Timo Kallinen REVEALING THE SECRETS OF OTHERS (ON YOUTUBE): NEW AND OLD IN THE PUBLIC REPRESENTATIONS OF GHANAIAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION
abstract In the midst of the proliferation of Christianity and Islam, traditional religious movements struggle for recognition all over Africa. In order to reach nationwide and diasporic audiences, traditionalist movements have sought to assume a visible role in modern mass media. In Ghana, West Africa, the traditionalists have been at pains to challenge the dominance of Pentecostal-charismatic Christianity in the public sphere. Analysts have pointed out that traditional religion’s public role has been constrained by its emphasis on secrecy and limited access to spiritual powers, while Christianity’s public performances of revelations have been better suited for mass media. One of the major themes in the public representations of Pentecostalism has been the revealing of satanic influences working underneath the secrecy of traditional religion. By using examples from Ghana the article shows how the traditionalists have recently developed their own revelatory discourse, in which the dualism godly/satanic has been subverted. By publicly exposing Christian pastors as frauds in social media the traditionalists reemploy and redirect an age-old accusation of charlatanism previously targeted at themselves by both Christian and secularist commentators. More importantly, however, these statements should be understood as attempts to redefine Christianity from a non- Christian perspective.
Keywords: secrecy, fakery, traditional religion, Christianity, Ghana, social media, mass media
Introduction person is a liar.’ The man speaking is a Ghanaian traditional priest called Nana Kwaku Bonsam An agitated man in dreadlocks speaks forcefully and he is on YouTube talking about fake to the camera: ‘If any pastor says that Jesus pastors and false prophets.1 He mentions Christ tells me I see God, any pastor in this several instances, where Christian pastors have world… I’m throwing a challenge to all the embezzled money from their churches, cheated pastors who say they see God before. That on their wives, and sexually abused the female
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members of their congregations. What he is The current resurgence owes a great deal to most concerned about, however, is that the the introduction of social media platforms, such pastors claim to follow instructions personally as YouTube, during the 2000s. This has collapsed received from God. He goes on to describe some of the earlier hierarchies, in which the in an ironic tone how the pastors declare that traditionalists were often in a disadvantaged they have seen God, God has touched them, position. The first and most obvious one has to or spoken to them. He then quotes the Bible, do with the rich and the poor. Traditionalists Exodus 33:20, where God tells Moses ‘no man previously lacked the economic resources or shall see me and live’. This, according to Kwaku wealthy corporate sponsors that many Christian Bonsam, proves that any person who claims to groups were able to gather to pay for airtime in have seen God is a liar. After all, God himself broadcast media. Shooting videos and posting has decreed that he should not be seen by them on social media requires some investment humans. (e.g., in computers, smartphones, application This video by Kwaku Bonsam is an example software), but this is very modest if compared of a recent media phenomenon in Ghana, in to making a TV programme. Secondly, which self-acclaimed traditionalists criticize individual traditional practitioners are less Christians in broadcast and social media, and dependent on formal institutions that would what is more, they do it by publicly revealing represent them in the public. Traditionalists their secrets, exposing them as frauds.2 This enjoyed a short-lived media presence in the has not been entirely unexpected as traditional 1980s through a government sponsored neo- religion has been under attack in the media on traditional movement called Afrikania Mission, the part of the Christian churches, especially who published their own newspaper and had those belonging to the Pentecostal-charismatic a slot of airtime in the state regulated radio movement, for more than two decades. In (Gyanfosu 2002). In fact, at the time, they the 1990s, after a long period of military rule, were the only religious group in the country Ghana’s state-controlled media was liberalized that were allowed on the airwaves (De Witte and commercialized and Pentecostal churches 2004: 138). These days Afrikania, or any other managed to secure a prominent footing in this organization, can no longer act in the media as new media landscape. The churches were able the ‘official’ representative of traditional religion. to make considerable investments in TV and On the contrary, a simple YouTube search will radio work with money collected from their produce a number of traditional practitioners members and overseas donors (see e.g., Gifford creating their content independently. Not 2004; Meyer 2011). One popular theme in only are they free to post anything they want, Pentecostalist programming has been labelling but on a platform like YouTube their videos traditional religion as ‘satanic’. More generally, are not separated from those released by it has been asserted that indigenous forms more formal organizations. Nor is there any of religious beliefs and practices are being compartmentalization between ‘amateur’ and marginalized all over Africa (Hackett 2015), ‘professional’ productions (see Sumiala and and hence it is important to look into the Tikka 2013). Thirdly, the media strategy adopted different ways traditionalists are responding to by Afrikania has sought to make traditional this situation. religion attractive to urban Christian audiences
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and the reporters, editors, and other gatekeepers conditions on them that may contradict the of the conventional media by presenting it purposes of those who create them’. Thus in a ‘Christian format’. This has involved, for religions, no matter how spiritual they are instance, the introduction of Sunday services considered to be, cannot exist without some resembling Christian masses with a component sort of symbolic and material instantiations of ‘entertainment’ in the form of music and (e.g., books, buildings, songs, gestures), which dancing. At the same time, practices like animal always run the risk of getting decontextualized, sacrifices, which are considered distasteful by recontextualized, reinterpreted, and reapplied in many Christians, are publicly minimized. This unpredictable ways, which may lead to conflicts image of traditional religion has felt alien to and alterations. What these symbolic and many traditionalists on the ’grassroots level’ material instantiations are in any specific case, (see De Witte 2004; 2015). However, with the is not an arbitrary matter or simply a question introduction of social media platforms they are of practicality. One would rather presume that able to take the formerly downplayed aspects religious groups would adopt media and public out in the open. Fourthly, traditional religion, strategies that are in resonance with their which has been conventionally viewed as ‘local’ ideologies and practices. In this sense, modern in contrast to ‘international’ Christianity, is now mass media would not be different from the able to go global via the internet. Although more traditional ones. As pointed out by Patrick the traditionalists use the internet ‘locally’ (see Eisenlohr (2009: 279), different theological Postill 2011), that is, in communicating and assumptions about the nature of mediation ‘may competing over matters of local concern, many of have very different consequences of how people their postings are intended for the wider world, treat modern media technologies in religious which does not mean only Ghanaian diasporic settings and how they see such technologies communities but also foreign audiences. For contributing to their religious practices’. Thus, example, in a video titled ‘Traditional religion the concerns that religious practitioners have remove the ice’3 Kwaku Bonsam states that the about modern technology have to be discussed reason for his presence on the internet is that in a context of long-standing religious ideas that he wants ‘traditional religion to go around the pre-date the current ‘information age’ (ibid.: world’ and thereby offers his help to people 278). everywhere as well as a chance to learn about In the case of Ghana, scholars such as traditional religion. Birgit Meyer (2004; 2006; 2011; 2015) and However, the differences between Chris Marleen de Witte (2004; 2015; 2018) have tianity and traditional religion cannot be maintained that Christianity as a ‘revelatory explained merely by referring to technological religion’ has found it rather effortless to change and economic and political power broadcast its message in electronic mass media, relations. To understand this, we have to go especially in audiovisual media. Ever since its back to basic questions about how religious introduction it presented itself as religion that traditions occur in society and endure in time. offered every person an access to God through As Webb Keane (2007: 86) points out, ‘high the medium of the Bible and the ability to ideals, doctrines, and ideologies cannot exist see the truth by him/herself. Later on, the socially or be transmitted without some semiotic Pentecostal strand of Christianity took matters embodiment, which necessarily imposes certain further by using audiovisual technology in
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depicting the spiritual battle between good and exposés that Pentecostals stand in a relation evil that is understood to be raging under the of dependency to traditionalists. I conclude surface of everyday appearances. The object of by arguing the traditionalist backlash is not such revelations has often been the traditional only a question about adopting and applying religion, which is associated with Satan in the exposé as a representational form, but also Pentecostal theology. Despite massive success, a more ambitious attempt to redefine what the Pentecostals live under a permanent danger Christianity is in Ghana. The treatment is based of having the revelatory media format turned on online research and long-term ethnographic against them, and this is basically what the fieldwork conducted in Ghana.4 new discourses on fake pastors are about. On the other hand, traditional religion that focuses Pentecostalism, on esoteric knowledge and secrecy has adopted revelation, and media a much more reserved attitude. Although traditional religion also has a public side and Christianity is the majority religion in Ghana its followers have welcomed the use modern and therefore its hegemony in the religious audiovisual technology in many aspects of their media sphere should not come as a surprise ritual life, in its theology a balanced relationship to anyone.5 However, its reliance on modern between humans and the spirit world involves media has long historical roots. Ever since the the keeping of secrets. Hence unregulated nineteenth century missionary era, Christianity dissemination of religious knowledge would be a has represented itself as religion that embraces risk with unforeseeable outcomes. Consequently, public visibility and strives to make the entering the modern electronic media has been unseen seeable (Meyer 2006: 438–439). Not a more complex issue than in the case of the accidentally, one of the most worn out slogans Christians. of the missionary movement was that they were In the present article I will examine how ‘bringing light to darkness’. A more specific Ghanaian traditionalists have successfully example would be the Twi language word anibue adopted the forms of media presentation that was adopted by the Protestant missionaries used by Christians without entirely giving up of the Basel Missionary Society. Literally, anibue the emphasis on esoterism and secrecy. I will meant ‘the opening of the eyes’, but the Basel start by discussing Pentecostalist-charismatic Missionaries used it to describe the new era that Christianity and traditional religion along was commenced by conversion to Christianity the lines suggested above. I will then present (Skinner 2009: 482). Nowadays, the term a short description and analysis of a centuries- has come to mean modernity or civilization. old discourse on religious fakery in Ghana, Moreover, it was precisely Protestantism that which I consider crucial for understanding emphasized the capability of every believer to the present-day developments. I will then see and understand the truth by referring to move on to analyze the media performances biblical texts (Meyer 2006: 438). Hence, the first of two traditional priests who are famous for religious mass media were books. publicly exposing Christian pastors. The two Today the Pentecostal-charismatic Chris priests, Kwaku Bonsam and Naatia Salifu, tians have taken the focus on revelation use the revelatory form in different ways and and visibility much further and use audio for different ends, but both imply by their visual media for this purpose. Most often
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Pentecostalism is discussed as a distinct form that it has something to hide, which then of Christianity because of its emphasis on the needs to be revealed (see Meyer 2006; 2011). work of the Holy Spirit and spiritual gifts in the Accordingly, one of the most effective forms lives of the believers. Especially the discernment of revelation adopted by the Pentecostals are of spirits, as one of the gifts endowed by the the public testimonies of congregants who Holy Spirit, has been a major theme in the are former traditionalists recounting the gory public representations of Pentecostalism, and details of their earlier secret lives of serving some churches understand it as an actual ability ‘evil spirits’. These are not merely personal to see spirits. In Pentecostalist sermons and stories of sinning, afflictions, conversion, and teachings it is often the ordinary life that is redemption, but occasionally also detailed being scrutinized in order to show that behind descriptions of traditional rituals. Furthermore, the veneer of ‘everydayness’ there is a battle ritual paraphernalia, which would be normally going on between God and Satan. Audiovisual kept behind closed doors, is brought to the media with its special effects and editing church, presented to the viewing audiences, possibilities have enabled the Pentecostalists to and sometimes destroyed. The inference of create powerful visual depictions of the work of such public demonstrations is that to consider the spirits. Here TV, video clips, and movies are traditional religion in a positive or neutral considered to make the invisible and unknown light would be a grave error since its former battleground of spiritual warfare visible and adherents who know it intimately testify to its audible for everybody (Meyer 2004; 2006; 2015). hidden immoral nature. In the following section An important part of this spiritual I discuss the inclination for secrecy from the war is waged against traditional religion. In point of view of the traditionalists themselves. Pentecostalism traditional ontologies are not usually abandoned as lies or delusions; rather, Secrets of traditional they are preserved and regularly engaged religion with. Consequently, Pentecostal-charismatic Christianity accepts the cognitive claims of Speaking about traditional (or neo-traditional) traditional religion concerning the existence of religion as a singular institution is rather spirits and their powers, but it does not agree on problematic. People who are identified as the moral values attached to them. It demonizes traditionalists are mostly members of localized the indigenous spirit world and urges the ‘cults’ that focus on ritual activities related to followers of true Christianity to combat the the agricultural cycle, healing, or combating spirits as representatives of the devil (Meyer witchcraft. They do not share a common 1998; Robbins 2004: 127–129). This tendency body of teachings—let alone something that has been clearly present in Pentecostalist media would be considered universal—and have no representations of the post-liberalization era. nationwide centralized structure. Nevertheless, TV, radio, and print media have been used there have been important attempts to create as platforms to launch ferocious attacks on a unitary organization and formulate a common traditional religion. doctrine, body of rituals, and so on that would The esoterism of traditional religion has fit the blueprint of a ‘world religion’. The notion made it even further vulnerable to these attacks, of authentic indigenous culture, and religion because it suggests to the Christian audiences as a part of it, was an integral part Ghanaian
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cultural nationalism ever since the anti-colonial relationship and a line of communication struggle and independence. Accordingly, what between a god (ɔbosom, pl. abosom) and its priest, was called African traditional religion was to which takes place through spirit possession. In be treated equally in relation to Christianity addition to the particular god(s) that the priest and Islam, which were the two world religions ‘serves’ he will become familiar with a wide range in the country (see, e.g., Nkrumah 1964). In of other kind of spirits (asunsum, sing. sunsum). practice, the cultivation of traditional religion Commitment to secrecy characterizes much of on a national level was assigned to specific the priest’s work also after the initiation. When government sponsored bodies. The most spirits communicate with people their messages prominent of such organizations has been the are often directed at individual persons and Afrikania Mission—a neo-traditional move are conveyed to them in private. In the case of ment founded in the 1980s.6 For a short certain spirits, messages are communicated in while, during the military rule of J. J. Rawlings, a language that is intelligible only for the priest Afrikania Mission enjoyed a privileged position and his attendants. While the initiations and as a representative of African traditional culture consultations take place in secrecy, traditional in nationalist policies. Educating the public religion also has a public side. At important about traditional religion through mass media points of the ritual cycles priests perform was also one of its major tasks, and, as pointed sacrifices in public and dance under possession. out earlier, the governmental support included On those same occasions, they may also perform regular free airtime in state radio. This position ‘miracles’ that demonstrate the powers of the began to crumble as soon as the early 1990s and gods that they serve. These events can be freely ever since the liberalization of the electronic watched, participated, and even recorded by media Afrikania and other traditionalists have the audiences. However, the criteria that make been overpowered by the Pentecostal Christians some elements secret and others public are not (De Witte 2012; 2015). clear-cut and seem to allow room negotiation However, a major obstacle for the and reflection. This can be illustrated by a short dissemination of traditional religion through discussion on traditionalist attitudes towards mass media has been the esoteric nature of audiovisual technology. traditional religious ideas. As De Witte (2012: While working with traditional priests and 180) puts it, ‘the perpetual challenge is how to observing rituals I have always shied away from represent in public a religion in which authority taking photographs. In general, traditionalists is rooted in restricted access to spirit powers, have nothing against modern audiovisual mediated by practices of secrecy and seclusion, technology and they quite often document their and threatened by openness’. By far the most own rituals on video and have generously shared pertinent example of such secrecy is the training them with me. Even while writing this article and initiation of priests and priestesses. An I have received WhatsApp videos from a local Akan traditional priest (ɔkᴐmfo, pl. akᴐmfoɔ) ‘harvest festival’ sent to my phone. However, it undergoes a long and arduous training period, definitely appears that there are certain rituals, which, depending on the source, is said to last stages of ritual, and ritual objects that should anything between three and seven years. Much not be photographed or filmed. The problem of the training takes place in seclusion and for me has been that often it is very difficult its leading motif is to establish permanent to know when exactly I am allowed take
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photographs and when not. There have been failed, which sparked up an intense debate on instances where my hosts have demanded that the idea that the god in question did not want I take pictures. For example, I was once invited me to take photographs and hence had spoiled to witness a ‘miracle’, in which a man was lifted the film. When taking the photo, I had asked in air while standing on two brooms made out of for permission from the attendants of the thin twigs. This constituted almost like a ‘photo shrine, who not only granted it but also insisted session’ with posing in front of the camera and on being included in it. What this suggests is instructions on what to shoot from what angle. that for the traditionalists secrecy is not just On other instances, photography has been a social concern, dividing people into those who explicitly banned. For instance, when entering know (experts/insiders) and those who do not a shrine house, visitors are regularly told to (laymen/outsiders), but a matter that has to do remove their shoes and leave all ‘tabooed’ objects with the ability of humans to live in harmony outside the building. In practice, these rules may with the spirits. sometimes be relaxed for convenience with the Considering the above, it is evident permission of the priest. However, I have never that modern media forms pose complicated seen cameras exempted. On the contrary, I have questions for traditionalists and thus their always been asked to leave my camera outside adoption is far from a straight forward matter. and often also told that nobody is allowed to This could at least partly explain their relative take photographs inside the shrine. The most obscurity on the Ghanaian mediascape. Another awkward situations have been those where important aspect of it is how secrecy has become people have disagreed in my presence about a key issue in Ghanaian public discourses about whether I should be allowed to use a camera. In religion in general. these cases, especially during the early stages of my fieldwork, the reason could have been that Religion as fakery my reliability as an outsider was questioned by some members of the community. Even though As discussed earlier, the contemporary I have never been directly confronted with Pentecostals associate traditionalists’ inclination such suspicions, it is quite understandable that to guard secrets with evil. Another related way people would speculate on my motivations for to interpret secrecy has been to link it with recording their rituals and what kind of risks or insincerity. Both ideas are central in present- possibilities that could entail. Perhaps the most day Ghana when religious personas, ideas, or interesting cases for the present argument are practices of any creed are evaluated publicly. those where people appear to be uncertain on The goal of this section is to demonstrate the permissibility of photographing, suggesting how the exchanges between Christians and that it is not possible for human beings to fully traditionalists in the electronic media actually know beforehand what kind of behavior is form a continuum with earlier discourses and allowed by the spirits in a particular situation. thus have a relatively long history. By discussing This is evidenced by an incident where a spirit first the earlier commentaries on traditional was considered to have made an intervention religion and then moving on to Christianity on film. In this case, I mentioned in a casual I aim to show how the ‘fake pastors’ of today conversation that a photograph that I had are in many ways the historical successors of the taken in front of a shrine of a local god had ‘fetish priests’ of the past.
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The religious ideas and practices of the pre- chiefs and head men, repair to the chief colonial era were dismissed as ‘fetishism’ by the Boossum [ɔbosom] to make their offerings European observers. The term stuck tenaciously and sacrifice, and to seek, through the and has not been completely abandoned even intercession of the priests, a mitigation today.7 According to William Pietz (1988), the and a release from their sufferings. These idea of fetishism originated in a mercantile priests, aware of the necessity of making intercultural space between European traders a deep impression upon such momentous and their West African counterparts from the occasions, surround the whole of their fifteenth century onwards. The merchants saw proceedings with a fearful secrecy and the essential element of African culture to be mysterious solemnity, calculated to awe the Africans’ way of personifying material the minds of the supplicants, and they objects and thus misconceiving natural causal deliver their oracles in such enigmatical relations. Later on, fetishism was also seen as language as may be capable of a double a form of social and political organization, interpretation. (…) If the observances, where ‘irrational primitives’ were ruled by their which the priests prescribe, should be immoral ‘fetish priests’, who used people’s fear performed without any satisfactory result, of the ‘fetish gods’ to promote their self-interest. it is by no means the fault of the Boossum. Thus the unequal distribution of material goods It is immediately attributed to inattention in African societies resulted from a powerful to some religious duty, to the general religious illusion. Social theorists of the impiety, perhaps, of the people, to the European Enlightenment era highlighted the neglect of their sacred groves, their Fetish immorality of fetishism and juxtaposed African houses, or want of a proper respect for the society, allegedly ordered by the interests of comfort of the priests themselves. Greater religious elites, with a truly enlightened society zeal is urgently recommended, richer organized according to rational principles. offerings are demanded, and a renewal of Subsequently, by positing fetishism as the ‘first ceremonious observances prescribed; and religion’, this critique could be extended to when the calamity, whatever it may have apply to religion in general (see, e.g., Iacono been, is overpast, the glory belongs to the 2016: 55–74). Boossum (Cruickshank 1853: 130–131). In the nineteenth century secular accounts of indigenous religions in Ghana, the priests For Christian missionaries the nature of are described as well-trained imposters, who fetishism was more problematic. On the skillfully use secrecy and ambiguity in their own one hand, they could agree that indigenous advantage when dealing with their adherents. religious ideas were just an illusion inside the For example, a British lawyer and trader based heads of Africans and therefore a missionary at the Gold Coast portrayed the work of an only needed to liberate their minds by Akan priest in a following way: exposing the truth behind the religious ‘fraud’. Accordingly, missionary reports often ridiculed [W]hen the calamity is general, such as indigenous beliefs and rituals by providing a drought, a dearth, a pestilence, or a want empirical explanations for the ‘mysteries’ they of success in war, the whole population, had encountered or heard of (see, e.g., Kemp or their representatives with their 1898: 120–133). Sometimes these exposés
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were said to be corroborated by former priests connect it to a demonic spiritual sphere (ibid.: who had converted to Christianity and hence 118–121). ready to reveal their tricks (ibid.: 183). The The issues of fakery are not confined to most daring form of exposure was the direct Christian-traditionalist relations. Quite the personal defiance of traditional religious contrary, what concerns many Ghanaians the injunctions, which was meant to demonstrate most these days is the threat posed by so-called their futility and publicly undermine the power fake pastors. The rise of Pentecostal churches of the priests. In practice, this meant entering has also been accompanied by stories of pastors sacred grounds, consuming tabooed foods, and who are accused of staging ‘miracles’, scamming committing other transgressions, which would money, sexual misconduct, and the like. They invite divine punishments. To be able to pull are a common topic in the media and every them off unharmed was understood as the final now and then a public scandal arises, where proof for the traditionalists that their religion a popular Pentecostal figure is exposed as a was nothing more than an elaborate scam (see, fake (see Shipley 2009: 538–543). Although e.g., Parry 2001: 161–168). Thus, the fetish fake pastors cause alarm in the secular quarters priests were, from the Christians point of view, and provide ammunition for a critique of the the original fakes in Ghanaian religious culture. ‘pentecostalization’ of Ghanaian society, they are On the other hand, however, the mission fiercely debated by the Pentecostals themselves. aries also saw fetishism as something that Public accusations of fakery are hurled from one represented true evil and therefore it should pastor to another and sometimes they involve not merely be exposed but also fought against the idea of pastors dabbling with evil occult (see, e.g., Ramseyer and Kühne 1875: 169). The forces. These accusations are often supported truth behind the tricks was not just greed and with references to the numerous warnings human fallibility. Paradoxically, as Meyer (2010: about ‘false prophets’ and ‘false messiahs’ both 304) puts it, ‘the missionaries shifted easily in the Old and New Testament. This is yet between a view of “fetishes” and “idols” as “false” another example of the Pentecostal strategy in the sense of fake or unreal and “false” in the of revelation, in which the image of the fake sense of “wrong” and hence real, yet devoted to pastor is used as a warning example, proving satanic powers.’ In the latter case, mere mockery that outward appearances can never be trusted and unmasking would not be enough to revoke (Meyer 2015: 178–182). In Jesse Weaver the very real but immoral power of traditional Shipley’s (2009: 349) words, ‘fakery appears as religion. It had to be actively preached against, the margin, the horizon against which a moral as sinful and demonic, and moreover, the center is clarified’. Ultimately, this leads into Christian converts would have to denounce it a schizophrenic situation, where a successful totally and avoid any contact with objects and revelation by a ‘real’ pastor authenticates his rituals related to it (see Kallinen 2016: 86–93). power, but where nobody is ever completely The present-day Pentecostal Christians are the safe from suspicions about fakery since outward inheritors of this ideology, despite their other appearances are considered potentially deceptive differences with mission churches, as they by default. Finally, it is important to note that adamantly reject any kind of neutral definition from a Christian perspective the fake pastor of traditional religion, for instance, as part of arises from the same kind of unease as the fetish African culture, or even as plain ignorance, and priest did earlier: on the one hand, he can be
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considered a simple con-artist, who just needs unfold somewhat differently. The videos in to be exposed, but on the other, his con could the first example have a strong emphasis on be truly diabolical, in which case mere shaming revelation, but strictly speaking do not belong to and ridicule will not suffice. the genre of exposé, as they don’t seek to reveal The traditionalists’ public anxiety about hypocrisies or abuses of power, and refrain from fake pastors could be easily seen only as making moral judgements on their subjects. The opportunism, an attempt to exploit scandals nature of the revelations is technical rather than in the competition for followers in a single moral, but it is still important for the topic at religious field. Or, if approached slightly hand, because the goal of the revelation is the differently, it could be seen as an instance of establishment of traditional religion’s superiority traditionalists adopting Pentecostal influences over Christianity and the latter’s dependency of media performance (see De Witte 2018). on the former. The second example subscribes However, what I wish to highlight in this article very clearly to the exposé genre and the videos is that the contemporary traditionalists do not discussed focus on the wrong-doings of the simply emulate the centuries old Christian fake pastors. The ambiance of the videos is set discourse on fakery and subject it to a value by moral outrage and Christians are criticized reversal (‘you say we are bad, but in reality, you vehemently. Here too, however, the core message are the bad ones’). They also seek to promulgate is the Christian dependency on traditionalism. a particular conception of what Ghanaian My first example involves a traditionalist Christianity is and how it relates to traditional called Chief Naatia Salifu, who is based in religion. Tamale, the capital of the Northern Region of Ghana. He hails from a family of traditional Mutual exposure? priests and claims to have inherited his shrine from his grandfather. In public he is also known In terms of media genres, both Pentecostal and as a philanthropist, the patron of Chief Naatia traditionalist revelatory ‘styles’ were preceded in Salifu Foundation, which reportedly supports the secular media by political exposés. After the orphanages, schools, and asylums for victims liberalization of the media in Ghana in the 1990s, of witchcraft accusations. He is also the leader the exposé became a popular genre appropriated of a secret society known as ‘Making Dreams by the private press in order to counter the Reality’ or ‘Northern Illuminati’. The society ‘official truths’ of the government publications recruits members by promising to lift them from (see Hasty 2005). Not coincidentally, during poverty to riches after they have been initiated that same time, the notion of ‘transparency’ by sacrificing a black cow. In the YouTube videos gained ground and proliferated in global politics the society’s outward appearance combines (see, e.g., Sanders and West 2003). Although it esthetic elements from Ghanaian traditional is difficult to pinpoint any specific historical religion and the movie adaptation of Da Vinci relation between the secular and religious exposé Code. Much of the YouTube content involving genres, it is nonetheless clear that there are Chief Naatia are short advertisements, where many important similarities. In the following, he explains what he can offer to his ‘clients’ and I will discuss YouTube exposés presented by how he can be contacted. The more elaborate two different traditionalists, in which the video clips are mostly framed as interviews, in questions relating to secrecy and revelation which Naatia is in dialogue with an interviewer
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or he answers questions that appear on the If you want to be like Bushiri, you are screen as texts. highly welcome to Chief Naatia. Please! In a YouTube video titled ‘Chief Naatia (…) [I]f you want to call fire from heaven exposes some fake prophet and pastors 2017’8 or if you want to demonstrate the power he talks about a person called Prophet Shepherd of the fire, you are welcome to my place Bushiri, who is the founder of the Enlightened (…) This is the material [holding a piece of Christian Gathering church, which has fabric in his hands]. I want to demonstrate several branches all over Africa, including what Bushiri does in the church and then Ghana. Bushiri is an Evangelical preacher you know that the power was given to him and businessman from Malawi, famous for by Chief Naatia. There are incantations performing ‘miracles’ in his church. Accordingly, you need to say: [indistinguishable words]. his Ghanaian website states that ‘his ministry Fire! [smoke starts arising from the fabric] is known as the ministry of the book of Acts Fire! Fire! Fire! [the fabric catches fire] because of the great undeniable signs and Fire! Fire! Fire! It’s very simple as ABC. wonders which happen in the name of Jesus’.9 What are you waiting for? What are you In the video Chief Naatia refers to a one waiting for?! These are some of the things particular miracle performed by Bushiri, that is, I have for you pastors. OK, I thank you so an instance where he brought a bag containing much [quenches the fire by wrapping the of ‘shrine objects’ (supposedly from traditional fabric and the camera pans away from him]. practitioners) and showed his congregation how the spirit of the Holy Ghost set them on fire. When the camera returns to Chief Naatia he In reality, according to Chief Naatia, what was says that ‘I’m not here to expose them, but seen at work was the ‘power of fire’ he had given I’m here to declare or to tell what kind of help to Bushiri. He addresses his viewers as follows: I have for pastors.’ This is followed by a list of additional powers that he claims to be able to I will demonstrate the power I have given provide, which include many of the ‘miracles’ to Bushiri so that you... those people out that Pentecostal preachers typically perform. there who are (…) watching this television Here, Chief Naatia’s talk seems to posit will see that I am not claiming… or I am a relation of hierarchical dependency between not trying to tell lies on Bushiri. traditional priest and pastors—in order to become a popular pastor one has to acquire Chief Naatia pauses his explanation and the powers provided by traditional priests. However, viewers are shown an excerpt from a video by it is important to observe that the exposure is Prophet Bushiri, where he calls for ‘the fire intended more as direct self-advertisement of the Holy Ghost’ and sets a bagful of items than any kind of lesson on ethics. His main placed in front of the camera on fire by saying moral concern seems to be imposters, who have ‘Catch fire in the name of Jesus!’ Some audience created fake social media accounts in his name. members lose their self-control and fall on the In case of the Christian pastors, Chief Naatia ground with their bodies trembling. The clip seems to only suggest that they should not feel ends and the camera is back on Chief Naatia, hesitant or embarrassed because of obtaining who proceeds to explain how Bushiri did it: powers from traditionalists. Finally, despite all the revelations and openness, secrecy is still at
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the core of everything. In the end, when Chief the second most watched on the channel with Naatia is asked about the source of his power, he more than 144 000 hits thus far. Other examples merely answers that ‘it is between me and my include a five-part series titled ‘Nana Kwaku spirits.’ Bonsam preaching against some Ghanaian false My second example is Nana Kwaku prophets’ plus a several personal video messages, Bonsam, the same traditional priest whom where Kwaku Bonsam criticizes or offers advice I quoted in the beginning of this article. He to some of the most well-known figures in appears to be in a relationship of rivalry with Ghana’s Pentecostal circles. Chief Naatia as the latter has described him However, the video that he is by far most as ‘my apprentice’ and ‘still a learner’ in an famous of is not his own ‘production’ but filmed interview for a TV show. Kwaku Bonsam is by journalists and later posted on YouTube. In a former Seventh Day Adventist and a car the video Kwaku Bonsam storms into a church mechanic, who became a self-taught traditional building and confronts a Christian pastor. priest and started gaining wider recognition He claims that he had given the pastor, and in the 2000s. Now he could arguably be altogether 1600 pastors in Ghana, spiritual characterized as the most renowned traditional powers that have made their congregations priest in the country, who has also enjoyed grow. Afterwards, he had heard that the pastor global fame as his exploits have been covered had insulted and diminished him in public by such media outlets as The Guardian, The and consequently he had come to reclaim the New York Times, and Al Jazeera. Kwaku Bonsam powers. After being scolded by Kwaku Bonsam portrays himself as a ‘modernizer’ of traditional inside the church, the pastor is escorted outside religion and he has adopted a public strategy of by a police officer, while the former starts actively confronting the Pentecostal discourses to look for his ‘god’. Next the camera shows of ‘othering’. It is precisely his ‘modernity’ that Kwaku Bonsam unwrapping a bundle with has attracted the international news media. In a ritual object inside it and the pastor starts to their reporting, he is often depicted in ‘out of tell his story to the journalists. He ‘confesses’ place settings’, such as visiting New York or to having bought a ‘god’ from Kwaku Bonsam influencing match results in the football World but claims that it did it not bring him any Cup through magical means. Thus, he is seen benefits. His church was now growing but as an interesting figure for the global audiences not thanks to Kwaku Bonsam’s ‘god’, which since traditional (exotic) and modern (familiar) he had already tried to get rid of. After giving appear to be mixed in his persona.10 Kwaku his statement he is seated in a police car. The Bonsam has had his own YouTube channel video ends with Kwaku Bonsam’s car leaving since 2011, which currently has roughly 4000 the church compound while he throws some subscribers (August 2018). The channel features banknotes to the rejoicing by-standers through 200 videos on various topics, consisting of the car window.11 In addition to the video, the Kwaku Bonsam’s public performances, reports whole incident was covered live by local radio from trips abroad, charity functions, clips from stations and reported widely in the newspapers. interviews with other media, and so on. Among Needless to say, the public debates about fake the most watched content are Kwaku Bonsam’s pastors got very heated right after that (Lamote commentaries on Christian pastors. The video 2012: 190–195; Meyer 2015: 180–181). The described in the beginning of this article is style of the video resembles those made by
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investigative journalists, who uncover public By using such references, Kwaku Bonsam corruption and other clandestine criminal subscribes to the idea of the internet as source activities. In fact, Kwaku Bonsam’s rise to the of reliable evidence and also establishes himself public spotlight has coincided with that of the as a figure who masters the digital sphere (see famous undercover reporter Anas Aremeyaw Pype 2018: 257). This mastery of the modern Anas, whose motto is ‘name, shame, and jail’.12 media is also the point that has caught the Similarly, the video appears to be directed at the attention of those scholars, who have previously ‘common man’, as is usually the case with the analyzed these videos. They have been cited as exposé genre (see Mazzarella 2006: 488), and evidence on how the traditionalists are now not towards prospective clients like in Chief embracing Christian forms of representation, Naatia’s video discussed above. since they too know how to arrange public For Kwaku Bonsam the video has become spectacles in which audiovisual media is used as a public reference point, when discussing the a channel for revelation (Meyer 2012: 102–103). morality of the Pentecostals. For instance, in an This relates to a more general point about how interview with American based YouTube news Pentecostalism and traditionalism are becoming channel SaharaTV he advised the viewers to like each other (De Witte 2018: 5). While look up the video as evidence of the dishonesty I consider these to be astute observations, I want of pastors: to emphasize that the contents of the revelations of the traditionalists and Pentecostals are very Tracy Thompson [reporter]: Where do you different. Namely, the curious thing about see the future of traditional medicine… the revelations of Kwaku Bonsam is that he you know, is it going to change, will it himself is directly implicated in the secrets he probably die down, will it begin to work is revealing and condemning. After all, it is he in some sort of way with other religions or, who has administered the spiritual powers to you know, where do you see it? the pastors, which would make him rather an accomplice than an outside critic. Thus, his Nana Kwaku Bonsam: …in 2000, 1990 criticism must be based on different grounds you see the traditional religion back home, than those of the Christian criticisms of fake it go down. And when I came out and pastors. For him the pastors cannot be either I started, right now, we see some of the imposters or agents of Satan. In the next ministers, some of the pastors, they all go section I suggest how these positions should to traditional religion, maybe to collect be understood and why this actually tells us powers. Yes, I won’t lie to you! (…) Some something important about what traditionalists pastors also come to you to collect powers. think about Christianity. Yes! You go to YouTube, you see the video there, where I go to claim my gods from Priests and pastors the pastor at church. I am the one who do that. Some pastors… they use plenty! Some Rumours about Christian priests seeking help pastors… if they are thousand, hundred of from traditional gods have been circulating them are good!13 in Ghana for quite some time and hence the revelations made on YouTube must not have been a surprise to the wider audiences—more
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likely, they were a public confirmation of spiritual powers as futile, because the gods he something that was already known. Similarly, serves enforce strict morality. However, what is I had heard about ‘juju pastors’ before they similar is the ambiguous role of the priest. By actually appeared as a topic in the media. What saying that he ‘might take their offerings’ he did surprise me, however, was how openly some seems to suggest that he is ready to offer himself of the traditional priests discussed their dealings as the middle man for the fake pastors, whose with the Christian pastors. In 2005, when motives he nonetheless openly condemns. I visited a field site where I had worked a few In order to fully understand the basis years earlier, I was told quite straightforwardly for traditionalists’ accusations of fakery, it is right after my arrival that ‘Christians are now important to discuss further the cosmological a problem’. As the conversation developed, it notions that underpin these concerns. The became clear to me that the ‘problem’ had Akan cosmology sees Onyame, the Creator, as nothing to do with the behaviour of ordinary the source of all power. Thus, the power that churchgoers but rather the double standard of animates the bodies of humans, animals, and those pastors who secretly relied on the help plants is derived from this superior being, while of traditional gods, but publicly attacked them the powers of spiritual beings, objects, and as demonic. Furthermore, I learned that some substances stem directly or indirectly from the pastors had also been visiting this locality in same source. Although the human faculties are their search for spiritual assistance. The chief restricted both by Onyame’s creation and the priest of the local shrine—I refer to him here physical and spiritual characteristics individuals with the Twi language general honorific Nana— have inherited from their predecessors, there saw that they were mainly motivated by greed: are ways to obtain ‘extra-human’ abilities. Most importantly, humans are considered to be able Author: Do they [pastors] give any to acquire and/or make use of the powers explanation why they preach against the of the spirits. People who are perceived as same gods that they consult for spiritual ‘powerful’ (wo tumi or wo sunsum) are thought powers? to have established a close relationship with the Nana: The explanation is money. spirits, and their success and accomplishments Author: And they say this bluntly to you? are integrally linked to that connection. This Nana: Yes. It’s all about the money. You see, relationship takes the form of exchange in the gods know this, and they don’t accept sacrifice. Although originating from the spiritual their offerings. They play with them. Just realm, power is, in principle, accessible to all, but like you just saw me playing with that in practice access to it is restricted by limited small child [I had met him in front of his knowledge and means. This again explains house playing tag with an infant]. I might the high value given to esoteric knowledge in take their offerings, but the gods won’t. traditional religion and the respect accorded Still, the pastors think that they are now to people who ‘know secrets’ (see Akyeampong powerful men because of the gods. and Obeng 1995: 483–484). The possibility of humans harnessing The response of my informant differs from the spiritual powers was at the heart of the ideology statements made by Kwaku Bonsam in the of traditional chieftaincy. More recently it has sense that he sees the pastors’ attempts to tap been extended to modern politicians, as they,
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too, are considered to possess a greater spiritual suggests and movement between the two is not backing, resulting in numerous stories about seen as problematic in the same way. politicians obtaining ‘jujus’ that make them In contemporary traditionalist perceptions rich or invulnerable against traffic accidents Christianity is seen as an ‘ethnic’ religion— or assassination attempts, among other things. ‘good for the Europeans’, as one of my Consequently, politicians’ relationships with informants put it—and it is considered to traditional priests are a popular topic of gossip share the same mythical origin with traditional and sensationalist journalism. In contemporary religion and Islam. Namely, it is maintained Pentecostalist accounts, they are treated as pacts that when Onyame created humans he gave with the devil (see, e.g. Kallinen 2016: 154–169). the Bible to the Europeans, the Quran to the In the traditionalist exposés of Christian pastors Muslims, and the traditional religion to the this idea has been expanded even further. It is Africans. From this position, Christianity and claimed that the success of certain pastors rests traditionalism are merely two different ways on a spiritual backing provided by traditional of serving the same God. Thus, when I have gods. As evidence the traditional priests asked about the relationship between the two offer accounts of how they themselves have religions from traditional priests the reply has mediated spiritual powers in such a way, or to often been ‘it’s the same God’ or ‘there is only put it another way, how they have had pastors as one God’. Accordingly, some emphasize that their ‘clients’. This creates a problematic moral ‘they [Ghanaian Christians] should understand arrangement, where the ‘dirty secret’ of the that the abosom are also children of God’. These Christian pastor is the traditional priest, who ideas may have been influenced by certain eventually comes out in the open exposing the intellectual strands in missionary Christianity, secret. which sought to trace the historical roots According to theologian Ogbu Kalu of Akan religion back to ancient Israel, thus (2002: 117–122), relationships between spirits proposing that the principles of the traditional and people form a ‘covenant structure’ that religion could be understood as an ‘other is characteristic of what he calls an African Old Testament’ anticipating the coming worldview. Most importantly though, he of Christianity (see Debrunner 1967: 6–7). points to the idea that the covenant structure Consequently, traditional religion would share is also typical of Pentecostalism. In both ways the same God as Abrahamic religions. Another of thinking, humans are seen to search for idea entertained by some missionaries working support and protection in their this-worldly in Ghana subscribed to the degeneration undertakings by making contracts with spiritual thesis, claiming that traditional religion had agents. Therefore, religious conversion could originally been monotheistic, formed around be viewed simply as a change of allegiances. the worship of one high God, but ‘deteriorated’ As Kalu puts it, ‘the solution to problems of during the course of history to polytheism (see affliction and defeat in life is to exchange Meyer 1999: 60–62). Later on, it was proposed the covenant with the wicked spirits for the that traditional religion could be ‘refined’ by covenant with Christ’ (ibid.: 133). Accordingly, amplifying its monotheistic tendencies and from a traditionalist point of view, the difference downplaying the polytheistic and ‘fetishist’ between traditional religion and Christianity is elements (see, e.g., Rattray 1929: vi–xiii). not as dramatic as Pentecostal demonization Despite possible missionary influences, it is
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evident that the idea about Akan religion and shared divinity. The Christians seldomly sharing the same origin with Christianity has agree with this. Although some present- been a part of indigenous religious thinking day theological thinkers accept the idea of for a considerably long time. The notion about traditionalists and Christians sharing the the ‘creation’ of different religions, which was same God (see, e.g., Sarpong 1996), the issue explained to me in my fieldwork, was already of spirits functioning as mediators between in circulation during the nineteenth century. God and humans remains highly problematic. For example, in 1876 the then king of Asante, Consequently, the notion of the basic similarity Asantehene Mensa Bonsu, turned down the of Christianity and traditional religion has been request of the Wesleyan-Methodist mission mostly rejected by the Christians that I have for re-commencing missionary work in his interviewed. The rejection has been justified kingdom, by stating that the Asante people on varying grounds. Some emphasize the idea already knew God: of direct relationship between the believer and the Christian God, which makes any kind of The Bible is not a book for us. God at the spiritual intermediaries unnecessary, and thus beginning gave the Bible to the white questions the traditionalist logic. For others, people, another book to the Cramos traditionalists are ‘worshippers of sticks and [Muslims] and the fetish to us. Our stones’, implying that the gods worshipped by fetishes are God’s interpreters to us. If them are fetishes in the Enlightenment sense God requires a human sacrifice or a sheep, of the term. Lastly, there are, of course, the He tells our fetishes, and they tell us, and Pentecostals who assert categorically that ‘these we give them. They tell us too where the spirits are not from God’ and thus reinforce gold is with which we trade. We know the conception about the satanic nature of God already ourselves, and we cannot do the indigenous spirit world. Therefore, in without human sacrifices. Pentecostalism the possibility for synthesis is As to the [Ten] Commandments of God, rejected as traditional religion is seen as utterly we know that we keep them all. We keep incompatible with Christianity. the first through our fetishes. In Ashanti Against this background it is evident that we do not allow people to abuse the name the revelatory media strategies adopted by the of God. As to keeping the Sabbath we have Pentecostals and traditionalist work toward always kept it. If a man steals we kill him different kinds of ideological ends. For the (…) If a man takes the wife of another we Pentecostals revelation is an instrument for the kill him. If a man commits murder we kill demonization and denunciation of something him too. (Cited in McCaskie 1995: 140) they recognize as immoral. It works for rupture, not synthesis. The traditionalists, in contrast, Considering the above, it could be said that do not demonize Christianity—they are rather there is a relatively long-standing notion among trying to reveal the connectedness between the traditionalists that the two religions stand in Christians and traditional gods. In traditionalist a relation of ‘siblingship’ rather than extraneity. thinking Christianity has already been encom Hence, there appears to be an aspiration for a passed by defining it as one of the three ways synthesis, in which the existence of Christianity to worship God, but ‘media traditionalists’ like is explained by reference to a common origin Kwaku Bonsam and Chief Naatia suggest
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something more radical in their exposés by talked to are offended by and frustrated with showing that the ‘powers’ of Christian pastors the Pentecostal demonizing. As one of my are actually dependent on them. Those who informants, who had been publicly targeted by claim to have a direct relationship with God a pastor, stated, ‘he should come here and say it and supposedly have no need for intermediaries to the gods, but he will not’, suggesting that the are now being relegated to the bottom of the pastor deliberately spread lies about him but did ladder. In order to become empowered by not have the courage to face the consequences. God they need to enter into secrets covenants On the other hand, there are also those who with traditional gods through their priests. think that it is not their place to criticize the However, when they publicly denounce those fake pastors. Even priests who openly admit to same gods they are betraying the possibility of ‘making pastors great’, and are obviously well synthesis and thus invite the moral judgement aware of the diabolization discourses, seem to of traditionalists. accept that the spirits have given their powers to whom they want and it is not their business to Conclusions doubt their choices. The curious thing with the examples of Kwaku Bonsam and Chief Naatia have been Kwaku Bonsam and Chief Naatia is that, while able to adopt the revelatory media format and they expose the fake pastors and false prophets, turn the traditional religion’s emphasis on they, in a way, also expose themselves. They secrecy to their advantage. They cannot and do reveal that the ‘powers’ of the Christian pastors not reveal their own secrets in public, but they actually originate from indigenous gods and can reveal the secrets of others. In the case of the are mediated by the priests themselves. But former, this is justified by the allegedly immoral how such powers are located and obtained behavior of others, for which the punishment is still remains a secret possessed and guarded public revelation. Previously, the traditionalists by the priests. Thus their ‘media strategy’ relies have been accused by the Christians of holding on an interplay of secrecy and revelation. It is immoral secrets, but now it seems that the certainly true that traditionalists like Kwaku tables have turned. Bonsam are adopting formats and modes of Although Kwaku Bonsam and Chief Naatia representation that are similar to those used are exceptional traditional priests in the sense by the Pentecostals, and on the surface the that they (along with few others) work through difference between traditional religion and social media, their views about Christian Pentecostalism becomes diminished. However, pastors resonate with those of the traditionalists what is being attempted by the traditionalists in general. Many appear to think that Kwaku is something far more revolutionizing. As Bonsam is saying out loud what everybody I understand it, their goal is to transform is thinking. Lamote (2012: 190) reports that a binary opposition into a hierarchical synthesis. the priests he worked with did ‘not appreciate Instead of merely questioning the valuations of the constant public insults by the Pentecostal the dualisms rehearsed by Pentecostals they seek pastors’ and consequently ‘approved and enjoyed’ to discuss Ghanaian Christianity as something the humiliations arranged by Kwaku Bonsam. encompassed by traditional cosmology. Similarly, some of the traditional priests I have
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Notes 9 Enlightened Christian Gathering: About Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, 1 The video is published on YouTube with title (http://www.ecgghana.org/about.php). ‘Nana Kwaku Bonsam, why some of the pastors 10 See, e.g., ‘A Visit From the Devil’, New York are rich and church members are poor, false Times, 19th July 2013 (https://www.nytimes. prophets’ com/2013/07/21/nyregion/feared-traditional- (https://www.youtube.com/ priest-from-ghana-spends-a-year-in-the-bronx. watch?v=Zy_54M17XSA&t=519s). html); ‘Ghanaian witch doctor claims he caused 2 I use the terms traditional priest, traditionalist, Cristiano Ronaldo’s knee injury’, The Guardian, and traditional religion as native categories. 4th June 2014 (https://www.theguardian.com/ They are terms used by the people themselves, football/2014/jun/04/cristiano-ronaldo- when speaking English. As will become evident portugal-ghana-witch-doctor). below, it is in no way suggested that they would 11 The video with English subtitles is posted on somehow represent a ‘pre-modern’ religious YouTube with the title ‘Nana Kwaku Bonsam culture. collects his juju from fake pastor’ (https://www. 3 (https://www.youtube.com/ youtube.com/watch?v=iI_lFCutgLo). The video watch?v=1RmHXHICHuo) has been previously discussed by Meyer (2012: 4 Fieldwork took place in Kumasi, Ashanti 102–103) and De Witte (2017: 49). The most Region, in 2000–2001 and in Nkoranza, Brong- extensive treatment of the incident with many Ahafo Region in 2005–2006. It was conducted of its local ramifications is by Frederik Lamote with chiefs, traditional priests, and leaders and (2012: 188–195) who also conducted fieldwork members of local Christian communities. with Kwaku Bonsam. 5 According to the national census of 2010, 71.2% 12 Anas Aremeyaw Anas – official website of the population are Christians, 17.6% Muslims, (https://anasaremeyawanas.org/). and 5.2% traditionalists. 28.3% of all Ghanaians 13 ‘Pastors Come To Me For Juju Says Nana Kwaku consider themselves Pentecostal-charismatic and Bonsam’ hence they form the biggest Christian group in (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=USogrjgiAtI). the country (Ghana Statistical Service 2012: 6, 40). As others have also pointed out (see, e.g., De Witte 2018: 3), census data offers an imperfect References reflection of religious reality. Censuses are based on an idea of singular religious identity, which is Akyeampong, Emmanuel and Pashington Obeng highly problematic, especially in a country like 1995. Spirituality, Gender, and Power in Asante Ghana, where many people do not treat different History. International Journal of African Historical religions as mutually exclusive categories (see Studies 28 (3): 481–508. Lambek 2008: 124–125). https://doi.org/10.2307/221171. 6 Another important centralized nationwide Allman, Jean and John Parker 2005. Tongnaab: The organization for traditionalists is the Ghana History of a West African God. Bloomington: Indiana Psychic and Traditional Healing Association. It is University Press. specifically identified as an organization focused on ‘traditional medicine’, and not religion, but its Anas, Aremeyaw Anas 2019. Official Website. membership is comprised of traditional priests https://anasaremeyawanas.org/. (see, e.g., Allman and Parker 2005, 225–226).
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Cruickshank, Brodie 1853. Eighteen Years on the Gifford, Paul 2004. Ghana’s New Christianity: Gold Coast of Africa, Including an Account of the Native Pentecostalism in a Globalising African Economy. Tribes, and Their Intercourse with Europeans. Volume Bloomington: Indiana University Press. II. London: Hurst and Blackett. The Guardian 2014. Ghanaian Witch Doctor De Witte, Marleen 2004. Afrikania’s Dilemma: Claims He Caused Cristiano Ronaldo’s Knee Injury. Reframing African Authenticity in a Christian The Guardian, 4 June. https://www.theguardian.com/ Public Sphere. Etnofoor 17 (1–2): 133–155. football/2014/jun/04/cristiano-ronaldo-portugal- ghana-witch-doctor.
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Kwaku Bonsam, Nana 2017. Traditional Religion Meyer, Birgit 2011. Going and Making Public: Remove the Ice. 21 April. Pentecostalism as Public Religion in Ghana. In https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1RmHXHICHuo. Harri Englund (ed). Christianity and Public Culture
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