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Book Reviews BOOK REVIEWS Messrs. William Pepperrell: Merchants at Piscataqua. By BYRON FAIR- CHILD. (Ithaca, N. Y.: Published for the American Historical Associa- tion by Cornell University Press, 1954. xiv, 223 p. Illustrations, bibliography, index. 13.50.) How was the succulent codfish cured in early New England for shipment to codfish-starved Spaniards, Haitians, and Barbadians? Who, in 1700, inhabited the desolate, rocky sand banks of the Isles of Shoals, redolent of little save the penetrating fragrance of lightly salted hake, so refreshing to State-of-Mainers and so revolting to effete residents of the hinterland? Why did brigs from Maine—the delightfully named Charming Molly, for ex- ample—ignore the precept that a straight line is the shortest distance between two points and sail out to mid-ocean to a point where the northeast trades slid them downhill to the "inconspicuous freckle that marked Barbados on their charts"? The first William Pepperrell moved in from the sand spits and the codfish flakes of the Isles of Shoals to the more sheltered waters of Braveboat Harbor and Kittery, just as Maine lobsters abandon deep bottoms for coastal ledges when Maine's west winds grow warm and favorable. That, however, is not to say that the Pepperrells were like lobsters in any other respect. The story of that first Pepperrell and his son, admirably told by Byron Fairchild, is the undiluted essence of seafaring New England: the tale of why it grew and how it grew, an account of the sort of probity, dar- ing, independence of thought and action that motivated the Americans who lived an "amphibious life" and thought in terms of roaming the seas instead of building another motel and littering every roadside with beer bottles. Those days are gone, but there are still sermons in them, sermons, in particular, in the inordinate number of ship captains—mere boys, most of them—and "the tremendous responsibility, trust, and discretion resting in the master under the conditions of colonial trade. Not only was he respon- sible for everything relating to the navigation of his vessel, but he was also personally accountable for the cargo." Even today one can feel keenly for Captain Clampitt and his experience with the insularity he encountered in the West Indies, far, far back in 1718. He sailed Pepperrell's Bonetta to Barbados, arriving in March of that year, and found himself, through no fault of Pepperrell or his own, obliged to den up in that tropic paradise. Three seamen in succession "took the canoe," as mariners then referred to desertion. Then a Barbadian on whom he depended "went to Bermuda for a change of air." Then the ship sprung a 495 496 BOOK REVIEWS October leak, the cargo had to be unshipped and the vessel repaired—and Captain Clampitt's delightful stay in Barbados was prolonged almost to August. He discovered, as so many have discovered since, that New England has charms that are far superior to anything that a tropic island can produce. "I was never," Captain Clampitt wrote, "I was never so weary of any place in my life." From beginning to end of Fan-child's book there are hints of stories crying out to be told in greater detail. Take the affair of PepperrelPs sloop, the Hannah and Sarah. One of Pepperrell's North Carolina business associates had been disbarred because the governor of North Carolina disliked him. So when Pepperrell's Hannah and Sarah put into a North Carolina port, she was seized, condemned, and sold. "Colonel William received the news with a violent outburst of indigna- tion. 'Such a barbarous action I do think never was known amongst those that pretend to be Christians,' he wrote to Moseley. 'I have traded to your country about thirty years and had always a design to serve the country as well as myself, but such proceedings make a whole country's character suffer.' If he were not given satisfaction in the matter, he declared, he was 'resolved to carry it home.' He had, continued William, 'upwards of a thousand pounds there and a good friend able to manage that affair to advantage; and I will spend every penny of it, but I will have justice done me.' Having obtained certificates from Barbados testifying that Captain Walker had legally cleared when he sailed, and finally denied the oppor- tunity of compounding with the local Carolina authorities, Colonel Pep- perrell appealed to the High Court of Admiralty in London. On February 15, 1725, three years after the seizure of the sloop, the appeal was heard; but the registrar of the North Carolina court refused to transmit the records of the original trial to England. Although the Court of Admiralty held the North Carolina official guilty of contempt and made an effort to obtain the records, Colonel William was still in search of satisfaction five years later." The Pepperrells were fighters, as was handsomely proved later when the second William successfully urged an expedition against the supposedly impregnable French pirate-nest of Louisburg on Cape Breton and led that expedition to glorious though slightly drunken victory. Every voyage their vessels sailed was a venture, and every venture, in a way, was a fight—a fight to make certain that the ship captains sailed the proper course, and were properly paid for their cargoes. There were days when English merchants complained about the quality of New England salt fish, and declared that "plain dealing seems to be fled away from the earth" —a British complaint that the Pepperrells countered by sending their ves- sels to trade in Cadiz during periods "when Spanish privateers were off the coast of Portugal as thick as herring." The Pepperrells even had to fight their own captains who "were given to sighting pirates with as great a propensity as Cotton Mather and old 1954 BOOK REVIEWS 497 William Stoughton had for seeing witches, and that a shipmaster also could be fallible on such an occasion was demonstrated by an experience of Colonel Pepperrell's nephew, William Frost. On returning to Piscataqua from a voyage to Antigua, Captain Frost told of being chased along the coast for three days by a large sloop. When he finally managed to outsail the sloop, so his story ran, she hoisted a black flag and stood in for Block Island. The incident was duly reported in the Boston News-Letter as a narrow escape, but the sequel to Captain Frost's story, appearing in the next issue of the paper, proved that not every black flag sighted off the coast was the 'Jolly Roger/ 'The sloop that was tho't to be a pirate which we mentioned in our last/ the News-Letter stated, 'is since arrived here, being Captain Hardy from Maryland who only endeavored to come up with Captain Forst's [sic] brigantine to speak with 'em, and what Captain Forst took to be a black flag was a great-coat which they had hung up to dry.' " "In 1718 George Jaffrey purchased four gallons of rum from Colonel Pepperrell at a cost of eight shillings per gallon. Eight years later another Portsmouth merchant, Henry Reese, bought some three hundred gallons of rum from the Pepperrells at six shillings. In 1732 the Pepperrells made one sale at six shillings per gallon, another, of 'choice Barbados,' at seven shill- ings, and a third at ten shillings; and in 1736 they sold Barbados rum at nine shillings per gallon. Elsewhere in New England the price of rum followed a similar trend, although apparently on a somewhat lower level. During the 1720's the domestic product was priced in eastern Massachusetts at four to five shillings per gallon and rose to six shillings sixpence in 1735. New England rum was also quoted at four shillings ten pence in that year, and Barbados rum at five shillings nine pence." Rum, sugar, molasses, corn, osnaburgs, cotton, wool, nails, cod hooks, kerseys, lead, lumber, cordage, sal soda, shingles, tobacco, masts, naval stores, large duckshot, coral duck for small sails, "a piece of broadcloth of a fashionable color as good as can be bought for twelve or thirteen shilling per yard with shalloon mohair buttons and silk suitable to make it up," five Negro slaves, wine from Madeira, salt from Cadiz, and rum, always rum. William Pepperrell owned thirty-five vessels at the time of his father's death in 1734, and no shipment was too insignificant to be rejected—rum, planks, more rum, rugs, furniture, silver buckles, spectacles, table silver, oil; "carry as much fish as possible to make the cargo valuable"; "desks, tables, chairs, iron pots, pails, earthenware, English goods, gunpowder and shot, salt, osnaburgs, axes, two pairs of steel yards, a barrel of blubber, a few quintals of dried cod, and the ever-present rum, molasses and sugar." The detailed information in Messrs. William Pepperrell gladdens the heart of one who spent years in collecting similar information from divers sources, a large part of them unreliable. Here are all the details to be had by merely consulting the bibliography and the index. "The schooner loaded 32^ 'lasts' of salt, which was entirely legal. The rest of her cargo, however, 498 BOOK REVIEWS October consisted of 100 boxes of lemons, 20 barrels of raisins, and 32 jars of olives, 6 quarter casks and 2 jars of oil, 7 casks of sherry, and 20 dozen silk hand- kerchiefs, all of which should have gone to America only by way of England. The return cargo of the Betsey cost only 7500 reales. The balance that re- mained from the net proceeds of the goods landed at Cadiz, amounting to 10,700 reales, was paid over to Captain Oram." The Pepperrell triumph at Louisburg was complete—until after the war, when jealousy, envy, and gossip did its usual dirty work, and when Louis- burg, with customary after-war idiocy, was given back to the French, neces- sitating further waste, war, misery and loss of life.
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