ROMAN APPLICATION OF AMICITIA IN ILLYRIA, 229 to 196: FROM THE FIRST ILLYRIAN WAR TO THE END OF THE SECOND MACEDONIAN WAR. by Verne Norman Martin A thesis submitted to Sonoma state University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Date copyright 1993 By Verne N. Martin AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER'S THESIS I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in its entirety, without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorb the cost and provide proper acknowledgement of authorship. DATE: Signature street Adres5 ROMAN APPLICATION OF AMICITIA IN ILLYRIA, 229-196: FROM THE FIRST ILLYRIAN WAR TO THE END OF THE SECOND MACEDON IAN WAR Thesis by Verne Norman Martin ABSTRACT Purpose of the Study: Amicitla is a Latin term that means "friendship," and was applied in relationships with other states when no formal commitment was necessary_ It was a flexible term, and varied in levels of importance depending on whom it was applied to. In some instances it meant nothing more than a distant friendship, and in some cases it could be a temporary alliance in war, but always ended after hostilities ceased. The purpose of this study is to answer how amicitia was applied in Illyria by Rome from 229 to 196. Procedure: To determine how amicitia was applied in Illyria various ancient sources were studied, and works by modern scholars were read. Relationships that included amicitia between Rome and other ancient states such as Egypt, Aetolia, and carthage were studied, to determine the various d1fferences of amicltla. The treatIes of the Illyrian Wars were evaluated, and how the Romans responded to the breaking of the treaty of the First Illyrlan War. Also, It was important to discuss the Roman procedure for declaring war and binding treaties. Amicitia was compared with the Latin term socIi, which means "allies," to understand how "friends'· were loosely bound, and "allies" were permanently under Roman rule. Findings: Amicitia and its application varied from state to state. The Romans learned it from the Greeks and the Carthaginians, and the Romans adapted its use. Roman wars could only be declared by defensive means, and the fetial priests, an ancient order from early Roman religion, determined when it was right to go to war. So, the flexibiity of amicitia worked well in the Roman legal-mindedness concerning the declaration of war. The conflict in Illyria was a process that began early, as Rome grew In influence down the boot of Italy. various geographical regions were important to control Lv to insure the safety of Rome, which involved Rome getting in conflicts with local powera and conquering them. One of these locations was the straits of otranto, which lay between the heel of Italy and western Greece. Illyrian piracy in these waters obstructed ancient trade routes, and Rome had to investigate the situation. A Roman legate was murdered, war was declared, and a Roman victory meant that amicitia was applied 1n Illyria. This eventually led to hostilities with Macedon, and Rome was permanently drawn into Greek politics. Amicitla 1n Illyria did lead to Roman conquest of the eastern Mediterranean. Conclusions: The Romans applied amicitia in Illyria in its most minimal form, as the purpose served just to keep control of the Straits of otranto. This allowed protection of Brundisium, a Latin Colony on the Adriatic side of Italy, the southern terminus of the Appian Way, the backdoor to Rome. Amicltia 1n Illyria increased in value as Rom~eacquIred more territory 1n northern Italy, s the en i e Adriatic became more important to t Roman S na e. Amicitia in rllyria wae absorbed into he bigge ? p ture of Greek politics, and by 167 Illyr .. ~.;came ~:"oman Province. Cha i r : Signature HA Program: History Sonoma state University Date: v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to thank the following individuals for their support and insight in the process of the research and writing of this thesis. Professor William Poe, Chairman of the thesis committee, for helping me get focused specifically on amicitia 1n Illyria, and the many hours of patience in the reading of the many versions of this thesis. professor stephen watrous, thesis committee member and Graduate AdVisor, for the many hours of discussion during his office hours and personal time as this thesis unfolded to the final draft. Professor Robert Jefferson, thesis committee member, for joining the committee, and for leading me to Tenney Frank's Roman Imperialism, which led me to keen inSights on the nature of the office of the Fetial Priests. Also, to my former Professor during my undergraduate years at the University of California at Berkeley, Erich Gruen, who referred me to the eighth volume of the second printing of the Cambridge Ancient History. It provided some current interpretations of the treaties of the First and Second Illyrian Wars and ~mJcitia. I first came across the subject of the Illyrian Wars when I was a Senior at U.C. Berkeley. I wrote on them in my historiography seminar, addressing the issue of Roman imperialiBm and comparing the conflicitng perspectives of the ancient historians: Polybius, Appian, and Dio Cassius. When I was coming up with an idea for a thesis topic I wanted to renew my interest in the Illyrian Wars, and expand on the subject beyond just a historiography assignment In an undergraduate seminar. vi The project was faring badly, but professor Poe pointed out a more challenging direction, which was to focus on Roman application of amicItia in Illyria. Whole new areas of information opened up, and I could see that "friendship" in Illyria was a part of a bigger picture of the developement of Roman foreign policy and expansion. I learned more about Roman law in the area of declaring war. By the time of the Illyrian wars, Roman diplomacy had reached a sophisticated level of sending envoys, but it was a system that originated out of the fetial priests. In the very early stages of Rome's developement as a city-state, these fetials treated war with a mystical fashion, full of spells and curses from the gods. As a result of this study I am shifting my interests away from the governmental and political aspect of Roman history, and more towards the culture of Rome. This came as a result of becoming more acquainted with the religious customs of declaring war 1n the very early Republic. I found the complexIties of Roman religion, and its connection with nature and everyday life, to be a new avenue of understanding Rome and the Romans. Another aspect of Roman culture I wish to explore is the poetry of Horace and catullus, the satire of Juvenal, and the first novel writer, petronius, and other writers of Roman literature beyond just the historians. Modernists tend to favor the culture of Greece, which is understandable, but there is a richness in Roman literature that identifies the Romans as more than just mImics of Greek culture. There is just as much Rome as Greece 1n the concept of the Graeco-Roman world. vii There is little point in expecting much of your own projects, when Fate has projects of her own. (petronius, The Satryricon, [821.) Do not inquire, we may not know, what end the gods will give, Leuconoe, do not attempt Babylonian calculat1ons. The better course 1s to bear whatever w1ll be, whether Jove allot more winters or this 15 the last which exhausts the Tuscan sea with pumice rocks opposed. Be wise, decant the wine, prune back your long-term hopes. Life ebbs as I speak; so seize each day, and grant the next no credit. (Horace, Odes, Book 1, Poem 11, "~~ guaes1eres.") Now spring bursts with warm airs now the furor of Harch skies retreats under Zephyrus • and Catullus will forsake these Phrygian fields the sun-drenched farm-lands of Nicaea & make for the resorts of Asia Minor, the famous cities. NOw, the trepidation of departure now lust of travel, feet impatiently urging him to be gone. Good friends, good bye, we, met in this distant place, far from our Italy who by divergent paths must f1nd our seperate ways home. (Catullus, Poem 46.) viii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENT • • • • • WI . .. .. • vi INTRODUCTION • .. lit • • • • .. • • • " • • • • t 1 Chapter 1. AHICITIA: DEFINITION AND APPLICATION . • . 13 2. HOW THE STRAITS OF OTRANTO BECAME IMPORTANT TO ROME . • lit .. .. • • 48 3. ROHAN APPLICATION OF AHICITIA IN ILLYRIA CHALLENGED BY MACEDON • . • . .. 71 4 . THE SECOND MACEDONIAN WAR . · 61 5. CONCLUSION · 94 Appendix 1. THE TREATY BETWEEN PHILIP V AND HANNIBAL · 103 2. THE ANCIENT SOURCES • 106 Notes INTRODUCTION . • • . 113 CHAPTER ONE . .. .. · .. · 115 CHAPTER TWO · 119 CHAPTER THREE . .. · . .. 122 CHAPTER FOUR . · 124 CHAPTER FIVE · 126 APPENDIX TWO .. .. , • 127 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .. .. .. " . , .. , · . • 129 Ix 1 INTRODUCTION I The purpose of this thesis is to answer the question of how the Romans applied amicitia in Illyrla from 229 to 196 1 B.C. It is a question worthy to ask, because in 229 the Roman Senate sent a consular army east of the Adriatic for the first time, and this was the first time the Senate initiated amicitia towards the Hellenistic world outside of Italy and Sicily. Prior to 229, Hellenistic monarchies and city-states initiated amicitia towards Rome. It is also interesting to note that amlcltia, a passive term that basically means "friendship," which parallels with the Greek word philia, set off quite a chain reaction once Rome established it with the Illyrians. After the First Illyrian War there followed a second war with Illyria ten years later, which led to a conflict with Philip V of Macedon.