University of the Western Cape Faculty Of

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

University of the Western Cape Faculty Of UNIVERSITY OF THE WESTERN CAPE FACULTY OF ARTS Decentering Nationalism: Representing and Contesting Chimurenga in Zimbabwean Popular Culture TINASHE MAWERE (3053624) Thesis submitted for the requirements of the DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Degree in Women’s and Gender Studies SUPERVISORS: DESIREE LEWIS & BRIAN RAFTOPOULOS November 2015 DECLARATION I, TINASHE MAWERE, declare that ‘Decentering Nationalism: Representing and Contesting Chimurenga in Zimbabwean Popular Culture’ is my own work and that it has not been submitted before for any degree or examination in any other university, and that all sources I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged as complete references. Signed: ____________________ Tinashe Mawere November 2015 Signed: ____________________ Prof. Desiree Lewis November 2015 i DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to Zvitutamatuzvi (Dung beetles) ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I greatly acknowledge and thank the support, contributions, generosity and tolerance that different individuals, institutions and funders directly and or indirectly extended to me at various stages in the production of this dissertation. Nevertheless, I take the responsibilities for errors of content and analysis that this work might have. My gratitude to the Andrew Mellon Foundation for advancing me a three year scholarship through the Centre for Humanities Research (CHR)’s Programme on the Study of the Humanities in Africa (PSHA) at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) can never be expressed well enough. The CHR provided a very rich and stimulating environment for academic exchanges and networking, hence contributed immensely to the interdisciplinary nature of this work. At CHR I would like to especially thank the Director, Premesh Lalu for his support during the fellowship and for organising the invaluable weekly discussions and readings, the yearly winter school programme and other academic engagements that gave shape to this study. Brian Raftopoulos was my mentor at CHR and I would like to thank him for his valuable guidance. I also thank the CHR administrator, Lameez Lalkhen for the excellent administrative work. A priceless debt of appreciation goes to my two supervisors, Desiree Lewis and Brian Raftopoulos for taking me through this work. Your encouragement, patience, valuable critiques of the several drafts and many other forms of assistance kept me going. I also thank staff and students from the Women’s and Gender Studies Department for the support. The numerous seminars and informal engagements were really helpful. Special thanks also go to Ngonidzashe Marongwe, my colleague at the CHR and cousin, who read and critiqued several drafts of this work, thank you Mavedzenge. A heartfelt gratitude goes to my parents, my siblings and the entire family for the belief, patience, inspiration and many other forms of support. Many thanks also to my friends who welcomed me in Cape Town and in many ways, sacrificed for my well- being. I also thank the many friends I met in Cape Town for moral support. iii I received generous, useful and thought-provoking comments as well as intellectual stimulation from fellow doctoral and post-doctoral fellows as well as lecturers affiliated with the CHR and the History, Anthropology, Women’s and Gender Studies and English Departments of UWC. Some of these include Leslie Witz, Ciraj Rasool, Heidi Grunebaum, Paolo Israel, Suren Pillay, Ngonidzashe Marongwe, Okechukwu Nwafor, and Godfrey Maringira. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge all those whose works I have used in this study and all the unnamed who directly or indirectly contributed to the shaping of this study. iv ABSTRACT This study seeks to uncover the non-coercive, intricate and insidious ways which have generated both the ‘willing’ acceptance of and resistance to the rule of Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe. I consider how popular culture is a site that produces complex and persuasive meanings and enactments of citizenship and belonging in contemporary Zimbabwe and focus on ‘agency,’ ‘subversion’ and their interconnectedness or blurring. The study argues that understanding nationalism’s impact in Zimbabwe necessitates an analysis of the complex ways in which dominant articulations of nationalism are both imbibed and contested, with its contestation often demonstrating the tremendous power of covert forms of resistance. The focus on the politics of popular culture in Zimbabwe called for eclectic and critical engagements with different social constructionist traditions, including postcolonial feminism, aspects of the work of Louis Althusser and Michel Foucault. My eclectic borrowing is aimed at enlisting theory to analyse ways in which co-optation, subversion and compromise often coexist in the meanings generated by various popular and public culture forms. These include revered national figures and symbols, sacrosanct dead bodies and retrievals, slogans and campaign material, sport, public speeches, the mass media and music. The study therefore explores political sites and responses that existing disciplinary studies, especially politics and history, tend to side-line. A central thesis of the study is that Zimbabwe, in dominant articulations of the nation, is often constituted in a discourse of anti-colonial war, and its present and future are imagined as a defence of what has already been gained from previous wars in the form of “chimurenga.” I argue that formal sites of political contestation often reinforce forms of patriarchal, heterosexist, ethnic, neo-imperial and class authoritarianism often associated only with the ZANUPF as the overtly autocratic ruling party. In turning to diverse forms of popular culture and their reception, I identify and analyze sites and texts that, rather than constituting mere entertainment or reflecting organized and party political struggles, testify to the complexity and intensity of current forms of domination and resistance in the country. Contrary to the view that Zimbabwe has been witnessing a steady paralysis of popular protest, the study argues that slogans, satire, jokes, metaphor, music and general performance arts by the ordinary people are spaces on which “even the highly spectacular deployment of gender and sexuality to naturalize a nationalism informed by the ‘efficacy’ of a phallocentric power ‘cult’ is full of contestations and ruptures.” v TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ........................................................................................................................ i DEDICATION .......................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......................................................................................................... iii ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................... v TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................ vi LIST OF ACRONYMS ........................................................................................................... viii LIST OF IMAGES ..................................................................................................................... x CHAPTER 1: DECENTERING ZIMBABWEAN NATIONALISM ....................................... 1 (Re)Thinking Zimbabwean Nationalism ................................................................................... 1 Theorizing Power, Culture and Nationalism ............................................................................. 3 Conceptualizing Zimbabwean Nationalism: Repression, Subversion and Performance ......... 11 Gender, Sexuality and Nationalism: A Postcolonial Constructionist Lens. ............................ 24 CHAPTER 2: ORIGIN STORIES OF THE ZIMBABWEAN NATION AND THEIR CONTESTATIONS ................................................................................................................ 38 Roots, Triumphs and Destinies................................................................................................ 38 Origin Stories: The (Un)Making of a Nation .......................................................................... 45 Glories and Re/presentations ................................................................................................... 59 CHAPTER 3: THE ‘LAND QUESTION’ AND ITS SYMBOLIC MEANINGS .................. 61 Re/Scaping Zimbabwe: ‘Motherland,’ ‘Son of the Soil’ and ‘Sovereignty.’ .......................... 61 After the Litmus Test: Tightening the Leash and Loosening the Grip .................................... 73 Hailing Subjects: Public Enactments of Reform and National Control .................................. 78 Femininity, Land and Nationalism .......................................................................................... 82 Land and its Mythical Resonance ............................................................................................ 87 CHAPTER 4: NARRATIVES AND PERFORMANCES OF STRUGGLE IN THE ZIMBABWEAN NATION ..................................................................................................... 96 Struggle and Space .................................................................................................................. 96 The Dead, Burials, Bones and Retrievals ................................................................................ 96 Heroes, Performativity and Chimurenga ..............................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
    Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program.
    [Show full text]
  • How the Elections Were Rigged
    MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE HOW THE ELECTIONS WERE RIGGED MDC REPORT ON MARCH 2005 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 12 April 2005 CONTENTS PAGE 1 Executive Summary............................................................................... 3 2 The Management Structure for the Elections..................................... 7 3 Electoral Administrative Processes.................................................... 10 3.1 Voter Registration........................................................................................... 11 3.2 The Voters’ Roll .............................................................................................. 11 3.3 Delimitation Commission ............................................................................... 12 4 Voters’ Ability To Freely Access Information of Their Choice ...... 13 4.1 Restrictions on a Free Press........................................................................... 14 4.2 Access To The State Media By All Political Parties..................................... 15 4.2.1 Electronic Media....................................................................................... 15 4.2.2 Print Media ............................................................................................... 17 5 Full Participation of Citizens In The Political Process .................... 19 5.1 Freedom of Assembly and Association ......................................................... 19 5.2 Political Violence and Intimidation............................................................... 20
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the 2000 Parliamentary Elections Zimbabwe 24 – 25 June 2000
    Report On The 2000 Parliamentary Elections Zimbabwe 24 – 25 June 2000 Zimbabwe Election Support Network ZESN 2000 Parliamentary Elections Report 1 Acronyms ANP African National Party CSO Civil Society Organisation ED Election Directorate ESC Electoral Supervisory Commission LPZ Liberty Party of Zimbabwe MDC Movement for Democratic Change MOP Multi – Racial Open Party NDU National Democratic Union NGO Non Governmental Organisation NPA National People’s Alliance NPP National People’s Party PDF Popular Democratic Front UP United Parties ZANU Zimbabwe African National Union ZANU PF Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) ZAPU Zimbabwe African People’s Union ZBC Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation ZCP Zimbabwe Congress Party ZESN Zimbabwe Election Support Network ZIP Zimbabwe Integrated Party ZPP Zimbabwe Progressive Party ZUD Zimbabwe Union of Democrats ZESN 2000 Parliamentary Elections Report 2 Table of Contents Members of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network ………………………… 5 Acknowledgements …………………………………………………………………6 Executive Summary ………………………………………………………………...8 Introduction ………………………………………………………..……………….10 The Report …………………………………………………………………………10 The Zimbabwe Election Support Network ………………………………………11 Working Methods ………………………………………………………………….11 The Election Context ……………………………………………………………...13 1. Constitutional and Legal Framework of the 2000 Parliamentary….….14 1.1 Constitutional Provisions ...……………………………………………….14 1.2 The Delimitation Commission and its Functions ……………………….15 1.3 The 2000 Delimitation Commission Report ……………………………15
    [Show full text]
  • Drought and the Politics of Hunger
    CCK- 10 INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Drought and the politics of hunger Casey Kelso #2 Wakefield Lodge Wakefield Road, Avondale Harare, Zimbabwe August 5, 1992 Peter Bird Martin Institute of Current World Affairs 4 West Wheel ock Street Hanover, New Hampshire 03755 Dear Peter: In the notoriously poor Zambezi Valley of northern Zimbabwe, people now eat a murky brown porridge of baobab fruit and silt sifted from dry river beds. The most severe drought of the century in Southern Africa has destroyed their harvests. Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has declared a national emergency and promised that no one will starve, but many people are going hungry. Some of the worst suffering is in the valley's holiday resort town of Kariba, but out of sight from the tourist hotels. About 250 families live in a shantytown on the outskirts of town, where they were dumped during the government's "clean up" frenzy before last year's commonwealth summit here. Locals call the squatter camp "Tatambura," which means "we suffer hardship" in the local Shona language. Others call it "Baghdad," after Iraq's bombed-out capital. Newcomers from the countryside crouch in cardboard shelters alongside the ramshackle "permanent" shacks of wood and corrugated tin. Twelve filthy toilets serve the community of 3,000 people. Flu and diarrhoea are rampant. Desperation shows in the faces of settlement residents. Although many squatters are employed as domestic laborers or work in the fish processing factories on the shores of Lake Kariba, they don't earn enough money to buy food at fast-rising prices.
    [Show full text]
  • Chiefs, Chiefly Powers, Evolving Politics and the State in Zimbabwe, 1985–1999
    152 AUTHOR: WINDS OF SMALL CHANGE: Lotti Nkomo1, AFFILIATION: CHIEFS, CHIEFLY POWERS, 1Post-Doctoral Fellow, EVOLVING POLITICS AND THE International Studies Group, University of the Free State STATE IN ZIMBABWE, 1985–1999. EMAIL: [email protected] ABSTRACT In 1980, the independence government of Zimbabwe DOI: https://dx.doi. adopted a political and administrative policy which was org/10.18820/24150509/ hostile to chiefs. The charge was that chieftaincy was SJCH45.v2.7 backward, unproductive, undemocratic, and a “sellout” institution that had sided with the colonial system. ISSN 0258-2422 (Print) Consequently, chieftaincy was relegated to the fringes ISSN 2415-0509 (Online) of the state, whereby it lost its authority over grassroots Southern Journal for judicial and land affairs, a key marker of its power and Contemporary History status. However, from 1985 the government began to 2020 45(2):152-180 court the chiefs by, among other ways, ceasing hostile rhetoric and promising to return them their “original” PUBLISHED: powers. The scholarship has mainly explained this shift in terms of growing political opposition, among other 30 December 2020 factors that challenged the government’s legitimacy. This article examines the relationship between chiefs and government from 1985 to 1999. Building on literature that has emphasised the government’s motives for turning to chiefs, it considers whether chiefs got their powers back. It argues that the state did not cede back to chiefs the powers they yearned for and continued to keep them at the margins of its administrative processes. It mainly sought chiefs’ legitimating and mobilising capabilities in the context of waning political fortunes.
    [Show full text]
  • Enforcing the Rule of Law in Zimbabwe
    ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM ENFORCING THE RULE OF LAW IN ZIMBABWE A report by the Research Unit of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Special Report 3 September 2001 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Special Report Enforcing the Rule of Law in Zimbabwe The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (also known as the “Human Rights Forum”) has been in existence since January 1998. Nine non-governmental organisations working in the field of human rights came together to provide legal and psycho-social assistance to the victims of the Food Riots of January 1998. The Human Rights Forum has now expanded its objectives to assist victims of organised violence, using the following definition: “organised violence” means the interhuman infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ mental and physical wellbeing. The Human Rights Forum operates a Legal Unit and a Research and Documentation Unit. Core member organisations of the Human Forum are: Amani Trust Amnesty International (Zimbabwe) Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Legal Resources Foundation Transparency International (Zimbabwe) The University of Zimbabwe Legal Aid and Advice Scheme Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender Zimbabwe Human Rights Association Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association Associate members are: GALZ and ZIMCET The Human Rights Forum can be contacted through any member organisation or the following personnel: The Administrator, c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email: [email protected] The Legal Unit, c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email: [email protected] The Research Unit c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email: [email protected] Telephone: 792222 737509, 731660 Fax: 772860 Website: www.hrforumzim.com All earlier reports of the Human Rights Forum can be found on the website.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Political Violence Report: April 2003 OVERVIEW
    ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT: APRIL 2003 24 May 2003 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Political Violence Report: April 2003 OVERVIEW The Parliamentary by-elections held in Kuwadzana and Highfield on 29 and 30 March 2003 resulted in organised violence and torture (OVT) within the two areas persisting as civilians, ZANU PF and MDC supporters reportedly descended on and victimised each other for allegedly voting for one political party and not another. Of the political parties in the Zimbabwean political arena, only members from the ruling ZANU PF and the opposition MDC were identified as being victims and perpetrators of political violence during the run up to and the period following the by-elections. Coupled with the MDC mass stay away on 18 and 19 March 2003, as well as the ZCTU mass stay- away on 23 - 25 April 2003, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum documented a number of politically motivated violations for the month of April. In one case, Richard Munthuli of Bulawayo allegedly grabbed and raped a woman as she passed through the Davies Hall. He allegedly raped her because he was not pleased with the by - election results in Kuwadzana and Highfield, in which the opposition MDC won the two contested seats. ZANU PF youths allegedly arrived at the home of one MDC election agent for Kuwadzana claiming to be policemen, broke down the door, and assaulted the victim and his wife on allegations of voting for the opposition MDC in the parliamentary by-election.
    [Show full text]
  • Africa Confidential
    www.africa-confidential.com 21 February 2003 Vol 44 No 4 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ZIMBABWE II 2 ZIMBABWE I Succession for sale Businessmen and publishers are This land is our land taking sides in the struggle to A secret government report shows how officials are grabbing farms succeed President Mugabe. and violently evicting landless farmers Newspapers are critical weapons A confidential government audit of Zimbabwe’s land reform has found widespread evidence of corrupt backing the two favourites – Defence Minister Sekeramayi and allocations and the use of violence by senior politicians and military officers to evict landless small Speaker Mnangagwa. farmers – the very people President Robert Mugabe claimed the land reform policy would help. Reports of corruption and abuses uncovered by the auditors will embarrass Mugabe, who has staked his domestic reputation on the speedy transfer of land to Zimbabwe’s more than two million landless poor farmers. ANGOLA 3 Now, from the government’s own investigations, it appears that not only has the policy precipitated a Beg, borrow and steal catastrophic fall in food crop production which, along with the regional drought, is causing as many as seven million Zimbabweans to go hungry but above all, the policy has financially benefitted the Angola should be doing well: its nomenklatura of Mugabe’s ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). civil war ended last April and the The audit(1), of which Africa Confidential has obtained a copy, reveals that some of the worst violations oil price has been boosted by the Iraq crisis. Yet the nation’s foreign of the land reform policy were committed by Mugabe’s closest political allies, such as Air Marshal reserves have sunk to less than Perence Shiri and Information Minister Jonathan Moyo, as well as Mugabe’s sister, Sabina Mugabe.
    [Show full text]
  • Ÿþm Icrosoft W
    A campaign A campaign in~itiated by The Africa Fund. TMay 28, 1992 To: Southern Africa Support and Human Rights Groups From: Adotei Akwei, Research Department Re: Drought And Famine in Southern Africa: There is a disaster in the making which will make the famine and drought cases of the 1980s seem mild in comparison. Southern Africa is reeling from the worst drought of the century which may ultimately claim the lives of millions of people. Among the most the most vulnerable as usual are the rural poor, the elderly ,and children. The severe drought caused by the warming of Pacific Ocean currents that affect air pressure and wind patterns known as "El Nino" is wreaking devastation on people already burdened-b inequitable land distribution and wars of destabilization. These wars have cost the region over one and a half million lives and sixty two million dollars in gross domestic product between 1980 and 1988 alone. In addition many of the governments are either in the process of dismantling or reorganizing to accommodate democratic reform and western style economic policies, leaving the majority of their populations without much of a safety net in terms of government resources. Beyond the immediate need for food there is concern about long term damage on the region.The southern African landscape of scorched fields of failed crops stretches from Angola to South Africa and is in danger of becoming a permanent dustbowl. The 10 nation Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) has launched a campaign to encourage international support to combat the famine which will affect close to 30 million people in Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Review, Vol. 25, No. 6
    Zimbabwe Review, Vol. 25, No. 6 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuzr19942506 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe Review, Vol. 25, No. 6 Alternative title Zimbabwe ReviewZimbabwe Review: official organ of the Zimbabwe African Peoples' Union (ZAPU) Author/Creator Publicity and Information Bureau of the Zimbabwe African People's Union Publisher Publicity and Information Bureau of the Zimbabwe African People's Union Date 1994-11-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Southern Africa (region) Coverage (temporal) 1994 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe: What Next?
    ZIMBABWE: WHAT NEXT? 14 June 2002 Africa Report N° 47 Johannesburg/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION..............................................................................................................................1 II. POST-ELECTION DEVELOPMENTS..........................................................................................2 A. THE POLITICAL STATE OF THE NATION........................................................................................2 1. Government Actions......................................................................................................................2 2. Opposition and Civil Society Actions ...........................................................................................3 B. THE ECONOMIC STATE OF THE NATION .......................................................................................5 C. INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS .......................................................................................................7 III. PARTY-TO-PARTY NEGOTIATIONS..........................................................................................9 A. THE FACILITATORS’ OBJECTIVES ................................................................................................9 B. THE GOVERNMENT’S OBJECTIVES .............................................................................................10 C. THE MDC’S OBJECTIVES............................................................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • Nuzn 1 9 8 7
    -WjpbA-mm -WjpbA-mm LET US FI HT AND tEBUILD ZIMBABWE ":: : ================== : :4'.- ::: ::. )To. Paer, packagin and people. We believe that Hunyani's success is a direct result of our conviction that the quality of our final product begins and ends with people. To this end, we concentrate our energies on developing and enhancing the quality of life for all those who work for us and all those who benefit from our products. As one of Zimbabwe's man-made resources, we devote considerable effort to conserving the country's foreign exchange whilst, at the same time, earning foreign exchange with our exports. We know that the present is a result of the past and what we do today will shape our future. At Hunyani we are helping to shape the future by developing manpower skills to produce the highest quality products. We are shaping not only our own future--but the future of all our employees, their families and our nation. As custodians of much of the nation's paper and packaging requirements, we see ourselves as part of tomorrow's blueprint. Forever pursuing those sensitive and enlightened policies which have helpedl to make us what we are today. IbunyarI Paper & PcgngUmited ( We've got packatility. '-~r 14549IR CONTEN" E d ito ria l .................................................................................................................................... ........................ 2 The Early Life and Work of President Robert Gabriel Mugabe ...................................................................... 6 F a m ily P ic to ria l ............. ................................................. .......................... ............................................ 3 2 ZANU (PF) and the Executive Presidency .................................................... 38 Presidential Pension and Retirement Benefits Bill, 1987 ............................................................................ 39 End of Year Central Committee Meeting P o in ts ra is e d t..
    [Show full text]