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The Political Economy of Hatred*
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HATRED* by Edward L. Glaeser October 26, 2004, Third Draft Abstract This paper develops a model of the interaction between the supply of hate-creating stories from politicians and the willingness of voters to listen to hatred. Hatred is fostered with stories of an out-group's crimes, but the impact of these stories comes from repetition not truth. Hate-creating stories are supplied by politicians when such actions help to discredit opponents whose policies benefit an out-group. Egalitarians foment hatred against rich minorities; opponents of redistribution build hatred against poor minorities. Hatred relies on people accepting, rather than investigating, hate-creating stories. Hatred declines when there is private incentive to learn the truth. Increased economic interactions with a minority group may provide that incentive. This framework is used to illuminate the evolution of anti-black hatred in the United States South, episodes of anti-Semitism in Europe, and the recent surge of anti-Americanism in the Arab world. * I am grateful to George Akerlof, Alberto Alesina, William Easterly, Lawrence Katz, David Laibson, Steven Levitt, George Loewenstein, Richard Posner, Jose Scheinkman, Jesse Shapiro and Andrei Shleifer for extremely helpful comments, and to the NSF for financial assistance. Giacomo Porzetto provided excellent research assistance. I am enormously indebted to Paul Romer, whose thinking, only some of which appears in Romer [1996], is the starting point for this paper. Naturally, I alone bear blame for my excesses and errors. I. Introduction From the Thirty Years’ War to the Holocaust to the contemporary wars in Rwanda and the Balkans, much of human misery is due to religious and ethnic conflict. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Proquest Dissertations
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print t>leedthrough. substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to t>e removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in ttie original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell & Howell Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMI* CHARITY WORK AS NATION-BUILDING: AMERICAN JEWISH WOMEN AND THE CRISES DSr EUROPE AND PALESTINE, 1914-1930 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Mary McCune, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2000 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Susan M. -
Sweating for Democracy: Working-Class Media and the Struggle for Hegemonic Jewishness, 1919-1941 by Brian Craig Dolber Dissertat
SWEATING FOR DEMOCRACY: WORKING-CLASS MEDIA AND THE STRUGGLE FOR HEGEMONIC JEWISHNESS, 1919-1941 BY BRIAN CRAIG DOLBER DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Communication in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2011 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committe: Professor Robert W. McChesney, Chair Professor James R. Barrett Professor John C. Nerone Associate Professor Inger Lisbeth Stole ii Abstract Using the framework of political economy of media, this dissertation examines the history of the Jewish working class counterpublic in the United States during the interwar period and its relationships to the broader public sphere. Between 1919 and 1941, organic intellectuals, such as B.C. Vladeck, J.B.S. Hardman, Fannia Cohn, and Morris Novik, employed strategies to maintain the Yiddish-language newspaper the Forward, worker education programs, and radio station WEVD. These forms of media and cultural production were shaped by internal conflicts and struggles within the counterpublic, as well as evolving practices and ideas around advertising, public relations, and democracy. Vladeck, Hardman, Cohn and Novik all helped to extend Yiddish socialist culture through the reactionary 1920s while laying the groundwork for an American working class culture represented by the CIO in the 1930s, and a broad consensus around a commercial media system by the postwar period. This history demonstrates the challenges, conflicts, and contradictions that emerge in media production within counterpublics, and posits that other similar case studies are necessary in order develop enlightened strategies to democratize our contemporary media system. iii Acknowledgments While this dissertation is the product of many years of labor on my part, I can not imagine having completed it without the support and inspiration of so many people. -
“Brothers and Sisters of Work and Need”: the Bundist Newspaper Unzer Tsayt and Its Role in New York City, 1941-1944
“Brothers and Sisters of Work and Need”: The Bundist Newspaper Unzer Tsayt and its Role in New York City, 1941-1944 Saul Hankin A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN April 3, 2013 Advised by Professor Scott Spector TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................... ii Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter One: Convergent Histories: Jewish Socialism in New York City and in Eastern Europe, 1881-1941 ................................................................................. 9 Chapter Two: The Bundist Past and Present: Historiography and Holocaust in Unzer Tsayt .......................................................................................................... 29 Chapter Three: Solving the “Jewish Question”: Anti-Zionism in Unzer Tsayt ....... 49 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 72 Bibliography ................................................................................................................... 77 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My sincere thanks go to the following people and institutions that made this thesis possible: Professor Scott Spector, my thesis advisor, in particular for always encouraging me to engage more with primary -
Confronting the Jewish Rejection of Jewish Particularism: Chaim
Confronting the Jewish Rejection of Jewish Particularism: Chaim Zhitlowsky’s Pedagogical Intervention into Ashkenazi American Assimilation (Image Source: Literarishe bleter 12, no. 21 (24 May 1935, special issue in honor of Zhitlowsky’s 70th birthday), 324.) MA Thesis Presented to the Faculty of Humanities at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem Ri J. Turner November 15, 2019 Program for Yiddish Under the direction of Dr. Aya Elyada Abstract Chaim Zhitlowsky (1865-1943), known primarily for his role as a theoretician of diaspora nationalism and political Yiddishism in the European context, spent most of the second half of his life (from 1904 on) in the United States. In addition to his work there as a cultural activist, he published a substantial body of commentary, mostly in the American Yiddish press, on the position of Jews within the American multicultural system. Historians have regarded his attempt to import an autonomist/multinational model into the American context as naïve; however, his observations about the American Jewish identity that was being constructed before his very eyes in fact comprise a consistent, theoretically deep, insightful, and iconoclastic political intervention which not only problematizes the place of Jews in the American ethnoracial system, but also offers a critique of – and a proposed remedy for – the hypocrisies intrinsic to the American liberal multicultural model itself. As I explore in this study, Zhitlowsky called into question the ability of a “cosmopolitan” model (in the American context, the “melting pot”) to allow for true democratic multiculturalism, and challenged the idea that ethnic particularism and universal humanism are in conflict. On these grounds, he proposed “progressive Jewish nationalism” – expressed concretely through the strategy of institutional Yiddishism – as a remedy for “assimilation,” which he considered a damaging phenomenon powered by false promises. -
The Revolutionary Potential of Mythology
The Revolutionary Potential of Mythology: Examining the Rise of Nationalism in Judaism and Hinduism in the 20th Century And the Egalitarian, Revolutionary Communities and Thinkers Who Challenge Statism, Nationalism, and Capitalism Within these Traditions Zachary Sager Morgan Thesis Adviser: Vasudha Paramasivan Comparative Literature Department University of California, Berkeley Spring 2017 i Acknowledgements First and foremost, I have to thank the massive amount of support I have received from my close friends and family who have not only encouraged and supported me throughout this project, but have also taken their personal time to give me notes on my work, enriched my interest in the study of politics, religions, and literature, and have all around been a copious wellspring of inspiration, both personally and intellectually. More specifically I would like to thank my thesis adviser Vasudha Paramasivan for working with me closely throughout the semester. Taking her class Religions in Modern India last semester provided me with many of the initial ideas that went into forming this comparative analysis I have created. Our weekly talks were both insightful, encouraging, and allowed me to check my own personal and academic biases throughout this research project. I certainly could not have done this without her expertise in the history of Indian politics and religions. I would also like to thank my professor Gilad Sharvit who’s class in 20th century Jewish philosophy peaked my interest in the subject and made me decide to pursue the examination of nationalist Zionism in this paper, as opposed to another tradition. He also provided support with (strictly informally) editing the introductory section on Judaism. -
Nonconformity in the Manchester Jewish Community: the Case of Political Radicalism 1889-1939
NONCONFORMITY IN THE MANCHESTER JEWISH COMMUNITY: THE CASE OF POLITICAL RADICALISM 1889-1939 A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2015 Rosalyn D. Livshin School of Arts, Languages and Cultures TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................. 2 ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................... 7 GLOSSARY ....................................................................................................................... 9 ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... 10 DECLARATION ............................................................................................................ 11 COPYRIGHT STATEMENT ...................................................................................... 12 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.......................................................................................... 13 THE AUTHOR ............................................................................................................... 15 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION: COMMUNITY, CONFORMITY AND NONCONFORMITY IN ANGLO-JEWRY. ............................................................ 16 1.1 The value of the study of nonconformity ............................................................................... 16 1.1.1 A restoration ..................................................................................................................... -
Democracy, Identity and Security in Israel's Ethnic Democracy
DEMOCRACY, IDENTITY AND SECURITY IN ISRAEL’S ETHNIC DEMOCRACY: THE IDEATIONAL UNDERPINNINGS OF INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE By Dubi Kanengisser A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Dubi Kanengisser, 2016 Democracy, Identity and Security in Israel’s Ethnic Democracy: The Ideational Underpinnings of Institutional Change, Doctor of Philosophy, 2016, Dubi Kanengisser, Graduate Department of Political Science, University of Toronto Abstract This work expands on the growing ideational institutionalist literature by proposing that institutional change and stability are influenced most substantially by changes to the underlying ideational network which link core societal ideas. These core ideas create the framework on which institutions are built and in which form they are fashioned. Changes to the ideational network lead to adaptive changes in institutions, but the difficulty in completely removing core ideas from these networks protects the institutions from substantial change. The theory is demonstrated using the case of the surprising stability of ethnic democracy in Israel in the wake of the substantial changes to the country’s economic and security realities. Small adaptive changes in the institution of ethnic democracy are traced back to changes in the balance between three core ideas: democracy, Jewish identity, and security. The overall stability of the institution, however, is linked to the enduring linkages of the three core ideas even as they experienced changes in their individual meanings. ii Too many years the Israeli left also accepted the separation between Jews and Arabs. First by looking away, then through submission, and finally wholeheartedly, it adopted the racist world view that the Arabs are not part of the political game. -
From Left to Right: Israel's Repositioning in the World
2015 年 3 月 第 2 号 The 2nd volume 【編集ボード】 委員長: 鈴木均 内部委員: 土屋一樹、Housam Darwisheh、渡邊祥子、石黒大岳 外部委員: 清水学、内藤正典、池内恵 本誌に掲載されている論文などの内容や意見は、外部からの論稿を含め、執筆者 個人に属すものであり、日本貿易振興機構あるいはアジア経済研究所の公式見解を 示すものではありません。 中東レビュー 第 2 号 2015 年 3 月 16 日発行Ⓒ 編集: 『中東レビュー』編集ボード 発行: アジア経済研究所 独立行政法人日本貿易振興機構 〒261-8545 千葉県千葉市美浜区若葉 3-2-2 URL: http://www.ide.go.jp/Japanese/Publish/Periodicals/Me_review/ ISSN: 2188-4595 IDE ME Review Vol.2 (2014-2015) FROM LEFT TO RIGHT: ISRAEL’S REPOSITIONING IN THE WORLD 左から右へ: イスラエルの政治的な長期傾向 Yakov M. Rabkin* 第二次大戦時に大量のユダヤ人避難民を受け入れたイスラエルは、1946 年の建 国時には共産主義的な社会改革思想に基づくキブツ運動などの左翼的思潮を国家 建設の支柱にしていたが、その後の政治過程のなかで一貫して右傾化の方向をたど り、現在では国際的にみても最も保守的な軍事主義的思想傾向が国民のあいだで広 く共有され、国内のアラブ系住民の経済的従属が永く固定化するに至った。 現在のイスラエル国家を思想的にも実体経済的にも支えている基本的な理念は、 建国時のそれとは全く対極的な新保守主義とグローバル化された「新自由主義」的な 資本主義であり、それは当然ながら国内における安価な労働力としてのアラブ系住民 の存在を所与の前提条件として組み込んでいる。 これは具体的にどのような経緯によるものであり、またイスラエル国家のどのような性 格から導き出されるものなのか。本論稿では政治的シオニズムがイスラエル建国後か ら現在までにたどってきた思想的な系譜を改めて確認し、現在のイスラエルが国際的 に置かれている特異な立場とその背後にある諸要因を説明する。 * Professor of History, University of Montreal. His two recent books are: A Threat from Within: A Century of Jewish Opposition to Zionism (Palgrave Macmillan/Zed Books) that appeared in fifteen languges and and Compendre l’État d’Israël (Écosociété). Both have been published in Japanese by Heibonsha. FROM LEFT TO RIGHT: ISRAEL’S REPOSITIONING IN THE WORLD In its pioneer years, Israel 1 was largely associated with the leftist ideas of collective endeavour and socialist solidarity. Early Israeli elites often came from the kibbutz and were vocal in their allegiance to social justice and equality. This, in turn, brought them admiration and support from socialists around the world. Few noticed that while praised by the left, Israeli society was steadily moving to right. Nowadays Israel has earned the admiration of the right and the extreme right in most Western countries. This paper should explain this apparently puzzling transformation in the international position of this small country in Western Asia. -
294 I T DIDN't HAPPEN HERE Socialist Movements, Left Came to Mean Greater Emphasis on Communitarianism and Equality, on the State As an Instrument of Reform
294 I T DIDN'T HAPPEN HERE socialist movements, left came to mean greater emphasis on communitarianism and equality, on the state as an instrument of reform. The right, linked to defensive establishments, has, particularly since World War II, been identified with opposition to government intervention. The rise of Green parties in Western Europe is merely one indication that the contest between these two orientations has not ended. The United States, without a viable Green party, appears as different from Western Europe as ever. NOTES 1. An Exceptional Nation 1. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, vol. 2 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948), pp. 36-37; Engels to Weydemeyer, August 7, 1851, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Letters to Americans, 1848-1895 (New York: International Publishers, 1953), pp. 25-26. For evidence of the continued validity and applicabili- ty of the concept see Seymour Martin Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double- Edged Sword (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), esp., pp. 32-35, 77-109. On American cultural exceptionalism, see Deborah L. Madsen, American Exceptionalism (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1998). 2. See Seymour Martin Lipset, "Why No Socialism in the United States?" in S. Bailer and S. Sluzar, eds., Sources of Contemporary Radicalism, I (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1977), pp. 64-66, 105-108. See also Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1989), pp. 247-248, 256-266; Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia: The Formative Period (New York: Viking Press, 1960), pp. 269-272, 284. 3. Richard Flacks, Making History: The Radical Tradition in American Life (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), pp. -
Social Democratic Responses to Antisemitism and The'judenfrage'in
Social Democratic Responses to Antisemitism and theJudenfrage in Imperial Germany: Franz Mehring (A Case Study) PhD Thesis Lars Fischer Hebrew and Jewish Studies Department University College London ProQuest Number: U642720 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U642720 Published by ProQuest LLC(2015). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract This thesis examines German attitudes towards Jews in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, focusing on a dimension of political discourse typically noted for its resistance to antisemitism: Social Democracy. Most scholarship on the dealings of Imperial German society with matters Jewish tends to focus specifically on self-defined antisémites and overt manifestations of antisemitism. In contrast, this study examines how a broader set of prevalent perceptions of (supposedly) Jewish phenomena was articulated by theoretically more sophisticated Social Democrats. Their polemics against antisémites frequently used the term 'antiSemitic' simply to identify their party-political affiliation without necessarily confronting their hostility to Jews, let alone did it imply a concomitant empathy for Jews. While the party-political opposition of Social Democracy against party-political antisemitism remains beyond doubt, a genuine anathematization of anti- Jewish stereotypes was never on the agenda and the ambiguous stance of Franz Mehring (1846- 1919) was in fact quite typical of attitudes prevalent in the party.