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Modernizing Indigenous Priesthood and Revitalizing Old Shrines: Current Developments on Ghana’S Religious Landscape

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Modernizing Indigenous Priesthood and Revitalizing Old Shrines: Current Developments on Ghana’S Religious Landscape Modernizing Indigenous Priesthood and Revitalizing Old Shrines: Current Developments on Ghana’s Religious Landscape A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History of Religions) by Genevieve Nrenzah to Bayreuth International Graduate School of African Studies, University of Bayreuth, Germany Supervisor: Prof. (em.) Ulrich Berner Religious Studies University of Bayreuth, Germany Team of mentors: Dr. Magnus Echtler, University of Bayreuth Prof. Afe Adogame, University of Edinburgh February 2015 Abstract This study is about the upsurge in the activities of the agents of more than one indigenous religious tradition (IRT) in contemporary Ghana. We concern ourselves with two case studies. These are the neo- and the old indigenous religious agents represented by two major shrines. The two shrines, headed by a priest and priestess, both claim to be rooted in indigenous Akan religious traditions (Nananom som), yet they show contrasts in discourse and other features. The study links the rise in the activities of these indigenous religious agents to the contemporary ethos of intense religious competition in Ghana. The quest to attract clientele for their religious goods and services in the Ghanaian religious field has changed how the individual religious groups operate. To remain visible and viable these groups deploy delegitimizing strategies to undermine other competing religious traditions.The contest is largely an inter-religious contest between Christians and non-Christian “others,” especially, Ghana’s indigenous religious traditions, though there are also intra-religious contests between the indigenous religious traditions themselves. The mainstay of religious life in Ghana before the arrival of foreign religions was the indigenous religions. Yet, Christianity, currently largely represented by a Pentecostal-Charismatic strand, dominates Ghana’s religious terrain. Historically Christianity has launched a vicious attack on agents of the indigenous traditions, demonizing them and forcing them to operate under cover. The rise in the activities of indigenous religious agents this study focuses attention on therefore represents their staging of a public comeback, the most important sign of which is the increase in the activities and newly constructed discourses of a group of neo-indigenous religious priests or agents and revitalized old priests and priestess. Gathered through the use of ethnographic methods, the data from the study shows the resilient nature of IRTs in Ghana in spite of and contrary to scholarly claims. It argues that the delegitimizing campaign of Charismatic Pentecostalism and demonization by colonial Christianity has paradoxically contributed to the growing appeal of agents of the indigenous religions in Ghana. The data also establishes a link between the rise in indigenous religious specialists in Ghana and the growing demand for spiritual power in Ghana, as many seek to enlist ritual experts to address hardships linked to socio-economic dislocations and other sources of modern malcontent.The study identifies economic motives behind the activities of the agents of the indigenous traditions in addition to their religio-cultural functions and extensively explores the strategies these agents are using to establish their presence locally and in some cases globally. i Dedication To my son Jayden-Rafael Kofi Dwomor Asubonteng and husband Kofi Ababio Dwomor Asubonteng ii Acknowledgement In writing this thesis, a number of people have guided, inspired as well as supported me all the way, though I cannot individually capture everyone who has been of help, I would like to show gratitude to certain people. I am indebted to Prof. (em.) Ulrich Berner, my supervisor, who first accepted to work with me in 2009 before I even secured admission into BIGSAS. Secondly, I extend my profound gratitude to Prof. Afe Adogame for informing me about the University of Bayreuth and actually introducing me to Prof. Berner. Thanks for your mentorship. Dr. Magnus Ecthler has, since my arrival to Bayreuth, been my mentor. He helped in shaping the work from beginning to end and I am most grateful for his invaluable assistance. I also, express my thanks to Prof. Christine Gudorf, Prof. Albert Wuaku, Dr. Franz Kogelmann, Prof. Umar Danfulani and Dr. Ukah Asonzeh for their priceless inputs in my work. My family have been home praying for my success and I appreciate their efforts. My late father Mr. A.A.K Nrenzah wanted me to have this PhD so much- thanks for pushing me daddy, I am grateful and hope you are proud wherever you may be now. Many thanks to mum, Elizabeth Acquah, Uncle Randolf Acquah, my siblings and friends in BIGSAS. I wish to thank Nana Kwaku Bonsam, Kↄmfo Oforiwaa and her husband Paa Sarbah, members and clients of both shrines and the entire community that volunteered information. Finally, to the good people of Germany and BIGSAS team whose vision has made this achievement possible, every dawn when you hear the roaster crow, it’s my family and I saying thank you. iii Glossary Agorↄ- “gorↄ” literally means to drum or to play. On the IRTs terrene it means a gathering of priests and priestesses to play publically. Akↄm- “kↄm” means being possessed or dancing. In this sense it signifies the gathering of priest and priestesses at the indigenous religious state levels for the purposes of exhibiting potent spiritual power. Sunsum-spirit. Sunsum sore- are African forms of Christianity – controlled by Africans. In academic circles they are known as Afrian Initiated Churches. The name is derived from the ecstatic spiritual performances accompanied with clapping, drumming, divining, prophesying, and dancing Nananom-ancestors, deities, elders. Ↄkↄmfopayin- Eldest indigenous religious priests or priestesses ↄkↄmfoↄ, Kↄmfoↄ or Kↄmfo- refers to an indigenous priest or priestess. The three are used interchangeably. Bosomfo- serves as the linguist or mouthpiece of a priest or priestess- a mediator between the priest/priestess and a client. Zongo-refers to settlements in urban centres in Ghana inhabited mostly by Muslims or people from the northern part of Ghana Sankofa- is an ideology that promoted a kind of save the heritage campaign, reviving indigenous religions and encouraging the populace to go back to old time religion. Abbreviations IRTs Indigenous Religious Tradition IRs indigenous religions PCC Pentecostal Charismatic Churches K.B Kwaku Bonsam GSS Ghana Statistical Services GPTHA Ghana Psychic and Traditional Healers Association iv Table of Content Contents Page CHAPTER ONE ........................................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Background of the study .................................................................................................. 1 1.3 Thesis of the Project ......................................................................................................... 4 1.4 Objective of the Study .................................................................................................... 12 1.5 Defining Indigenous ....................................................................................................... 14 1.6 Review of Relevant Literature ....................................................................................... 17 1.6.1 Developments within the Neo-Indigenous Religious Traditions ................................ 18 1.6.2 Pentecostal-Charismatic growth in Africa and its extensions in the African Diaspora ............................................................................................................................... 25 1.7 The Geographical Locations: Akomadan-Afrancho and Obuasi- Dadwen ................... 28 1.7.1 Religious Life .............................................................................................................. 32 1.7.2 Political Life ................................................................................................................ 32 1.7.3 Social Life ................................................................................................................... 33 1.8 Methodology .................................................................................................................. 34 1.9 The Field ........................................................................................................................ 36 1.10 Challenges and limitations ........................................................................................... 46 1.11 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 51 CHAPTER TWO ..................................................................................................................... 54 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ....................................................................................... 54 2.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 54 2.2 Conceptualizing the Themes .......................................................................................... 55 2.2.1 The Religious Market Place Perspective ..................................................................... 55 2.2.2 Power Relations on Ghana’s Religious Field .............................................................
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