Coloniality, Foreign Military Basing, and Struggles Over the Subject of Sovereignty in Okinawa, Japan
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GEOGRAPHIES OF OCCUPATION: COLONIALITY, FOREIGN MILITARY BASING, AND STRUGGLES OVER THE SUBJECT OF SOVEREIGNTY IN OKINAWA, JAPAN by Kelly Lynn Dietz This thesis/dissertation document has been electronically approved by the following individuals: McMichael,Philip David (Chairperson) Tarrow,Sidney G (Minor Member) Feldman,Shelley (Minor Member) GEOGRAPHIES OF OCCUPATION: COLONIALITY, FOREIGN MILITARY BASING, AND STRUGGLES OVER THE SUBJECT OF SOVEREIGNTY IN OKINAWA, JAPAN A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Kelly Lynn Dietz August 2010 © 2010 Kelly Lynn Dietz GEOGRAPHIES OF OCCUPATION: COLONIALITY, FOREIGN MILITARY BASING, AND STRUGGLES OVER THE SUBJECT OF SOVEREIGNTY IN OKINAWA, JAPAN Kelly Lynn Dietz, Ph. D. Cornell University 2010 The dissertation explores the theoretical and political implications of the recent emergence of autonomist claims within Okinawa’s struggle against US military presence. Combining a world-historical perspective and ethnographic approach, I show how political shifts within the Okinawan demilitarization movement over time are seen as mutually constituted with the historical construction of not just the Japanese state, but state formation more generally: postwar decolonization and the conjoint transformation in military expansion, and more recently the emergence of alternative self-determination claims globally. Postwar decolonization and state- making legitimized military expansion in ways that obscured the continuing role of colonial relations in overseas basing, while it created new forms of colonial militarization via relations of citizenship. Okinawan autonomist claims against the Japanese state shed light on relations I conceptualize as internal colonial basing. This concept expresses enduring relations of coloniality between Japan and Okinawa making possible America’s continued occupation of the islands, but which are obscured by the representational claims of the Japanese state. Rather than a relation through which Okinawans’ rights are protected, Japanese citizenship is the mechanism through which colonization and militarization shape and sustain one another. Everyday experiences of foreign military basing intertwine with national and interstate arrangements to shape Okinawans’ perception of their citizen relations. Conditions of internal colonial basing reinforce Okinawans’ experiences as ethnically marginalized citizens, while simultaneously eroding the legitimacy of the Japanese state in ways that sustain citizenship as a salient identity. As a relation rooted in coloniality, Okinawans’ citizen relations thus shape the struggle in potentially transformative ways. Okinawans’ claims upon the state—reflected in new political identities, coalitions and alternative visions of the state-citizen relation—resonate with movements elsewhere, reformulating citizenship rights in substantive, historically concrete terms that challenge the abstract rights of the liberal subject, and politicize the meaning of sovereignty. Through the lens of the anti-base struggle, the dissertation thus sheds light on a broader politics of self-determination. By contributing to the erosion of citizenship and the crisis of the Japanese state in the Okinawan political context, the United States jeopardizes the legitimating apparatus it has relied on for more than thirty-five years. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Kelly Dietz received her Bachelor of Arts in Asian Studies and Japanese Language and Literatures from the University of Oregon in 1991. She worked for one year as an English teacher and, from 1992 to 1994, as a Coordinator for International Relations in Shimane Prefecture, Japan. After traveling throughout East and Southeast Asia for a year, she entered the University of Michigan’s Center for Japan Studies Masters Program. This took her to Hokkaido, Japan, where she was a visiting researcher at Hokkaido University of Education from the fall of 1996 to the spring of 1998. She began her doctoral studies in the Department of Sociology at Cornell University in 1999. After earning a Master of Arts in Sociology, she transferred to the Department of Development Sociology in 2003 to complete her studies. Her dissertation research took her back to Japan in the spring of 2004, where she was a visiting researcher at the University of the Ry!ky!s in Okinawa until summer 2005. Since the fall of 2007, she has worked as an assistant professor in the Department of Politics at Ithaca College. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis would not be what it is without the intellect, inspiration, encouragement, and cajoling of my committee members, Phil McMichael, Shelley Feldman, and Sidney Tarrow. Phil helped me to understand how and why history matters. His empowering mentorship was invaluable to my graduate work and the dissertation process. Shelley helped me to unthink the state I knew and to ask what power means and how it works at all levels. Sid helped me to understand the interplay between institutions and social struggle, and to make what I write count. Sid also kept me moving along—perhaps not as quickly as he would have liked—with his pithy words, “Just get the damn thing done.” Several others in my department offered much valued support to the process. Three professors, Max Pfeffer, Charles Geisler and Parfait Eloundou-Enyegue were also key to my training. Max helped me gain my footing in sociological theory and, together with Chuck, guided me through the hoops of graduate school. Chuck’s indefatigable curiosity made me appreciate what it means to be a student, while Parfait inspired and encouraged me to develop a sense of myself as a teacher. I also owe a special debt to Renee Hoffman, Mary Jordan, Terri Denman, Linda Warner and especially Tracy Aagaard: Thank you for always setting me straight and watching my back. I have been incredibly fortunate to be able to think through my research, and what it means to study social struggle, amongst an amazing collection of people at Cornell and beyond. They not only made graduate school enjoyable but also offered political and intellectual camaraderie: Emelie Peine, Chad Futrell, Anna Zalik, Razack Karriem, Hannah Wittman, Mark Johnson, Andreas Hernandez, Raj Patel, Pete Meyers, Andy Doyle, Jeni Wightman, Gayatri Menon, Karuna Morarji, Nosheen Ali, iv Dia da Costa, Alex da Costa, Jason Cons, Erin Lentz, Alicia Swords, Michele Moyd, Mindi Schneider, Adriane Smith, Emily Snider, Evelyn Bush, Elaine Howard- Eckland, Sandrine Poisson, and Christian Lentz. A special nod to Raj, who helped me realize the path I was forging should wind through the Department of Development Sociology. Also special thanks to Anna, whose untimely exit from Ithaca left me lonelier but under a solid roof where I could begin the process of writing. Particularly enriching and valuable to my research was my participation, with several folks noted above, in two research groups at Cornell, the Social Movements Research Working Group in the Polson Institute for Global Development, and the Workshop on Transnational Contention, both mentored with egalitarian collegiality by Phil McMichael and Sidney Tarrow, respectively. My fieldwork in Okinawa was made possible through the support of a joint grant by the Ford Foundation awarded to the Workshop on Transnational Contention. I am also grateful for write-up funding from the Polson Institute and Cornell’s Peace Studies Program (now the Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies). Special thanks to Judith Reppy for the opportunity to present a very early draft of my research to the Peace Studies Program’s dinner seminar, which gave me inspiration and direction. I want to acknowledge with deep gratitude the unfailing encouragement and unquestioning patience from my family, whom I apparently told that it would take three years to get my doctorate. I also want to thank Michael Burns for his constant support, encouragement, care and groundedness. He provided a beautiful and quiet space where most of the work herein took place. In the course of this project, however, I have learned that quiet can sometimes be deafening. It was only after I returned from my fieldwork in Okinawa that I noticed the relative silence of this part of Upstate New York. After sixteen months of living in v Ginowan City, Okinawa, where the jarring thud-thud-thud of military helicopters circling low over the city intervenes in the most private of spaces, I am startled by the quiet. It has added an uneasy yet important context for the write-up process. This project would not have been possible without the cooperation, insight, encouragement and friendship of so many people in Okinawa, who cannot so easily find quiet. With concern for inadvertently leaving someone out, I extend my heartfelt appreciation and respect to the Arakaki family, Nakachi Hiroshi and his family, the members of the Association of Indigenous Peoples in the Ry!ky!s, Hideaki Uemura and the Shimin Gaiko Centre (in Japan), Makishi Yoshikazu, Takazato Suzuyo, Mayonaka Shinya, Shimada Zenji, Miyagi Yasuhiro, Chibana Shoichi, Ishikawa Mao, Irei Hiroe, Kaneshiro Junko, Tomon Mitsuko, Moriyama Noriko, Higashionna Takuma, Iha Yoichi, Taira and Hitomi, Gabe Masaaki, Shimabukuro Jun, Miyagi Kimiko, Sato Manabu, Higa Masato, Peter Simpson, Shimamura Rei, the members of the Futenma- Henoko Action Network, the members of Inochi o Mamoru Kai, the members of Space Yui, Itokazu Keiko, Chinen Ushi, Douglass Lumis, Murata Norie,