apparent in his perception of family existing in a holistic African sense. In American society a popular notion of nuclear families verse extended family is a widely agreed upon fiction born out of the compartmental consciousness of the European mind. This hierarchal delineation of family is virtually non- existent in traditional African societies. Obama’s unfortunate circumstance of growing up without his biological father placed him within a matriarchal family structure where “extended family” members were (at times) his primary care givers. Perhaps, First Lady Michelle Obama, coming from a modest African American family tapped into traditional concepts of family when desiring to move her mother into the White House. “Two mothers-in-law lived at the White

House” (http://www.firstladies.org/Family.aspx)

Here we see determination to move beyond Eurocentric familial concepts as the Obama family remains determined to present a positive image of a Black family. The determination to achieve personal goals remains a constant theme in the political and personal life of President

Barack Obama. With increasing societal examples of the traditional family being altered by circumstance and personal preference, the ability to extract African conceptualizations of critical institutions while manifesting personal potential for achievement becomes increasingly valuable.

194 E-EXCELLENCE

“Excellence is to do a common thing in an uncommon way.” Booker T. Washington

(http://www.awib.org.et/currency/news/item/179-what-does-awib-mean-by- excellence.html)

Excellence is a principal that many people who are considered overachievers adhere to closely and even obsesses over at times. Despite the negative impacts that such standards can pose for the individual, (stress, ulcers etc) the larger society often benefits from the achievements, obsessions and standards of those who possess an affinity for excellence. Barack

Obama differs from many over achievers who describe themselves as having such leanings. The

President is a self-described late bloomer in the area of over achievement who admits, “I didn't always take school as seriously as I should have.” (http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press- office/2014/02/27/remarks-president-my-brothers-keeper-initiative) The originally African practice of studying under the elders, combining youthful zeal with the benefits of the wisdom of lived experience is one that Obama utilized often. The traditional African community however was not typically a part of Obama's adolescent support system. The understanding of his own connection to ancient African greatness came in large measure from his development into an avid reader. This recognition of his true potential inspired by a connection to ancient African excellence was best illustrated by an event that occurred while Obama was in Africa.

On a trip to Africa, Barack Obama had an opportunity to tour the Great pyramids of

Egypt. During his tour his guide Egypt’s (former) minister of antiquities Zahi Hawass was seemingly caught off-guard by a statement made by the President in response to learning about the magnificence of Egyptian/African history.

195 The President interrupted when he noticed a Hieroglyph of an entombed Egyptian Priest.

“That looks like me, look at those ears”, (http://www.cbsnews.com/news/obama-checks-out- sphinx-and-pyramids/) Obama remarked. Amidst a chorus of uncomfortable laughter, Hawass quickly urged that he thought the President bore a greater resemblance to King Tut. The response made by Hawass is particularly puzzling in light of his documented assertion that,

"Tutankhamen was not black, and the portrayal of ancient Egyptian civilization as black has no element of truth to it… Egyptians are not Arabs and are not Africans despite the fact that Egypt is in Africa," he said, quoted by the official MENA news agency. Despite the ever contradictory comments of Hawass, the power of this moment should not be squandered.

In a world where so many African Americans struggle unsuccessfully to find themselves in the historic tapestry of Europeans, a statement of this magnitude (even if simply made in passing) should not be wasted, rather Beneficially Extracted. Barack Obama seeing himself in

Africa on the pyramid walls is more than I can say for most African Americans in terms of identification. This connection in no way excuses the perpetuation of imperialism through political assassinations (Hussein, Khadafi etc.) or the military actions taken by Africom. This recognition does however offer a potentially promising starting point for many African

Americans who can’t get enough of Obama, yet want nothing to do with Africa. The President possessed a desire to connect with ancient African excellence as a result of the greatness that he acknowledges came from that unmatched civilization. If these types of truths can be extracted and directed toward the liberation of African people then a true revolution can occur.

196 F-FAMILY

In an increasingly technological and corporate culture, the true value of the family is often lost in ever evolving definitions of modernity and progress. In the world of Politics the negation of family importance beyond the traditional photo opportunities (that are so valuable during an election cycle) appears to be systematically instituted. Political ambitions and the type of tunnel vision that is often utilized to bring electoral dreams to fruition often leave little to invest in other pursuits including family. Barack Obama represents a refreshing deviation from the cold, calculated, choreographed Political family connections observed through many his

Presidential predecessors. In traditional African society the family unit is the nucleus of the larger society. The original government, court and military structure can be viewed through the family’s methods of protecting, providing for and protecting themselves in relation to the external military, government and society. Barack Obama takes a traditional approach to prioritizing family life in relation to his political aspirations.

The working class, racially and culturally tolerant set of opinions that helped to direct the life and values of Barack Obama’s white mother often set her outside of the normal views and experiences of her peers within her racial group. This racially philosophical divergence helped her to identify with men who were often classified outside of the normative majority. This ironic twist of events and perspectives provided a familial foundation for young Barack that allowed him to identify with many of the traditional values held by his father, even in his father’s absence. The tragic aspects of Obama’s early childhood development motivated him towards his affinity for family stability. The constant traveling and rearrangements in his immediate family structure due to birth, death, divorce and other circumstance made him an unlikely candidate to buy into the American/modern deception that would have encouraged him to place Political

197 and/or capitalistic gain over the true value of a loving supportive wife or the premium of progeny. In essence the absence of a certain type of stability that he experienced as a son led him to seek family consistency as a father. In a similar fashion the absence of his father and his metaphoric/physical distance from Africa influenced him to attempt to utilize a more

African/traditional method of Building up his family.

The acknowledgement of the possibility of some African influence over how Barack

Obama views family is meant in no way to imply that President Barack Obama lives, views the world or creates political policies from the traditionally African philosophical vantage point.

Nor has he ever expressed any interest in a full scale return to traditional African life or thought.

The point of beneficial extraction of this type is geared to take even the minutest aspects of a person’s character, experiences and philosophies and gain an understanding of how these traits, occurrences and perspectives interplay and can be utilized within the Afrocentric Paradigm.

G-GREATNESS

Afrocentrist often describes the apex of the ancient Egyptian civilization as representative of some of the highest levels of societal existence ever achieved in human history. Many elements of Egyptian architecture, medicine, astrology and mathematics have created mysteries and structural wonders that continue to baffle modern scholars/scientists who struggle to explain or recreate their majesty. The Great Pyramids of Giza point towards the stars and the surrounding heavens where they share mystical connections with the constellation Orion and the

Great Gods of that most inspiring foundational period of history. The architecture and occult sciences of the ancient Egyptian mystery schools are credited with providing significant inspiration for the founding fathers and the early development of the United States. The

198 governance of the American experiment may be more structurally influenced by the Iroquois

Confederacy and other Native American systems of leadership than the Pharonic rule of the numerous dynasties of Egypt. The stylized, scientific, symbolic, structural strivings for greatness however, is laden with Egyptian excellence.

The Egyptian/African heartbeat of the power center of these United States is cleverly and conspicuously covered beneath a veil of Patriotism, Pioneers and European myth. America’s conscious concealment of the inspiration of Egypt on its early ideals of Excellence comes as no surprise in light of the countless buried and distorted contributions of African people that have been committed by Europeans throughout the world. This unfortunate reality makes Barack

Obama’s (previously mentioned) trip to Egypt so much more meaningful than just an ironic instance of hieroglyphic happenstance. The connection that the President shared with the image of a priest that was carved on the pyramid wall spoke to a more elusive affiliation than the unavoidable phenotypic similarities that have been previously discussed. The idea that Barack

Obama can draw a relation to past greatness is a powerful ability that he has implemented beyond what many could imagine.

In addition to his ability to “beneficially extract” the excellent essence of capable, effective, inspirational leadership, he also possesses an uncanny degree of confidence. The self- assurance that has helped to fuel his ascension to the Presidency also allows him to feel comfortable in continuing the legacy of greatness that has inspired him while comfortably making personalized adjustments that he believes are more effective, personally advantageous to implement or better suited for a new political and socio economic era. Excellence in this context is not meant to imply an unwavering positive opinion on all things related to Barack Obama.

The key message that should be extracted from this section is one of courage, discipline and

199 composure. The proper balance and interplay of these three attributes are a ready-made recipe for excellence. Ancient African inspired excellence

H-HOPE

Hope can be defined as a fervent desirous expectation that a specific event will occur.

Barack Obama embodied this notion throughout his 2008 campaign. Beyond the unprecedented political/historical barriers that he would have to surmount, he continued to believe. In spite of previous setbacks and legislated limitations that have hindered the political progress of his predecessors he kept hope alive. This ability to envision a world far more civilized and sociologically advanced than the one that he was born into provided great motivation throughout his Senatorial journey to the position of Commander in Chief. This peculiarly Obama styled optimism was also an instrumental formative aspect of his life prior to the evolution of his historic political persona. Like a new age Narmer, the ancient Egytian pharaoh credited as the unifier of Upper and Lower Egypt. “Narmer (Menes) the first Dynastic King came from the south where he had been king of Upper Egypt. His conquest is memorialized on the famous

Narmer Stela.” (African Intellectual Heritage: A Book of Sources edited by Molefi K. Asante,

Abu Shardow Abarry Page 4)

Barack Obama exhibits enormous hope through the grandest of visions. The President seeks to reconcile the parallel universes of the black and white worlds while finding a place for everyone in between. He seeks to achieve this through an interesting historical perspective that vaguely and carefully references the darkness of America’s past in a way that does not shine a shameful light on the inheritors of privileges that have resulted from such unprecedented atrocities. Many critics of this politicized style of historical analysis condemn the President’s abundance of recognitions that often lacks any consequential plan for reparations. Instead the

200 President places a hope inspired premium on the present and our (Americans) ability to optimistically shape the future without mining past pains, fears and blame.

Though Narmer and Obama share in a hopefulness that is evidenced by their records of achievement, the methods taken towards these ends differ greatly. The Narmer Palette (also referred to as the Palette of Narmer or the Great Hierakonpolis is an ancient Egyptian archeological treasure that Egyptologist Bob Brier considered to be “the first historical document in the world” (Brier, Bob, Daily Life of the Ancient Egyptians, A. Hoyt Hobbs 1999 pg.202.

This telling artifact tells the story of what is presumed to be the unification of Egypt. It presents

Narmer in the kingly bulbed white crown indicative of Upper Egyptian royalty on one side while presenting him adorned with the level red crown on the reverse. While Narmer’s duality is distinguished by geography and traditional royal adornments, Barack Obama’s doubling deals more with the immediate diversity of his bloodline and the nuanced nature of his political loyalties. Contrastingly, while Narmers Hope is to smite the enemies of his grand vision personally with an up close introduction to his mace,

Obama’s hope is in a more indirect strategy of neutralization that relies heavily on Super

Pacs and drones. This evolution of military/political strategy from The Temple of Horus to

Capitol Hill does not in any way negate the significance of being able to clearly see what is not there until it comes into view. The purpose of this extraction is in no way to deify President

Obama by comparing him to a Pharaoh that represented the physical embodiment of God on earth. The purpose is instead to recognize the power of hope more than we stay focused on how much our personal and political agenda’s line up with that of President Obama’s.

201 I-INTELLIGENCE

“Education is our passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to the people who prepare for it today” Malcolm X.

(http://www.goodreads.com/quotes/788-education-is-our-passport-to-the-future-for- tomorrow-belongs)

Attempting to evolve beyond tragic traditions and elevate a nation to a level befitting the lofty language of its creed is no small task. That duty is expanded exponentially when one man is seemingly charged to do such lifting alone. In order to asses, plan, deconstruct and strategize a way to make that which has never been seen an international reality often requires great intellect.

There is a raw brilliance necessary to see the world that was and recognize how your own positive attributes could be utilized to bring about such unprecedented change.

We live in an increasingly technological age where the act of substantiating sources and supporting points often give way to impulsive, polarized tweets and provocative sound bites.

There is less reliance on Primary sources of information as traditional news is increasingly being replaced with gossip and other internet distractions. Today, computers provide quick academic fixes for almost any intellectual need. The computers of the twenty first century are capable of reading a book to you, giving a whole new meaning to the term word processor. The painstaking intellectual consistency that Barack Obama was called to utilize in order to reach the heights of academia has been lost on many of the very students that he was attempting to pave a way for.

Long gone for many are the tedious hours of thorough reading and researching when spark notes and search engines are available at your fingers 24/7. Barack Obama explains moments in his life where he was urged to become more serious and more disciplined regarding his studies. This change in direction dramatically altered the life trajectory of the 44th President.

202 As he developed his academic focus, his ability to analyze various social/political situations with a critical eye also appears to have increased. The implementation of intellect for the overall advancement of humanity is a definitive departure from the individualistic monetary motivations often found in a capitalistic society. This living example of choosing people over politics and prioritizing the lives of men and women over money is evidence of Obama's empathic intelligence in action.

To beneficially extract the discipline and persistence that helped to develop his intellectual capabilities to the point that he was accepted into Harvard became President of the

Harvard Law review and later Commander in Chief of the United States can assist the promotion of almost any personal or political agenda. Regardless of how an individual or group views

Obama politically or personally, his intellectual capacity is virtually undeniable. The patience and persistence required in order producing a climate that is conducive to an individual activating their higher consciousness and accessing the richness of their intellectual potential is no small issue. In the ancient Egyptian mystery system, Initiates were required to memorize texts and gain a mastery of a number of sciences.

This mystical developmental process was truly dedicated to the cultivation of the spiritual higher self. The designation of a master in ancient Africa would take decades to achieve,

President Obama was cultivated in a far different educational system. The Hallowed halls of

Harvard are a far cry for the first University [Karnak] on earth found in Waset in ancient Africa.

“Temples like the massive Karnack Temple at Waset and the tombs of the kings and queens in the Valley of the Kings and the Valley of the Queens took enormous capabilities and the

Kemetic people mastered all of the required skills to produce the most perfect buildings of their

203 day” (2007 Asante Pg 31) (The History of Africa: The Quest for Eternal Harmony; Molefi Kete

Asante Routledge 2007 NY 10017)

The ancient African attention paid to the individual has been replaced by America's attention to the individual getting paid. Completing capstones for the sake of capitalism did not resonate with Barack in the same way that it r easily appealed to many of his peers as he prepared to graduate from Harvard. Obama strayed from the expected options of an Ivy League who had been the President of the Harvard Law Review. The usual career paths included; working at the Supreme Court or fortune five-hundred cooperation and enjoying the lucrative aspects of higher learning. In a decision that confused and surprised many of his colleagues he opted to become a Community organizer in Chicago. His affinity for the community and desire to service those who existed outside of the protections afforded by wealth and political privilege was a noble one.

Obama would utilize his intellect to enlighten and develop the community. What could be an unlikely choice for a person coming out of Harvard can be considered the expected outcome for a person who achieved the level of a Master in Ancient Egypt? The duty to serve and give back to the community is a natural aspect of life's progression for those who were illuminated to higher degrees of understanding and at Karnack. In this regard Obama appears to have heeded the voices of his African ancestors over those of his founding fathers. Critical commentaries about President Barack Obama often highlight what they describe as Imperialistic political policies perpetuated by the President's administration. These conflicting/contradictory leanings between European colonization and African ancestral influence place Obama in a sort of sociopolitical limbo.

204 This struggle appears to parallel the conflicting philosophical throws that resulted from his bi-racial experiences as an adolescent. Some may argue that Barrack Obama was simply blessed with intelligent parents (which are true) and they are to be credited with the extent of his academic and political accomplishments. It is important to delineate the difference between raw intelligence and the time tested development of intellectual faculties. The age old admonishment to "know thyself" was etched upon the pyramid walls and today many people are told that education is the key. This is not an attempt to advise people to process information to the same end that Barrack Obama has.

The beneficial extraction highlighted here can be utilized to increase the degree of strategy with which a person approaches their intellectual endeavors. The examples presented can also inspire the implementation of a more regimented study routine and a zeal for education that is connected to a greater desire to know one’s self.

J-JUSTICE

When Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Delivered his internationally known speech during the

March on Washington he addressed a number of issues that where impacting the lives of Black people nationwide. In the classic tradition of Eurocentric revisionist history many of the elements of the speech are often minimized or go unmentioned when this momentous occasion is chronicled. A prime example of a typical omission regarding Dr. King’s oratorical mission can be viewed in the area of police torture (brutality). The era of colonial criminal kidnap (also known as the European slave trade) with its violent slave breakers and overseers along with the murder and intimidation of the Ku Klux Klan and the emblematic polarization of the murder of

Emmitt Till create a small representation of America's government supported timeline of terror.

205 A modern representation of this despicable legislative lineage would include names like

Rodney King, Troy Davis, Sean Bell, Omar Grant, Tookie Williams and Trayvon Martin. Yet more than a half century before L.A.P.D., George Zimmerman and members of their ilk were free to do the work of Satan, Dr. King's words were both preemptive and prophetic. More than one time in his speech, Dr. King drew attention to police brutality and the great impediment it posed to future racial harmony and eventual desegregation. In a twist of tragic irony many historians (black and white) have been conditioned to move away from issues of injustice or economic inequities and instead prefer to focus on how white people were incorporated into the dream. This emphasis on "joining" was seemingly translated into an operationalized Socio- political philosophy that Barrack Obama embodies which is shown through various interactions he has engaged in throughout his Presidency.

The four areas where Obama injects his joining philosophy that I will highlight here are;

Political, racial, familial and generational joining. Few arenas are more dialectical and polarized than that of American politics. The recent struggles between the Democratic President and the

Republican house epitomize the stark contrasts between the political philosophies of the parties.

Few recent issues displayed these differences as prominently as the on-going debate over Health

Care. When Barack Obama set fourth his plan to ensure health care for every American, the traditional political divide seemed to widen with each passing day. When the news came out detailing the potential passing of the bill that was contingent upon the inclusion of a public option many on both sides of the isle were outraged. Republicans viewed this vastly inclusive legislative measure as a step towards socialism. Many expressed concerns that the President

Obama was taking money out the hands of hard working Americans and placing into the hands of lazy, undeserving freeloaders. Despite the fierceness of this debate, the President was able to

206 join these conflicting segments of society (albeit by a tattered thread) in a way that made it possible to pass his historic health care bill.

Racist oppression and racial division has been interwoven into the founding fabric of this nation well before its flag was ever flown. The sin of discrimination has been baptized in the blood of the innocent and sealed with an endless blockade of miss-information. The roots of

America's racial woes stand the potential to unearth some inconvenient truths that could shake the nation to its core. As a result, many people in political spheres avoid racial implications of any kind at all costs. This avoidance of race as a factor is even prevalent when attempting to study race, racism and its impacts on American society. An example of diminishing and redirecting the essence of this conversation is achieved through the clever manipulation of the rhetoric.

A national and international discussion about racism, (oppression, injustice and terrorism) was altered and transformed into a conversation about race. The paradigmatic shift from racism to race takes attention away from brutality and towards biology, away from genocide and towards genetics. This approach removes generational benefits/blame while centering on reactions to differences in pigment. The direction of these conversations highlights tolerance and coexistence rather than solutions like reparations. Distractions of this nature appear to push genuine reconciliation between the races further away with each passing day.

K-KINDNESS

Obama was forced to confront racial bias in a unique way from a unique perspective. His blood lines placed him in the white and Black worlds simultaneously. His lineage combined with the bird’s eye view that he used to analyzed the toll of racism on African Americans help to shape his optimistic outlook on our collective future. In lieu of the contradictions, and ambiguity

207 that could accompany biracial identity and racial tensions in the United States Obama sought reconciliation, not retaliation. President Obama sincerely believes that the people can live up to the promise. Barack Obama was forced to dig deep into his reserve of patience and temperance to tap into a unique degree of tranquility throughout his adolescence? This need increased exponentially as Barack Obama began to involve him in national politics.

The President often displayed a peace that surpasses the racial hatred of white bigots who are still stuck in a Confederate time warp as they wait for the South to rise again. He called upon the type of cool that could outlast the doubts of African Americans that remained politically shell shocked by the loss of Jessie Jackson a generation before. In spite of doubt, discouragement and death threats Obama continues to hold fast to his joy and sense of service to the American people. This uncanny kindness that Obama exemplifies allows him to address issues of race with maturity and without malice. This peaceful perspective allows Barack Obama to become a truly inspired student of history without being an intellectual victim of the trauma of past injustices.

The method(s) that Obama would implement in order to impale ignorance while piercing hardened hearts can be considered cutting kindness.

This display of grace is not emanating from a place of fear or naive forgiveness. The cool confidence that can be viewed in his charismatic smile and the way he weaves comedy and candor display a superior comfort. This metaphoric blade of benevolence was wielded with strength and precision during the 2008 Presidential campaign. Throughout his monumental rise into the highest office of the land Barack Obama was able to kill with kindness in the midst of a war of words. The flies that Barack's historical honey was catching often flew directly into his clutches, unbeknownst to his most ardent critics. The stiff necked members of a party hell bent

208 on turning back the hands of time proved to be of little consequence as history and evolution balanced upon an illuminated beam of progressive thoughts and actions.

More than his Harvard polished articulation and well-mannered retorts was the obviously joyous centering of a man who was confident in the potential or his country and marvelously comfortable in his own skin. These circumstantial realities combined with a peculiar political wind that swept away much of the uncertainty and angst that would come to define his early childhood. What resulted was a kindness that could help Obama pray for (and work with) his previous political enemies. This stillness allowed for level headed scholarly critique and analysis of otherwise traumatic and potentially debilitating historical events like the enslavement of

Africans ( MA'AFFA) and the Holocaust of the Jewish people. Free of the resentment and weight that a pessimistic unforgiving heart requires, Obama was able to soar above the typically binding bitterness that racism cultivates. This void was filled with a sincere faith in the rebounding, evolving, healing ability of a nation that has been declared terminally ill so many times before. The rhetorical resuscitation that came to characterize the political oratory of

Barack Obama came complete with inspiration and an olive branch that symbolized hope and kindness.

L-LOVE

Some may argue that this loving display is little more than the typical political smoke and mirrors that have deceived the voting masses for generations. Political opposition may accuse

Obama of simply using photo opportunities and lofty speeches to appear loving when the true man is calculated, unkind and un-American. This beneficial extraction is not an attempt to nominate President Barrack Obama for Sainthood or to measure the genuine nature of his

(perceived or real) kindness. Whether manufactured or sincere, the kindness/Love of Barack

209 Obama has had an international impact. The lessons and examples of this achievement can be extracted for generations to come. More importantly, the latent potential of this combination between “Love” and political savvy if grounded on a sound African centered cultural foundation.

This type of strategic reconciling on the part of those in positions of power within our American educational infrastructure would urge the production of a curriculum that delivers a more honest, accurate, empowering view of Africa.

The issue at hand is deeper than the acquisition of information, rather a pathway to self- realization and greater self-love. From religious texts, the rhetoric of Malcolm X., onto the many

Afrocentric descriptions of dislocated and de-capitated Black people, a common theme is present. All have addressed the utter destruction of a people as a result of their lacking knowledge of self, kind and culture. Without the ability to positively identify them in the productive progressive history of human-kind the remedy for such psychological displacement becomes increasingly difficult. The great historian John Henrik Clarke remarked about the critical nature of history in the redeeming and grounding and potential achievements of a people.

Clarke states, “History is a clock that people use to tell their political and cultural time of day. It is also a compass that people use to find themselves on the map of human geography. History tells a people where they have been and what they have been, where they are and what they are.

Most important, history tells a people where they still must go, what they still must be.” When the Presidents perceptions of African Antiquity are beneficially extracted to alter the outlook of future generations, a great change takes place. A change we can truly believe in.

M-MILITANT

Phrases like black power and Power to the People are synonymous with the Black experience in America during the civil Rights era. This liberating and tumultuous time gave rise

210 to numerous voices in pursuit of people power. Woman voiced their rights to equal pay, equal protection under the law and their collective frustration with the sexist status quo. Antiwar protestors expressed their dissatisfaction with military conquest and murdering the innocent in the name of democracy. Around this time a group of Black Sanitation workers from Tennessee were communicating to the world the simple message, "I am a man". While people from every corner of the earth have encountered the politics of American styled discrimination, there has always been a unique twist placed on this age old story when it comes to the sons and daughters of Africa. This extreme hurdle of being charged to reaffirm the reality of African humanity has permeated, plagued and paralyzed countless lives and opportunities to positively contribute to the American experiment. This American dilemma that was misappropriated to the Negro's list of responsibilities has its roots in the original justifications for the kidnapping and vicious enslavement of African people. This original sin of the early colonist desecrating that which their own European ancestors often described as divine marks a betrayal of truth and kind that continues to be the major unspoken stumbling block of race relations in America and throughout the world.

I contend that at the heart of the inhumane practices of the slave breakers existed, the false fuel of Africans as less than human. To take a blade and slice open the womb of pregnant

African women and kill her developing child in the presence of other Africans, for the purpose of using intimidation to promote the Colonial empire required drastic degrees of self- delusion and other justifications. This severely flawed racial rationale was/is exported throughout the world in order to assist in maintaining the status quo through the manipulation and misrepresentation of the image of African humanity. The continued quest to cure America's sickness of racialized prejudice perceptions has been an undeserved burden that contributes too many obstacles on the

211 Africans Journey towards self-determination and true liberation. From unjust, racially influenced sentencing and the boom of the privately owned prison industrial complex to police profiling/brutality and the disproportionate number of abortion clinics in the black community, the evidence of bias perceptions abound.

Beneath the surface of the current manifestations of such vile propaganda is a subconscious visceral internal conversation? These societal whispers silently imply that black people belong in prison if they are unwilling to live according to the white man's statutes, Black people are more violent and must be dealt with more harshly, the death of a black child is less important since they are not fully human. Many would react to such claims as outrageous assertions that simply fuel the polarization of the already over propagandized topic of race relations. The existence of so many tragic racist circumstances, combined with apathy and a simultaneous complete disconnection to their historical context tells a far different, sad and sobering story. This contentious conflict appears to reach an often unavoidable head within the minds and societal analysis of bi-racial members of American society.

Perhaps to some extent, the ever present existence of this internal genetic war helped to prepare the President for the consistently militarized aspects of his current job position. To date the United States military have bases in . In the minds of those who order this new world, the battle is ongoing and the enemy is ever present. Being the first African American to occupy a position that oversees so many military occupations presents an array of new analysis of both race and militancy. The varying definitions of what qualifies as “militant” are often as different as Black and White. The phrases of protest that were popularized during the 1960's were being spouted during a time when counter intelligence against such groups were growing exponentially. The J. Edgar led C.I.A. and the creation of COINTELPRO put an entirely new

212 twist on the use of labeling and strategies of character assassination. This tumultuous time marked a new chapter in the long history of misrepresentation for the purpose oppression and neutralization. In a similar method than the early C.I.A. (colonist in America), the new C.I.A. went to great lengths to justify infiltration, political prosecution and assassinations.

Before most successful assassinations are carried out they are preceded by character assassinations and other negative propaganda campaigns. This is where the muddied definitions of the term militant come into play. The Black Panther Party for Self Defense was constantly labeled as militant even when they were simply calling for self-defense and community control.

The Panthers were often labeled as militants for doing little more than speaking against injustice giving a new meaning to the term war of words. The irony can't be overstated when describing a conquering imperial empire with a history of rampant rape, murder and warfare depicting outspoken offspring of their former slaves as militant! Black militants are too often those who give speeches and White militants are those who give out Blankets filled with smallpox to unknowing indigenous people and order assassinations of outspoken African Americans. A biracial Commander in chief offers an opportunity redefine what it means to be militant.

With the moving rhetorical addresses that have galvanized millions and helped to rewrite the political history of the republic, Barrack Obama definitely possesses the potential to fit the

Black definition of a militant in some respects. With the assassination of Muhmar Khadafi his usage of unmanned drones to drop countless bombs on those that are deemed to have acted outside of the interest of the United States, Barack Obama's militancy goes far beyond tough talk. The purpose of this beneficial extraction is not to condone military occupation or the rhetoric of imperialism. This segment can be referenced to draw useful distinctions between rousing rhetoric and the quantifiable military consequences that this type of speech can inspire.

213 N-NEGOTIATOR

Politicians routinely give lip service to their desire and ability to reach across the partisan aisle and to bring various demographics into political harmony. Unfortunately, most politicians don't seem to make such attempts at congressional cooperation after being elected or when the cameras are turned off. Barack Obama was challenged to negotiate his place and perspective within the various communities that he lived in throughout his adolescence. In addition to this hand on experience was the constant negotiation of the black and white world that he floundered between for years. Effective negotiations often include skills of persuasiveness, empathy and compromise. These attributes combined with humility and extreme patience help President

Obama to negotiate the legislative wrangling associated with the problematic of partisanship.

This world of power, lies and legislation requires an uncanny and sometimes seemingly unrealistic degree of cooperativeness, particularly from African American Politicians who seek to progress politically beyond the parameters of their partisanship. Many critics of President

Obama often suggest that his attempts to reach across the isles is a demonstration of diluted

Democratic posture and an inability to exercise effective leadership. This display of political cooperativeness can also be viewed within the African context of community. The African cultural aesthetic of being one with other members of your community poses a peculiar dilemma for traditional American politics in an era of extreme divisiveness and polarization. This example of culture clash is not unique in its previously stated manifestation. The rhetorical, political progressiveness that has been espoused by many of Obamas political opponents is seldom demonstrated in actual policies that they implement. The drastic disparity between the

America professes and what she actually practices has played a major role in defining a large extent of the African American experience.

214 The hypocrisy, the tragic irony and the harsh reality that often contradicts lofty rhetorical ideals of America has plagued the image of Old Glory since its less than immaculate inception.

For centuries Africans/African Americans have existed within the underbelly of White Americas exaggerated patriotism and falsified notions of inclusion. Men and women including; David

Walker, Harriet Tubman, Martin Delaney, Sojourner Truth, Fredrick Douglas, Zora Neal

Hurston, Charles Hamilton Houston, Fannie Lou Hamer and Fredrick Douglas embodied the intellect, energies and artistic expressions that sought to expose and destroy the very foundations of Illusory America. The desire to progress American Democracy towards the truly just notions of a traditional African meritocracy helped to propel many in their efforts to deconstruct the socialization and institutionalizing of racial inequalities.

President Barack Obama shares an often critiqued Optimism that the Reverend, Dr.

Martin Luther King Junior faced backlash for from his more militant and pessimistic/pragmatic contemporaries. This commonality lies in their shared belief in the dream of America being realized. The potential for the professed Democratic melting pot taking shape was famously expressed as a check that had yet to be cashed, as Dr. King delivered his I have a Dream speech at the historic March on Washington. The relationship between African Americans and their historic tendency to stand, march, pray and fight within the gap that separates national rhetoric and reality have earned them the moniker of America's conscience. The issue with a conscience however, is that it often causes us to focus on and confront issues/realities that we might be more comfortable suppressing/ignoring. This desire to truthfully recognize the grave sins of chattel enslavement is a difficult but necessary step in the process of progress according to African tradition.

215 The African cultural concept of Sankofa ( to go back and fetch it), causes many advocates for change who are operating within this African cultural context to access the knowledge pain, struggles, triumphs and lessons of the past to ensure a brighter future. This reflective African principle has unfortunately been overshadowed by the artificial light of heavily propagandized expressions of American Patriotism.

The national political climate can be extremely contentious, making opportunities for negotiations both scarce and valuable. An infamous example of this came to a head when the

Congressman Joe Wilson of South Carolina Heckled President Obama during a speech where he discussed the impacts of reform on illegal aliens. Wilson showed disregard for the rules of order and parliamentary procedure. The ability to compromise and be relatable to diverse groups are attributes that could be Beneficially extracted and properly located for the assistance of global liberation of African people throughout the Diaspora

O-OPTIMISM

Well before DVDs titled The Secret went flying off of the shelf promoting how the implementation of the law of attraction can manifest amazingly in your life, ancient Africans recognized the relationship between thoughts and reality. Universal relationships from a traditional African perspective stressed the connection between Positive thought and positive action. An underlining theme of the importance of morality and community permeate every expression of African life. This lineage of love and righteousness is often expressed through an unmatched optimism that often defies even the seemingly gravest of circumstances. This tangible trust of unseen positive potentialities propelled Barack Obama from an eclectic visionary to election victories. Fueled by a campaign slogan of Hope that a great change could come with his election, Obama set his sights high. In moments of political adversity Obama’s

216 poise under pressure proved that his Optimism rested on a firm foundation and not the fluff of overcompensation.

From an African centered perspective, the tradition of a hopeful outlook has been further fortified by triumph over tragedy. From the numerous rising and falling of civilization after civilization and dynasty after dynasty the tenacity and faith in a better tomorrow became a time tested proven possibility and cultural necessity. Positive thinking in traditional African societies is not primarily implemented as a coping mechanism or an asset of the psychologically delusional, but a way of life. Incremental societal gains and the interdependency of the people and the surrounding natural environment in African societies was interpreted by African people in a way that produced an appreciation for patience, positive thinking and the reality of inevitable change. A prime example of the linkage between traditional African culture and the resulting psychology that is often implemented at home and broad can be understood through the process of harvesting. The time tested process of planting, working, waiting and reaping offer countless comparisons to the karmic, humbling and perceptive realities of life. The completed process of a harvest that began in the heart and hunger of a farmer epitomizes the notion of creating one’s own reality. These cooperative, reciprocal interactions between aspects of nature that were viewed as one with humanity by these ancient agrarians) promoted a balance between dependability and acceptance that helped shape their unique optimism. Through the storms and droughts they eventually reap the benefits of their steadfast labor.

Perhaps Barack Obama represents an example of deep cultural memory that was transferred through generations and across miles of ocean from Kenyan grasslands to Chicago's political grassroots. Obama's journey came equipped with dry seasons of aspirational apathy and professional stagnation. Despite the obstacles he faced, a patience, optimism and due

217 diligence similar to that of his farming ancestors helped him see the inevitable, beyond the immediate. This trust in the power of patience and perseverance created a great level of faithfulness that continues to maintain Barack Obama's balance throughout his many leadership capacities.

The signature optimism of Barrack Obama is a staple of his political ascendancy. This rise to power was not without bitter opposition and numerous doubters who attempted to disregard and derail the Obama campaign at every turn. The American academic negation of the critical importance of ancient African wisdom causes many of Barack Obama's more polarized, homogenized, narrow minded opponents to overlook the significance of his optimistic outlook.

The African understanding of the power of Nommo can also be used to better understand the success of the 2008 campaign. This process of accessing the power of positive pronouncement rooted in the strength of the word was grossly underestimated and written off as simply lofty rhetoric from a candidate with more charisma than political clout.

In light of unprecedented opposition, racial hatred and death threats an uncanny resolve and positivity propelled President Obama beyond the ill will of his detractors into the highest office in the land. This undaunted outlook didn't simply envision the possibilities of the improbable but recognized the power of precedents when faced with "the impossible". This is an overcoming optimism rooted in potential and the power of purpose driven progress. This beneficial extraction is not meant to simply exalt President Obama as a champion of Optimism but to isolate and investigate this aspect of his character in a way that makes his example more accessible and operational in the aspirational lives of all that learn about him.

218 P-PIONEERING SPIRIT

The ability to see oneself beyond the boundaries of their current circumstance is an invaluable extension of extreme optimism. The current realities of African people who suffer under a global system of white supremacy creates a special demand for this form of forward thinking. This increased premium on the power of positive perceptions makes an analysis of the

Pioneering spirit (within the African American context) extraordinarily relevant for oppressed people. Barack Obama was able to envision himself, his abilities and the world around him in such a way that he would come to play a significant role in its reshaping. Critics may argue that

Obama is simply a darker representation of the same old imperial political structure that does far more maintaining of the status quo than reshaping.

Regardless of where one stands on the issue of how legitimately revolutionary the Obama

White House is, the power and fruits of his pioneering spirit is far less debatable. This is a spirit of change, of precedence and of revolutionary potentialities. The irony I find with such acts of apparent boldness are that these accomplishments are often motivated by a force that is often more natural than radical when it comes to African Americans. What is often perceived as a desire to confront oppressive forces head on is actually an acceptance of and an adherence to a higher truth. The reality that these social constructions of racism, separatism and oppression are not naturally occurring or divinely ordained causes people who are rooted in faith or seeking a natural balance to move in a direction that is different from that of their would be oppressors.

The ancient African principal of Maat deals with balance within man and with man’s place in the larger universe. The social construction of racial division and the non-reciprocal relationships found within a racially hierarchical society don't flow in harmony with the truth and balance required by the principals of Ma’at. For this reason, exclusionary racist unbalanced

219 power structures must be changed infiltrated, integrated and/or overturned simply because they are not natural, divinely inspired balanced ways to exist as physical manifestations in the universe. The intrinsic even subconscious longing to set things straight, create a balance and bring separate elements into a holistic state of oneness , is powerfully represented in a variety of ways through-ought the history of Africans From Kemet to Kansas.

From the earliest illustrations of Ma'at, the Goddess Nut and others, the imagery and institutionalization of balance permeated African societies. Narmer unified upper and Lower

Egypt, motivated by desires for cooperation and complementary connections. This desire for unification and order later defined much of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr's legacy and was a driving force in Both of Barack Obama's presidential campaigns. When looking deeper into the African influence on international perceptions of order I can't help but to wonder whether the achievements and movements attributed to the pioneering spirit are actually the generational influence of Ma'at more than evidence of unusual degrees of ambition.

Regardless of what propelled Barack Obama to become a Presidential pioneer, the impacts of the outcome remain monumental. The purpose of this beneficial extraction is to highlight the attitudes and determination that pushes a pioneering spirit to pioneering achievements. This mentality is increasingly important in an imbalanced world where so many vertiginous of modern society have yet to be infiltrated or integrated by African Americans.

Q-QUICK WITTED

During a number of confrontations that Barack Obama encountered on his campaign trail, he was forced to think on his toes when placed in compromising positions. These political predicaments called for the Senator (and later Presidential incumbent) to have the ability to think on his toes in order to achieve his electoral aspirations. From his self-effacing humor, to his full

220 scale rejection of his former Pastor, Jeremiah Wright, and Barack Obama has had numerous opportunities to display his ability to be quick witted. These improvisational capabilities were not simply utilized for the sake of entertainment or swaying some unlikely undecided voters.

Obama’s impromptu oratory was an invaluable weapon of choice at times that it seemed the success of the entire campaign was hinged upon his response to pressing questions. This need to answer the moment effectively was never so weighted as it was just before he delivered his momentous speech on race relations in Philadelphia. The questions as to whether Barack Obama was too black for white Americans or not Black enough for African Americans was a sociological dilemma that was manipulated and exploited by Barack Obama's opponents since he first stepped on the political scene.

At the time of the speech that addressed this manufactured quandary the closeness of the polls, partisan accusations, and other political attacks had reached a fever pitch. Even though he had been consistently praised for his oratorical capabilities, Barack Obama remained virtually silent regarding issues of race. This silence was even more deafening regarding his personal racial politics. Proclaiming on record that he was not running to become The President of

African Americans but rather, the President of The United States this appeared to be an undesirable position to be speaking from for the man who many accused of running a race neutral campaign until this point.

Thinking on his feet and drawing on personal experiences he rhetorically outwitted many of his toughest critics with a candid and healing testimonial about the blood, fear and beauty that has been sewn into the founding fabric of this nation. As President there is no shortage of major events that require the immediate attention and direction of the President. Critics often site the disparity between Barack Obama's rhetorical prowess and the implementation of equally

221 impressive and impact-full political policies. He is touted by detractors as a man that energizes with words and then disappoints with deeds. These critiques and attacks create an added value to thinking on ones toes in order to avoid the partisan line of fire. The combination of quick wittedness and African leadership has an extensive history. In ancient Africa, Queen Hatshepsut ruled as a man in order to maximize her political potential in light of the rules of Egyptian successions of power. She utilized a quick wit combined with fearlessness that led her to heights of power.

Later, the great general Hannibal outwitted his Romans adversaries when he led an unorthodox elephant powered campaign that altered the histories of both Carthage and Rome.

Fredrick Douglas would later display the importance of witty retort when he used the language of his oppressors to confront and confound them. Dr Martin Luther King Jr, The Student Non-

Violent Coordinating Committee, The Us Organization and others were forced to implement wit and creativity at every turn during the turbulent Cointel-Pro driven 1960's. Since the earliest examples of African leadership and ascension of all sorts a quick wit has proven a valuable (at times necessary) attribute in the quest for varied definitions of success. Revolutionaries continue to agitate for total and complete change, Reformist continues to work within the system in efforts to adjust the unjust. Others sit behind symbolic doors of power with plans to spook the ghosts of slavery and Jim Crow that continue to haunt our nation. Other African Americans in positions of influence and affluence chose to assimilate and perpetuate the current status quo. Regardless of where one falls on this continuum of cooperation the value of quick wit transcends personal or political positions.

222 R-RESILIENCE

There is one thing that mostly all successful people have in common, resilience. The ability to bounce back after a fall and to carry on despite the pressing weight of adversity is an important ingredient in the recipe for extraordinary achievements. Barack Obama has been required to display this characteristic time and time again throughout his life. Whether in the areas of family, travel and culture or political set-backs the ability to fight on and get back up and try again have proven invaluable for the first African American President. One of the first experiences that caused a young Barack to call upon his undying reserve to push forward towards progress came with the understanding of his unconventional family structure. Many young African American men today are forced to wrestle with the realities of fatherlessness in a world where the emasculation and sexual confusion of Black men is reaching epic proportions.

The love, lessons and light that is passed from a father to a sun is a critically necessary component for the optimum development of the growing child. When the family structure itself is out of balance or set back in any way, the young child must first overcome the emptiness of his own house before ever setting their sights on the White House. What is worthy to note is the ways that Barack Obama utilized his time, occupied his thoughts and perceived himself in order to endure and continue to engage his life's vision. The proper and improper management of

Barack Obama's time vividly illustrate the importance of effectively balancing time with thoughts and actions in order to achieve desired outcomes. The potential trajectory of Obama's life is a thought that he would often contemplate. In his memoirs he details the inescapable connection between time management and the powers of positive thinking. Interrogating his actions both in the moment and retrospectively helped Barack Obama to show the resilience to return to a desired path after being on a wayward or stagnant one in his life.

223 At times this move to get back in the game or get back on track came in the form of a new way to perceive himself, a move to a new city or even a return to the world of higher education. Many have warned about the inevitable calamitous destiny of people who exist without vision. Obamas resilience came in part as a result of his dreams of his father but moreover from his visions for himself. Looking at President Barack Obama's life in his own words allow for that unique introspective experience with an individual that make biographical accounts so valuable and enduring. What Barack Obama thought about while experiencing adverse events and periods of difficulty could be more inspiring, instructive and beneficially extracted than simple shallow recognitions of the many battles he fought throughout his life.

Thirdly, the issues of racial identity and self-perception that shaped so much of Barack

Obama's relationship to his self and his dreams play a role in his ability to remain resilient.

These aspects of Barack Obama’s identity (and its continued evolution) provide a critical key to successful living and strategies of remaining determined despite deterrents. Racial identity and the many questions, pressures and historical contexts surrounding this issue have impacted

Obama's development in a number of areas. From his adolescence to his political campaigns and through his presidency, questions of racial identity permeate. The reason why Obama's resilience in this area is such a worthy example stems from the fact that progress is made and visions are made reality despite the continued questions, issues and confusion that surround his experiences with racial identity/self-perception. Vast achievements can be made despite the existence of challenges and even minor confusion. It is not productive to Obsess about oppressive conditions to the degree that no efforts are made to undue them! No positive fruits can come from excessive self-pity in situations that call for strength and resilience!

224 Critics of Obama often site issues of racial identity as part of his foundational flaw in regards to his community and political engagement as well as his worldview. I concede many of the points made by Obama’s political detractors, fully appreciating the impacts of his Eurocentric world view and participation in perpetuation of neo-colonialist, imperialist American agendas.

This reality however is what makes the beneficial extraction of Obamas successes (away from these foundational locational flaws) so valuable. The Afrocentric perspective stresses the importance of making sure that any evidence of minor confusion is not in the area of cultural location and result in actions and lifestyles that are detrimental and/or antithetical to the empowerment and traditional values of African people. Some argue that Obama should not be utilized as an example for Black/African centered people because he is out of touch with The

African centered community. They stress the importance of focusing on African centered models of inspiration and emulation.

The issue I take with such a position exists in the fact that so many people have no

African centered point of reference and consistently minimize or reject the ones that they are offered as exemplary. For this reason I argue that people must be met on their level and at their point of need. There are numerous segments of the African American world that are completely transfixed on the image, charisma and achievements of the first African American President.

These individuals are looking to Obama regardless of any pressure to look away and refuse to focus on the negative aspects of his worldview, political policies or cultural location. An effective Beneficial Extraction can begin the process of properly crediting President Obama in a balanced way, while deciphering what qualities of his can be utilized by his critics and supporters alike to strengthen the African/African American community.

225 S-STRATEGIC

The amount of contemplation, concentration and calculation that goes into a major political campaign can be enormous. A successful political campaign can require an even greater degree of strategic implementation. Barack Obama successfully navigated through an array of obstacles, challenges, critics and controversies in order to become the first African

American President of the United States. The value of this example should not be underestimated. The ability to work within any system in a way that enables a person to achieve their desired results bears the strong possibility of providing examples of strategies worthy of emulation and Beneficial Extraction. The value of a strategic mindset is increased exponentially when discussing an oppressed community who have less access and control over resources that those who define their reality. The need for an increasingly complex, nuanced strategic approach to the unjust American status quo was powerfully evidenced in the 1960' with the Covert government program known as Cointelpro.

The ability to be discreet with certain intentions and fluid in terms of his thinking and approaches to problems has assisted President Obama immensely. Throughout the 2008

Presidential campaign a variety of political litmus tests were presented to Barack Obama in attempts to gage where he stood on a variety of subjects and philosophies. Particular interest was placed on the possibilities of Pro Black militancy and Islamic sympathy’s. Barack Obama’ was questioned and critiqued about his perspectives on The Nation of Islam‘s leader, the

Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan. Obama was called upon to repudiate and condemn remarks by Minister Farrakhan that was deemed controversial by white America. In a similar fashion he was pressured to distance himself from the Reverend Jeramiah Wright after recorded sermons of Wright being critical towards America became the focus of the 2008 campaign.

226 Allegations about Barak Obama attending a Madrassa (an Islamic religious school) in his formative years were also used to falsely categorize the Presidential hopeful as less than traditionally American. These strategic attacks had to be met with equally calculated, impactful counter strategies. Understanding the tactics and strength of his opposition and preparing and planning properly to face and overcome these challenges assisted Barack Obama in gaining access to greater political power. The ability to plan, maneuver and overcome through the implementation of effective strategy are qualities that can be Beneficially Extracted for struggle for liberation of African people.

T-TEACHABLE

The difference between loosing and learning can sometimes be a matter of how situations and circumstances are perceived. In addition to the power of perception, the value of humility and the ability to receive valuable advice are also critical keys to success. When the objective is becoming President of the United States the stakes are extremely high. When the objective is creating a United States of Africa and liberating People of African descent throughout the

Diaspora, it becomes a matter of life and death. Throughout his quest for success, Barack

Obama has been blessed with the benefit of growing in the company of many capable and inspirational teachers. More important than the abilities of his instructors is perhaps, the fact that

Barack Obama is teachable.

The best advice and lessons in the world have no value if they fall on stubborn, dismissive, deaf ears. The ability to have an open mind and receive sound advice are much needed character traits on the road to cooperative achievements. In the instance of the

Presidency a vast collection of specialist, counselors and advisors are constantly offering their expert opinion in order to better assist the Commander In Chief with his leadership efforts.

227 When the President surrounds himself with people who don't challenge his views and charge him to grow a political stagnation and a Presidential apathy can occur. This level of lackluster leadership came to be epitomizing during both Presidential terms of George W. Bush. In ancient

African societies there was premium value placed on the wisdom that was handed down through generations through the chiefs, priests and elders of a given community. This information included knowledge about; the origins and relationships between man, women and the universe, histories and myths of the oral tradition, secrets and mysteries among other subjects.

In order to elevate within the society, progress through rites of passage and gain a deeper understanding of the structure of a given society, an informed capable teacher often plays a vital role. These relationships were successful as a result of the reciprocal balance between a capable instructor and a receptive cooperative student. In many African rites of passage, a great deal of trust is required from the student/initiate regarding the aspects of the rituals that are unexpected and often remain unexplained for some time. An embracing of the information imported goes hand and hand with embracing of the transformative process itself. This dedicated connection is often transferred (at least in part) to the leader/teacher. An appreciation for the fruits of this protocol can be expressed in a variety of ways. Some thankful students choose to continue the work of their teachers as homage to their leadership and creative ideas. Other loyal students memorialize the efforts of their leaders while some simply add members of their wise council to their Presidential cabinet.

One important teacher in Barack Obama's life was his stepfather (name here). With the absence of his biological father and limited exposure to male influences early in life, Barack

Obama placed special value on his relationship with his step-father. His ability to heed the many lessons imparted to him by his step father is expressed in detail in his memoirs. The

228 international experiences that make up Obama's life brought an array of teachers and perspectives that he drew from at different moments. Obama displays a similar intellectual filtering process than the one that defines the beneficial extraction method. This ability to use the metaphoric meat from his teachers while disregarding the irrelevant bones of bitterness, and bias provide a platform of productivity that epitomizes Obama's willingness to learn new things.

The results of his receptiveness to useful truths serve to separate him from many other public political figures. This reality has increased sociological ramifications when considering Obama being teachable in contrast with his racial identity. Any time an African American man operates outside of the prejudice pathology that is projected upon him by racist insecure segments of society there is value in that example. Something (whether instruction or simply inspirational) can be gleamed from any such deviation from the destructive designs of social engineering and institutionalized racism. This beneficial extraction is designed to inspire, increased humility, creativity and insightfulness when pursuing knowledge and truth.

U-UNFAZED

Sticks and stones may break my bones but names won't stop me from becoming the

President! So much has been said about the cool calm demeanor of President Obama by his supporters and his critics. Adversaries portray him as aloof, elite, disconnected and out of touch while advocates emphasize Barack Obama's ability to keep his emotional side in check and continue make level headed decisions in light of animosity, envy, death threats and the various manifestations of his opposition’s insecurities. Many speculate about the root causes of his often unaffected demeanor. Regardless of the answer to the "why" question, this poised posture undoubtedly played a necessary role in his ability to withstand the toils and snares that met him along his journey to the White House. The ability to remained focused on personal goals despite

229 personal attacks and name-calling can have a particular significance to members of a community that have endured a new variety of derogatory names with each passing generation.

The history of African Americans is perhaps the most unique of any racial or ethnic group in relation to continued American exploitation. The misrepresentation, character assassination and misinformation that are interwoven with the African American experience require (d) a unique resolve to overcome. Barack Obama in many ways is a microcosm that embodies the history of violent threats, disregarding, belittling critiques and underestimations that African Americans have confronted over generations. An unflappable demeanor is perhaps one of the blessings of the diversity and global interaction that contributed to Barack Obamas development. His ability to view life, politics and personal insults beyond the narrow oppressive paradigm of racially polarized American history assisted in his reduction of the importance of his oppositions personal and political pressuring.

This resistance to attacks through intellectual expansion/restructuring is similar to the seismic analytical shift that is encouraged in the "Afrocentric Paradigm" by Dr. Amma Mazama.

In both instances, thinking beyond and/or outside of traditional models of perceiving and understanding phenomena are beneficial. One of the common benefits includes the decreased probability of being distracted by trivial, emotion driven attacks on one’s character or vision.

Obama articulated his ability to remain on the path created by his vision and resilience when he addressed the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation at their annual, Phoenix Award Dinner in

2011. Despite elements of the politics of respectability (possibly evidencing some historical and cultural dislocation) the ability to remain focused and goal oriented despite potential distractions remain valuable. President Obama explains, “With patient and firm determination, I am going to press on for jobs. I'm going to press on for equality. I'm going to press on for the sake of our

230 children. I'm going to press on for the sake of all those families who are struggling right now. I don't have time to feel sorry for myself. I don't have time to complain. I am going to press on.”

http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/09/24/remarks-president- congressional-black-caucus-foundation-annual-phoenix-a

The purpose of this beneficial extraction is to illustrate the necessity for an advanced degree of discipline in the face of hatred and agitation. For the masses of people transfixed on the phenomena that Barack Obama has become, this stands as an illustration of a potential path towards his personally possessing similar resolve without completely sharing his political vision or unique experience. Newly introduced students of the Afrocentric Paradigm can exchange stories about Kansas for the history of Kemet and likewise, substitute tales of Obama's time in

Indonesia for the more ancient example of Imhotep. In this sense, the unfazed power of Barack

Obama will be utilized in order to meet people on their level and bring them into an intellectual space that can relocate them within a more personally, racially and culturally beneficial space for the collective benefit of African people.

V-VISIONARY

“A wise person speaks carefully and with truth, for every word that passes between one's teeth is meant for something.” Molefi Kete Asante Afrocentricity (1988) African World Press

Majestic Mountains are draped in a powerfully integrated purple, born from the blending of red states and blue states into one America. There is no black or white America, rather one integrated, United States of America. This was the type of vision revealed in 2008 by Barack

Obama to millions of Americans who witnessed his triumphant Presidential campaign. The ability to understand and effectively communicate his optimistic and idealistic vision was a powerful asset in Barack Obama's journey to the White House. In order to bring people together

231 and move collectively as a mass movement in the 2008 and 2012 election, a grand vision was required.

Critics would often describe Obama as a naive unrealistic candidate whose lofty utopian political rhetoric was evidence of his political unpreparedness. In 2008 for example, a significant amount of pressure was placed on the Obama campaign as a result of the constant destructive description of him as an inexperienced candidate. Issues of fiscal and national security concerns would often be raised by opponents of Barack Obama who claimed to fear in trusting him with such enormous responsibility. Despite the fierce, experienced and well-funded opposition to the election of the less experienced African American candidate, his grand, hopeful vision of change coming to America continued to resonate.

The power of a passionately communicated vivid vision coming from a capable and charismatic presenter should not be underestimated. This ability was invaluable to a nation that had grown increasingly sick of Washington conducting business as usual. For some the timing of a new man coming with a new vision almost felt like a messianic blessing. The credibility and cultural premium placed on the visions and visionaries who see beyond the present/ physical world are much higher in most traditional African belief systems than they ever were in

American society. The uniqueness of a visionary in these African traditions is often viewed as a divinely inspired asset to successful leadership. Within the African American community the

Baptist Christian foundation that many share can create a messianic perception of political figures who propose a vision that involves a better life for their supporters/followers. Evidence of this type of exhalation of visionary leadership can be seen in the memorializing of the

Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Junior and President Obama. What Barack Obama was able to

232 successfully achieve with his visionary thrust sets him apart from many others who did not get an opportunity to manifest their visions into reality?

Throughout generations there have been Africans and African Americans who proposed a vision for safety, uplift, self-determination, prosperity and independence. Some of these forward thinkers include; Narmer, Queen Assantewa Hannibal, Imhotep, Queen Nzinga,

Toussaint Loveture, Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, Fredrick Douglas, Nat Turner, David

Walker, Martin Delay and Ella Baker just to name a few. Many of these visionaries implemented different strategies to convey and carry out their respective visions. Barack Obama had a strategic team to assist him, fashioned his message for his target audience and the current challenges of our time. The vision, the visionary and the method by which it is being materialized are all elements worthy of beneficial extraction

W-WORLDLY

Many political analysts predict a drastic geopolitical shift occurring in the near future towards various forms of global citizenship. Neo conservatives speak at length about a new world order under the leadership of one world government. Economists debate the inevitability of one world government and the importance of cross cultural literacy in such an event. Barack

Obama's early international experience made him uniquely qualified to analyze and address these pressing topics in a way that his political opposition lacked. His image as person of color increased his global appeal to a significant degree with the members of the majority population

(internationally) finding him aesthetically more relatable. This combination of worldly experiences and aesthetics were played upon by the Obama campaign after his 2008 victory.

Republicans attempted to shift these attributes into a negative light throughout the 2008 and 2012 campaigns.

233 Obama was the subject of negative campaign ads that attempted to use his well-traveled past against him. He was characterized as foreign, dangerously different and outside the scope of traditional American family values by pundits, commentators and super Pacs. Barack

Obama's campaign put out an opposing image of a candidate that not only represented but literally embodied the diversity and international components that form he American cultural landscape. This difference in direction displayed by advertisements from opposing political factions’ displays two varying definitions of "worldly" that can be beneficially extracted for the utilization of the conscious observer. These include the well-traveled definition for those who have physically contacted different cultures as a result of the trips they have taken and a global international worldview that impacts culture and political perspectives. In African traditions, the cyclical, wholistic, communal and balanced perspectives on life and the universe add an expansive inclusive cultural dimension to the worldliness debate. What may be considered diverse and worldly according to a Eurocentric perspective may be looked upon as normal to those operating within a wholistic universal Afrocentric paradigm.

This beneficial extraction of Obama’s worldliness holds up characteristics like expansive thinking and appreciation for diversity and alternative ways of seeing. A key component to utilizing these attributes (regardless of their current cultural location) for the overall benefit of

Black People lies in the critical importance of location that must be reconciled within the self. A realistic understanding of your cultural location according to the Afrocentric theory of location as described by Dr. Molefi Asante will help to maximize the positive effects of worldliness. In light of the current conditions of the masses of African people in relation to the lasting impacts of institutionalized racism and various other forms of oppression thinking beyond the intellectual limitations of a national scope is necessary when moving toward realist forms of Black liberation

234 and true self determination. It has been said that traveling can be one of the greatest educational experiences that anyone can ever ask for. Whether traveling around the world or journeying through a myriad of varying perspectives in a quest for self, there is a great usefulness to worldliness. The concept of Pan-Africanism rests on the importance of international perspective and cross continental cooperation.

X-UNKNOWN

The X in mathematics represents the unknown. With the rise of the Nation of Islam in the 1960's led by The Honorable Elijah Muhammad, the application of this mathematic principal to the plight of African Americans gained momentum. The symbolic identification entered the mainstream press as the report titled "The Hate That Hate Produced" by Mike Wallace and Louis

Lomax for News Beat (WNTA) first aired in July of 1959. It is interesting to note here that

Louis Lomax is an African American journalist who brought the Nation of Islam to the attention of Mike Wallace. The idea of the unknown has impacted the Obama campaign and Presidency in a variety of ways. Political opponents to Barack Obama have waged a non-stop negative campaign against him that centered on his being a relative new comer to the political arena.

Republicans, members of the Tea Party and the Birther movement have cast Barack Obama in a mysterious cautionary shadow, advising potential voters and supporters to be wary about the unknown elements of the Obama narrative.

His birthplace, his religious views, economic opinions and national loyalties have all been called into question under the guise of a pursuit to discover, who the real Obama is. All of this has been done in lieu of the fact that Barack Obama himself has had two books published including his autobiography titled "Dreams from My Father". In other Instances the Obama campaign has benefitted politically as a result of his novice political status. Without the lengthy

235 professional record in political life that many of his opponents possessed, it was increasingly difficult for detractors to compile negative information about this unknown candidate. This reality spawned the indirect attacks that were often based upon guilt by association as opposed to being professionally unfit. The names of Roy Ayers and the Reverend Jeremiah Wright junior took center stage during the 2008 campaign in the continued attempts to expose who they considered a dark and mysterious candidate. Stories about Ayers involvement with the radical

1960's collective, The Weather Underground and

Y-YEARNING

The internal drive that lends to a greater probability of a person’s success is often described in an array of visceral descriptions. The passion to trudge on or a hunger “o achieve a given goal are just a couple of the ways that this force is depicted. For Barack Obama success in many ways is reflected in his concepts of justice and reconciliation. One of the greatest lessons that Obama received from his mother is that ancient African admonishment to treat others as you would want them to treat you. This maternal influence left an indelible mark on Barack Obama's consciousness. Barack Obama's father had an equally significant impact on His son as a result of his absence from his life. This distance and familial void fueled young Barack's desires for greater reconciliation in his immediate and international families. A third factor that propelled

Obama through many adolescent and professional obstacles came as result of his personal racial make-up.

Being biracial provided Obama with added insights into two very different racial worlds.

The yearning for racial reconciliation within his own identity and the larger American society may be one of the primary contributing factors to Obama's ability to create grand visions for progress and dream so audaciously. The unseen force that propels a person to greatness is

236 explained in a variety of ways in different cultures. Obama learned more about trusting his ability as he listened to his Grandfather explain the power and uniqueness of the American

Identity. "We're Americans, we can do anything if we put our minds to it", Obama's grandfather informed him. The absence of his father’s African ideals and cultural lessons left Barack culturally located within a European paradigm. The early absence of African cultural influences during Obama's adolescence accounted for much of his; confusion, academic overcompensation and disconnection from the affairs and politics of the continent.

Growing up in a white household where he was invested with European ideals about America and American politics helped to direct the yearning of Barack Obama in specific directions. Many of these urges remained untapped within a growing Barack for some time as he found himself and his way through life. Critics highlight the impacts of the Eurocentric perspective on Barack when critiquing him as a new face of American Imperialism. One of the

American military initiatives that are pointed to during these disparaging analyses of Obama's white washed worldview is AFRICOM. In this instance, it is often argued that Barack Obama's yearning to protect and perpetuate American interest play a far more significant role in shaping international military policy than the mere presence of African blood in his veins ever could.

Beyond the plentiful, polarized Opinions about how African/American or how

Black/White Obama is, the evidence of his yearlings have impacted the entire world. The purpose of this beneficial extraction is to focus attention on the potential and importance regarding the yearning of each individual who is desirous of any level of achievement. The fiery yearning in the spirit of Barack Obama has not been extinguished by excessive self-destructive practices, petty personal grievances, or incessant idle chatter and bitterness. The purpose of this beneficial extraction is to illustrate the importance of listening to the powerful, positive voice

237 from within over and beyond any of the distractions and voices from the outside world when it comes to the relationship between a person's dreams, drive and destiny.

Z- ZEAL

A defining characteristic in the Presidential campaign of Barack Obama was the unusual energy that surrounded it. Supporters were often swept into a frenzy of optimism and enthusiasm from the Charisma and spirited momentum of Obama's movement, conveyed through the rousing rhetoric of the young Black candidate from Chicago. This resulted in large measure from the unyielding zeal of the man riding triumphantly atop an unprecedented wave of national political interest and excitement. This zeal can be attributed in part to Obama's recognition that he was part of a larger legacy. He realized that although he was standing tall his stature came at a price that was paid by those who came before him.

This African tradition of generational contributed to a common cause is apparent in

Obama's political fervor. The glimpses of this African reality however, are contrasted greatly by the European location that Obama consistently asserts through his political posture and subsequent policies. In short, even though Obama shows an acknowledgement for African styled analysis of ancestral interconnectedness, he is far more likely to be talking about Abraham

Lincoln or Thomas Jefferson when he references the contributions of his predecessors. This could be viewed as a negative extraction from an Afrocentric standpoint because it takes from the African tradition in a way that further promotes the dismissive aspects of the Eurocentric perspective and the subjugation of Africa. This negative extraction does not appear to be much different than the culturally diluting process that occurs when elements of African culture are stolen and perverted to satisfy exploitative capitalistic aspirations. The clash of culture and consumerism is intensified when placed within the pressure cooker of White Supremacy. This

238 caustic combination has manifested itself in a number of ways including the exploitation of

Black music, the polarized desired possession of Black sexuality and the simultaneous rejection and mimicry of African spiritual systems.

The zeal of Barack Obama is fueled by a trust in the same White American illusion that undergirds the foundational myths of equal Freedom and Justice. Being raised by a white mother and white Grandparents provided Obama with an adolescence that was removed from the typical

Black experience (having Black parents) in a way that fueled his patriotic zeal. This conceptual enthusiasm is present in his political optimism and belief in our possibilities to reconcile socioeconomic breeches wrought with racism. Although these early experiences contributed to his cultural dislocation, they appeared to give a political advantage that is unfortunately rooted in the bliss of ignorance.

239

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