Ending Impunity for Killings and Disappearances in 1990S Turkey WATCH

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ending Impunity for Killings and Disappearances in 1990S Turkey WATCH HUMAN RIGHTS Time for Justice Ending Impunity for Killings and Disappearances in 1990s Turkey WATCH Time for Justice Ending Impunity for Killings and Disappearances in 1990s Turkey Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-934-8 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2012 ISBN: 1-56432-934-8 Time for Justice Ending Impunity for Killings and Disappearances in 1990s Turkey Summary ............................................................................................................................. 1 Key Recommendations ....................................................................................................... 6 Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 7 I. Building Momentum for Justice ........................................................................................ 8 Early Efforts at Accountability .................................................................................................. 8 The Ergenekon Case .............................................................................................................. 12 Growing Openness to Accountability? ..................................................................................... 15 Parliamentary Support ........................................................................................................... 16 Pressure for Accountability from Relatives of the Dead and Missing ........................................ 18 II. The Temizöz Trial ........................................................................................................... 21 A Climate of Fear ................................................................................................................... 25 III. Obstacles to Justice: Lessons from the Temizöz Trial ................................................... 30 Limited Scope of Investigation ............................................................................................... 30 Non-application of Witness Protection ................................................................................... 32 Witnesses Retracting their Statements ................................................................................... 36 Attempts to Direct and Intimidate Witnesses .......................................................................... 38 Threats to Lawyers ................................................................................................................ 40 Length of Proceedings ........................................................................................................... 40 A Social Obstacle to Justice: the Village Guard System ........................................................... 42 IV. Statute of Limitations: Limiting Wider Accountability? ................................................. 45 V. Thousands More Cases to Investigate ............................................................................ 55 VI. Recommendations ........................................................................................................ 61 To the government of Turkey .................................................................................................. 61 To the European Union and its member states, and the United States government .................. 63 To the Council of Europe ........................................................................................................ 64 Acknowledgements .......................................................................................................... 65 Summary Turkey’s modern history has been marked by impunity for serious human rights abuses highlighted by the state’s systematic failure to hold to account members of the security forces and other public officials for serious violations in the decades following the September 1980 military coup. In the 1990s, during the armed conflict between the Turkish military and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), government military and security forces compelled hundreds of thousands of people to abandon their villages, and carried out enforced disappearances and killings of thousands of civilians. Affected were mainly Kurds in Turkey’s southeastern and eastern provinces. The PKK also committed grave human rights abuses in the course of the conflict. According to official estimates, by 2008 the armed struggle between the military and the PKK had resulted in an estimated 44,000 deaths of military personnel, PKK members, and civilians. Despite two parliamentary inquiries in the 1990s into the state’s collusion in political assassinations and involvement in lawless activities, no-one in the Turkish state was held accountable during this period for the pattern of gross human rights violations committed by the military and security services. A handful of prosecutions in the domestic courts resulted in the conviction of low level members of the security forces and police, who received nominal, low sentences. But there was no attempt to probe higher level involvement of state officials or to examine whether the violations were a matter of state policy. There were positive indications of change in 2009, however, when a remarkable trial began in the southeastern city of Diyarbakır of a gendarmerie officer, retired colonel Cemal Temizöz, three former PKK members turned informers, and three members of the “village guard” (local paramilitary forces armed and directed by the gendarmerie). The prosecution accused the defendants of working as a criminal gang involved in the killing and disappearance of twenty people in and around the Cizre district of Şırnak province between 1993 and 1995. 1 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH | SEPTEMBER 2012 These twenty killings were just a tiny fraction of thousands of unresolved killings and enforced disappearances that took place in the area in this period, as well as many more in other provinces of the region and in some of Turkey’s largest cities. Nonetheless after years of impunity, the investigation and prosecution of these cases marked a significant milestone. Temizöz is the most senior member of the Turkish military ever to stand trial specifically for gross violations of human rights committed in the course of the conflict between the Turkish armed forces and the PKK. The trial, which started in September 2009, offers an opportunity to examine the obstacles to securing accountability in Turkey’s domestic courts for state-perpetrated killings and disappearances in the mainly Kurdish-populated southeast of the country in the first half of the 1990s. In January 2012, the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe described the trial as “a unique opportunity to shed light on a period of systematic human rights abuses in south-east Turkey, which feature prominently in the case-law of the ECtHR [European Court of Human Rights].” This report examines some of the lessons the Temizöz trial provides about the current obstacles to effective investigation and prosecution of past abuses and highlights some of the reforms required to allow the effective criminal investigation of the hundreds and possibly thousands of similar cases. The report recommends further steps the Turkish government needs to take to combat impunity in Turkey. Lessons of the Temizöz Trial The Temizöz trial highlights obstacles to securing justice for victims of human rights abuses in the region in seven key areas: • Limited scope of investigation: The prosecutor failed to explore possible chain of command involvement in the killings beyond Cemal Temizöz, for example by investigating the command responsibility for the alleged crimes among the higher ranking officers in the region. • Non application of witness protection: While Turkish courts have widely used orders to conceal the identity of witnesses in organized crime and terrorism trials, there has so far been little application of the Witness Protection Law in trials relating to crimes committed by the security forces. Application of the Witness TIME FOR JUSTICE 2 Protection Law in the Temizöz trial could have significantly increased the willingness of vulnerable witnesses to participate. • Witnesses retracting their statements: The Temizöz trial has demonstrated how witnesses called to testify because of their “insider” knowledge are liable to retract the initial witness statements they made before prosecutors when they appear before the court. Such witnesses include village guards, former PKK members turned informer, or military
Recommended publications
  • The Pre-History of Self-Determination: Union and Disunion of States in Early Modern International Law
    THE PRE-HISTORY OF SELF-DETERMINATION: UNION AND DISUNION OF STATES IN EARLY MODERN INTERNATIONAL LAW Han Liu* TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................ 2 I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 2 II. THE STATE AND THE NATION STATE ................................................................... 7 III. TERRITORIAL ACCESSION IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE ...................................... 9 A. The King and the Sovereign .......................................................................... 9 B. Land and Territory ....................................................................................... 15 1. Division of Realms ................................................................................... 17 2. Land and Sovereignty............................................................................... 18 3. Dynastic-Patrimonial Territoriality .......................................................... 20 4. Shape of Early Modern Territory ............................................................. 22 C. Aggregating Land: Conquest and Inheritance.............................................. 24 IV. OUTSIDE EUROPE: LAND APPROPRIATION AND COLONIAL EXPANSION........... 27 A. Just War as Civilizing Process: Vitoria’s Catholic Argument ..................... 29 B. Conquest or Settlement: Locke, Vattel, and the Protestant Argument ........ 31 V. THE JURIDICIAL
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey and the Failed Coup One Year Later | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2835 Turkey and the Failed Coup One Year Later by Omer Taspinar, Soner Cagaptay, James Jeffrey Jul 20, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Omer Taspinar Omer Taspinar is a professor of national security strategy at the National War College, focusing on the political economy of Europe, the Middle East, and Turkey. Soner Cagaptay Soner Cagaptay is the Beyer Family fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute. James Jeffrey Ambassador is a former U.S. special representative for Syria engagement and former U.S. ambassador to Turkey and Iraq; from 2013-2018 he was the Philip Solondz Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute. He currently chairs the Wilson Center’s Middle East Program. Brief Analysis Watch three expert observers examine a divided Turkey one year after the failed military coup of 2016. On July 13, Omer Taspinar, Soner Cagaptay, and James F. Jeffrey addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute. Taspinar is a professor at the National War College and an adjunct professor at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies. Cagaptay is the Beyer Family Fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at the Institute. Jeffrey is the Institute's Philip Solondz Distinguished Fellow and a former U.S. ambassador to Turkey. The following is a rapporteur's summary of their remarks. OMER TASPINAR W hile the authoritarian trend in Turkish politics is well documented in Washington circles, Fethullah Gulen is still very enigmatic for most Americans (despite his longtime exile in Pennsylvania). Some background on the Gulen movement's marriage of convenience with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP), therefore, provides important context.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey's Kurdish Opening
    Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli SILK ROAD PAPER October 2010 Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodav. 2, Stockholm-Nacka 13130, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey’s Kurdish Opening” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and ad- dresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Stockholm-based Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse commu- nity of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lec- tures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public dis- cussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this study are those of the authors only, and do not necessarily reflect those of the Joint Center or its sponsors.
    [Show full text]
  • 1944 Pan-Turanism Movements: from Cultural Nationalism to Political Nationalism
    УПРАВЛЕНИЕ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ MANAGEMENT AND EDUCATION TOM V (3) 2009 VOL. V (3) 2009 1944 PAN-TURANISM MOVEMENTS: FROM CULTURAL NATIONALISM TO POLITICAL NATIONALISM A. Baran Dural ДВИЖЕНИЕТО ПАН-ТУРАНИЗЪМ 1944 г.: ОТ КУЛТУРЕН НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ А. Баран Дурал ABSTRACT: The trial of Turanism in 1944 has a historical importance in terms of nationalism being an ac- tionary movement in Turkish history. When socialism turned out to be a dreadful ideology by getting reactions all over the world, there would not be any more natural attitude than that intellectuals coming from an educa- tion system full of nationalist proposals conflicted with this movement. However, that the same intellectuals crashed the logic of the government saying “if needed, we bring communism, then we deal with it without the help of anyone” was really a dramatic paradox. Movements of Turkism on 3rd of May did not curb the movement of Turkism, on the contrary, the transformation the government avoided most happened and supporters of Turk- ism spread to all parts of the country by politicizing. While Nihal Atsız, one of the nationalist leaders of the time- was summarizing results taken out from the trial process by his ideology, he could not even be regarded unjust in his remarks saying “The 3rd of May became a turning point in the history of Turkism. Turkism, which was only a thought and emotion and which could not go beyond literary and scientific borders, became a movement sud- denly on the 3rd of May, 1944”. Keywords: Turanism Movements, Turk nationalism, one-party ideology, Nihal Atsız, socialism, racism.
    [Show full text]
  • LGBTI Rights Before the European Court of Human Rights: One Step at a Time
    LGBTI RigHTS BEFORE THE EUROPEAN COUrt OF HUMAN RigHTS: ONE STEP AT A tiME Through the lens of key cases Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, December 2013 / N°624f - © DIMITAR DILKOFF /AFP December 2013 / N°624f - © DIMITAR 2 / Titre du rapport – FIDH Introduction ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------4 I – Equality in the family ------------------------------------------------------------------------------6 A) Access to marriage ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------6 1) Inclusion of same-sex marriage in the scope of
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Deep State
    #1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • 28. Rights Defense and New Citizen's Movement
    JOBNAME: EE10 Biddulph PAGE: 1 SESS: 3 OUTPUT: Fri May 10 14:09:18 2019 28. Rights defense and new citizen’s movement Teng Biao 28.1 THE RISE OF THE RIGHTS DEFENSE MOVEMENT The ‘Rights Defense Movement’ (weiquan yundong) emerged in the early 2000s as a new focus of the Chinese democracy movement, succeeding the Xidan Democracy Wall movement of the late 1970s and the Tiananmen Democracy movement of 1989. It is a social movement ‘involving all social strata throughout the country and covering every aspect of human rights’ (Feng Chongyi 2009, p. 151), one in which Chinese citizens assert their constitutional and legal rights through lawful means and within the legal framework of the country. As Benney (2013, p. 12) notes, the term ‘weiquan’is used by different people to refer to different things in different contexts. Although Chinese rights defense lawyers have played a key role in defining and providing leadership to this emerging weiquan movement (Carnes 2006; Pils 2016), numerous non-lawyer activists and organizations are also involved in it. The discourse and activities of ‘rights defense’ (weiquan) originated in the 1990s, when some citizens began using the law to defend consumer rights. The 1990s also saw the early development of rural anti-tax movements, labor rights campaigns, women’s rights campaigns and an environmental movement. However, in a narrow sense as well as from a historical perspective, the term weiquan movement only refers to the rights campaigns that emerged after the Sun Zhigang incident in 2003 (Zhu Han 2016, pp. 55, 60). The Sun Zhigang incident not only marks the beginning of the rights defense movement; it also can be seen as one of its few successes.
    [Show full text]
  • Digital Populism: Trolls and Political Polarization of Twitter in Turkey
    International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4093–4117 1932–8036/20170005 Digital Populism: Trolls and Political Polarization of Twitter in Turkey ERGİN BULUT Koç University, Turkey ERDEM YÖRÜK Koç University, Turkey University of Oxford, UK This article analyzes political trolling in Turkey through the lens of mediated populism. Twitter trolling in Turkey has diverged from its original uses (i.e., poking fun, flaming, etc.) toward government-led polarization and right-wing populism. Failing to develop an effective strategy to mobilize online masses, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP/AKP) relied on the polarizing performances of a large progovernment troll army. Trolls deploy three features of JDP’s populism: serving the people, fetish of the will of the people, and demonization. Whereas trolls traditionally target and mock institutions, Turkey’s political trolls act on behalf of the establishment. They produce a digital culture of lynching and censorship. Trolls’ language also impacts pro-JDP journalists who act like trolls and attack journalists, academics, and artists critical of the government. Keywords: trolls, mediated populism, Turkey, political polarization, Twitter Turkish media has undergone a transformation during the uninterrupted tenure of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP) since 2002. Not supported by the mainstream media when it first came to power, JDP created its own media army and transformed the mainstream media’s ideological composition. What has, however, destabilized the entire media environment was the Gezi Park protests of summer 2013.1 Activists’ use of social media not only facilitated political organizing, but also turned the news environment upside down. Having recognized that the mainstream media was not trustworthy, oppositional groups migrated to social media for organizing and producing content.
    [Show full text]
  • Cellular and Molecular Biology
    Cellular and Molecular Biology E-ISSN : 1165-158X / P-ISSN : 0145-5680 www.cellmolbiol.org Original Research Antioxidant capacity and phylogenetic analysis of twenty native grape cultivars in Siirt province, Turkey Mehmet Fidan1*, Mehmet Emre Erez1, Behcet İnal2, Süleyman Mesut Pinar3, Serdar Altintaş4 1 Biology Department, Science and Art Faculty, Siirt University, Siirt, Turkey 2 Agricultural Biotechnology Department, Agriculture Faculty, Siirt University, Siirt, Turkey 3 Van School of Healthy, Van Yüzüncü Yil University, Van, Turkey 4 Horticulture Department, Agriculture Faculty, Siirt University, Siirt, Turkey Correspondence to: [email protected] Received November 17, 2017; Accepted May 10, 2018; Published May 30, 2018 Doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.14715/cmb/2018.64.7.3 Copyright: © 2018 by the C.M.B. Association. All rights reserved. Abstract: The quality of grape cultivars not only depends on the grape cultivar but also is influenced by the molecular concepts and agro-climatic factors. For this purpose, four different grape cultivars were collected from five different locations in Siirt province (Turkey). Totally twenty different grape cultivars were investigated. In the present study, the antioxidant activity (total phenolic, flavonoid, proanthocyanidin content, DPPH and FRAP activity) in seeds were indicated and phylogenetic analysis (cpDNA;trnL-F region) of twenty native grape cultivars were investigated to construct their phylogenetic tree. According to reported data on antioxidant activity and content of phytochemicals, all cultivars exhibited different values from each other, but Rutik and Gadüv cultivars were found as significantly higher in comparison to others. According to bioinformatics analysis, twenty grape cultivars were distributed into six different major groups. Rutik and Sevkeye cultivars exhibit significant distinction from other grape cultivars.
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing the Aspects of International Migration in Turkey by Using 2000
    MiReKoc MIGRATION RESEARCH PROGRAM AT THE KOÇ UNIVERSITY ______________________________________________________________ MiReKoc Research Projects 2005-2006 Analyzing the Aspects of International Migration in Turkey by Using 2000 Census Results Yadigar Coşkun Address: Kırkkonoaklar Mah. 202. Sokak Utku Apt. 3/1 06610 Çankaya Ankara / Turkey Email: [email protected] Tel: +90. 312.305 1115 / 146 Fax: +90. 312. 311 8141 Koç University, Rumelifeneri Yolu 34450 Sarıyer Istanbul Turkey Tel: +90 212 338 1635 Fax: +90 212 338 1642 Webpage: www.mirekoc.com E.mail: [email protected] Table of Contents Abstract....................................................................................................................................................3 List of Figures and Tables .......................................................................................................................4 Selected Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................5 1. Introduction..........................................................................................................................................1 2. Literature Review and Possible Data Sources on International Migration..........................................6 2.1 Data Sources on International Migration Data in Turkey..............................................................6 2.2 Studies on International Migration in Turkey..............................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey Country Study
    Initiative on Global Initiative on Out-Of-School Children This report was prepared by an independent expert as part of the Global Initiative on Out-of-School Children with support from R.T. Ministry of National Education Directorate General for Basic Education and UNICEF Turkey under the Govern- ment of Republic of Turkey – UNICEF 2011-2015 Country Programme Action Plan. The statements in this report are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Ministry of National Education or UNICEF. ISBN: 978-92-806-4725-9 Cover Image: © UNICEF/NYHQ2005-1203/LeMoyne A girl removes laundry from the line at a camp for migrant workers near the city of Adana-Turkey. Contents Acknowledgement .................................................................................................................................................................................5 Preface ....................................................................................................................................................................................................7 List of Tables and Figures ....................................................................................................................................................................9 Acronyms ............................................................................................................................................................................................. 11 Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................................................................13
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey 2020 Human Rights Report
    TURKEY 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Turkey is a constitutional republic with an executive presidential system and a unicameral 600-seat parliament (the Grand National Assembly). In presidential and parliamentary elections in 2018, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe observers expressed concern regarding restrictions on media reporting and the campaign environment, including the jailing of a presidential candidate that restricted the ability of opposition candidates to compete on an equal basis and campaign freely. The National Police and Jandarma, under the control of the Ministry of Interior, are responsible for security in urban areas and rural and border areas, respectively. The military has overall responsibility for border control and external security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over law enforcement officials, but mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse and corruption remained inadequate. Members of the security forces committed some abuses. Under broad antiterror legislation passed in 2018 the government continued to restrict fundamental freedoms and compromised the rule of law. Since the 2016 coup attempt, authorities have dismissed or suspended more than 60,000 police and military personnel and approximately 125,000 civil servants, dismissed one-third of the judiciary, arrested or imprisoned more than 90,000 citizens, and closed more than 1,500 nongovernmental organizations on terrorism-related grounds, primarily for alleged ties to the movement of cleric Fethullah Gulen, whom the government accused of masterminding the coup attempt and designated as the leader of the “Fethullah Terrorist Organization.” Significant human rights issues included: reports of arbitrary killings; suspicious deaths of persons in custody; forced disappearances; torture; arbitrary arrest and continued detention of tens of thousands of persons, including opposition politicians and former members of parliament, lawyers, journalists, human rights activists, and employees of the U.S.
    [Show full text]